Dan Rostenkowski

Dan Rostenkowski
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Illinois's 8th, 5th district
In office 1959–1995
Preceded by	Thomas S. Gordon
Succeeded by	Michael Patrick Flanagan
Born	January 2, 1928 (1928-01-02) (age 81) Chicago, Illinois
Political party	Democratic
Spouse	Laverne, wed 1951

Daniel David "Dan" Rostenkowski (born January 2, 1928 in Chicago, Illinois) is a former United States Representative from Illinois, serving from 1959 to 1995. He was a member of the Democratic Party.

From a blue - collar neighborhood on the Northwest Side of Chicago, Daniel Rostenkowski - for more than a decade - from the Ronald Reagan revolution to the Bill Clinton new age, was one of the most powerful legislators in Washington. The son of an Alderman and a product of the Cook County machine, Rostenkowski was for many years Democratic Committeeman of Chicago's 32nd Ward, retaining this position even while serving in Congress.

In Washington, he rose by virtue of seniority to the rank of Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee in 1981. As Chairman of Ways and Means, he played an important role in U.S. Trade Policy, the enactment of the Tax Reform Act of 1986 as well as major reforms of the welfare system, health care and Social Security programs. Rostenkowski was legenday for his ability to close legislative deals between the toughest power brokers in the U.S., from union chiefs to corporate titans to the president himself. He is credited with securing billions of dollars for projects in Chicago and throughout Illinois. The book, Chicago and the American Century, called Rostenkowski the sixth most significant politician to come from Chicago in the twentieth century.

Rostenkowski was also considered a longtime leader of Chicago Polonia and was seen to represent its interests in Washington along with fellow Congressman Roman Pucinski.

Contents 1 Early life and political beginnings 2 Illinois Legislature 3 Connecting with the Kennedys 4 Early years, U.S. Congress 5 1968 Democratic National Convention 6 Political payback 7 Political comeback 8 Federal charges 9 Changing times 10 Current life 11 Books 12 Notes 13 External links

Early life and political beginnings

Dan Rostenkowski was born into a political family in Chicago to Joseph P. and Priscilla (Dombrowski) Rostenkowski. His father, Joe, locally known as, “Big Joe Rusty” served as Alderman and committeeman of the predominantly Polish 32d Ward in what was then known as "Polish Downtown" for twenty-four years. As a child, Dan and his two sisters, Marcie and Gladys often saw their family home double as a meeting place for precinct captains from his father’s ward organization. In 1941, at the age of thirteen, Dan accompanied his father to Washington to witness the inauguration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt for his third term.(Merriner 33) In 1955 his father lost his aldermanic seat after supporting an obscure City Clerk named Richard J. Daley for Mayor over a fellow Polish leader named Benjamin Adamowski.

Following his graduation from St. Stanislaus grammar school, Rostenkowski attended St. John's Military Academy in Delafield, Wisconsin, where he earned letters in baseball, football, basketball and track. After graduating from St. John’s in 1946, he enlisted in the United States Army and served for two years as a private with the Seventh Infantry Division in Korea. In 1949 he tried out for the Philadelphia Athletics, but his father convinced him to give up his dream and come home, as his mother was losing a battle with cancer. After her death, he enrolled at Loyola University in Chicago.

Illinois Legislature

In 1952, while still a student at Loyola, the twenty-four –year-old Rostenkowski was elected to the Illinois House of Representatives in Springfield, Illinois. He was its youngest member. As a state lawmaker, Rostenkowski worked on the planning and financing of a major federal highway from downtown Chicago to the new O'Hare International Airport. Like Daley and many other Chicago politicians before him, serving in Springfield was often viewed as a first step to a higher office in Chicago. The perception of the state legislature as training ground went hand in hand with another idea, that Chicago, not Springfield or Washington constituted the most desirable locus of political life.” (Cohen 24) After two years in the House, he was elected to the Illinois State Senate in 1954. In 1957 he pushed a bill to extend state funded free polio vaccines to children as well as a bill that would have provided bonuses of up to $555 for Korean War veterans - financed by a one-cent cigarette tax. It passed, but was later rejected by Illinois voters in a 1958 referendum.(Merriner 76)

While serving his second term in the senate, Chicago Mayor, Richard J. Daley suggested that he run for clerk of the Cook County Court, instead, Rostenkowski pushed for and received Daley’s support to run for the United States Congress.

Connecting with the Kennedys

As a young and outgoing urban Democrat, new to Washington, Rostenkowski quickly found mentors and made friends with other Democrats. His relationship with Massachusetts Reps. Edward Boland and Torbert McDonald as well as John F. Kennedy aids Lawrence O’Brien and Kenny O’Donnell led to his involvement in JFK’s run for the White House. In 1960 at the request of the Kennedy campaign he gave speeches in southern states for Kennedy. Meanwhile back in Chicago, the Daley machine and Rostenkowski’s own 32 ward organization were turning out huge numbers of Democratic voters for Kennedy.

On September 26, 1960 Rostenkowski witnessed what many consider the turning point in Kennedy’s battle with Richard Nixon. Kennedy invited Rostenkowski to the CBS studios in downtown Chicago to view in person, the first ever televised Presidential debate. Unaware of the two candidates’ stark differences on camera, Rostenkowski later said “I was under the impression that Kennedy lost the debate.” ( 48 Cohen)

In the aftermath of Kennedy’s assassination Rostenkowski was one of a small group who made regular visits to Jacqueline Kennedy's home in Georgetown. "On a regular basis Kenny O’Donnell would get three or four of us from Capitol Hill, who worked with Jack Kennedy, together at Jackie’s house. We would sit around Jackie’s living room with Bobby Kennedy eat sandwiches, have some drinks and tell war stories. Jackie would laugh so hard her side would hurt sometimes. (O’Donnell, 339)

Early years, U.S. Congress

In his first decade in Congress, Rostenkowski gradually attained a position of influence in the House. In his freshman term he secured a position on the Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee. After the death Illinois congressional delegation leader Thomas J. O’Brien in 1964, Rostenkowski inherited O’Brien’s seat on the Ways and Means Committee. In 1966 and again in 1968, he was elected chairman of the House Democratic Caucus. "His rough edges, Chicago syntax, and intimidating bulk made him a stereotype of Chicago machine Democrats who the Washington media enjoyed portraying as mere stooges of mayor Richard J. Daley". (ciccone)

During his early years in congress, Rostenkowski’s record was typical of a northern democrat with close ties to a powerful big city political organization. He made sure that Chicago received its full share of funds under programs like the Law Enforcement Assistance Act. And in the face of white backlash from his district, he supported civil rights legislation and the various social welfare programs that made up President Lyndon B. Johnson's War on Poverty. He also argued in favor of federal funding of inner-city renewal projects and urban mass transit networks.

By 1967, Daley often looked to Rostenkowski as Chicago’s chief liaison in Washington, and counted on him to deliver federal funds to “grease" the machine with special projects. Rostenkowski got the job done and kept the Chicago machine alive at a time when other big city machines were nearing extinction.(cohen,76) He supported the American effort in Vietnam until 1971, when he joined anti-war Congressmen in an attempt to force a quick withdrawal of American troops by voting against certain military appropriation bills.

A great admirer of Lyndon Johnson, he was tapped by the President to second the nomination of Hubert Humphrey as his vice president at the 1964 Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City. Four years later, at the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Johnson would again ask Rostenkowski to take the podium, but this time the results proved costly to the young congressman’s future in Washington.

1968 Democratic National Convention

Met by anti-war protesters, racial unrest, and rioting on the streets, the 1968 Democratic National Convention, held at the Chicago Amphitheater proved an international embarrassment for the city. House Majority Leader Carl Albert, the convention chairman, and Rostenkowski’s boss, was unable to control the rowdy behavior of the delegates inside the hall. Rostenkowski happened to be manning the phones on the podium when a furious Lyndon Johnson called from his Texas ranch and ordered him to take over the gavel to quiet the proceedings on the convention floor. (Ciccone) Rostenkowski did, but an embarrassed Albert never forgave him.

Two years later, Rostenkowski was running for a third term as chairman of the Democratic Caucus and did not expect any opposition. But to his surprise, the Texas delegation nominated their colleague, Olin Teague, a popular war hero and Chairman of the Veteran's Affairs Committee. Even though Teague announced that he was not a candidate, they elected him anyway, 155 to 91. “I got defeated by Tiger Teague, who voted for me,” exclaimed Rostenkowski. “I saw him vote for me.” The liberal Democrats voted against Rostenkowski because of his ties to Mayor Daley, who was a pariah because of the 1968 convention and many of Albert’s friends voted against him because of the feud. (Remini,429)

Political payback

A few weeks later, Albert was elected Speaker of the House while Hale Boggs, replaced him as majority leader. Boggs asked the new speaker three times to name Rostenkowski assistant majority leader and three times Albert refused. (Remini 429)

Albert instead picked Rostenkowski’s close friend Tip O'Neill to become whip. This allowed O’Neill to leap over Rostenkowski on the leadership ladder, a ladder that led to O'Neill becoming speaker just six years later. "The events of that January shadowed the relationship between O'Neil and Rostenkowski from that point on" said former Representative James Shannon, "Every step of the way, Danny Rostenkowski looked at Tip O'Neill and, while he loved the guy felt, 'Man, that is where I should be'."^[1]

Political comeback

In the early 1970s with his hopes of a leadership position lost, President Johnson out of office and Daley out of favor with the Republican administration, Rostenkowski began to rebuild his career. Though he rarely spoke on the floor, he was offering legislation on his own-antipollution bills, subsidies to local museums, a proposal to grant renters the same tax breaks as homeowners. (Merriner, 117)

In 1974, Ways and Means chairman Al Ullman named Rostenkowski chairman of its newly created subcommittee on health. He was attaining expertise in two critical areas of policy that would serve him well in his future: health care and taxes.

Late in 1976, Richard Daley died, leading to speculation that Rostenkowski would return home to Chicago and run for mayor. That same year, speaker Carl Albert announced he would not seek another term in Congress. Meaning Tip O’Neil would become speaker, this paved the way for Rostenkowski to begin the climb back up the leadership ladder.

He played a key role in the election of Jim Wright as the House Majority Leader. In return, O’Neil and Wright appointed Rostenkowski chief deputy to the new Democratic whip, John Brademas. The 1980 election was a disaster for the Democratic Party, but it opened up new opportunities for advancement to Rostenkowski.

With the defeats of both Ullman and Brademas, Rostenkowski, then the highest ranking democrat on Ways and Means, had the choice of either succeeding Brademas as majority whip and taking a step closer to becoming speaker, or taking over as chairman of Ways and Means. With his reputation as an arm twisting, Chicago style politician- capable of counting the house, the whip post would have seemed the logical choice. Instead, looking to break the Washington stereotype of him as a Chicago machine hack, he surprised many by accepting the more complex challenge of becoming Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means.

In 1986, Rostenkowski was charged with drunk driving in Wisconsin and was charged $555.00 and had his license suspended in Illinois for one year.^[2]

Federal charges

Rostenkowski's political career ended in 1994 after a two year investigation by the Justice Department. In a case led by future U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder, Rostenkowski was indicted on corruption charges for his role in the House post office scandal. He was forced to step down from all Congressional leadership positions. In elections later that year, Rostenkowski lost his seat and retired from political life. Charges against Rostenkowski included keeping "ghost" employees on his payroll, using Congressional funds to buy gifts such as chairs and ashtrays for friends, and trading in officially purchased stamps for cash at the House post office^[3]. While the stamps-for-cash allegation received the most media coverage, those charges were dismissed on the recommendation of the prosecutor.^[4] In 1996, he pleaded guilty to reduced charges of mail fraud. He was fined and was sentenced to 17 months in prison, of which he served 15. Rostenkowski was pardoned in December 2000 by President Clinton.

Changing times

Rostenkowski did acknowledge breaking House rules regarding stationary- store purchases and employing individuals who did little or no work. Practices that his critics as well as supporters agree were common on the hill. “He took the hit for the whole House for practices that were there since time immemorial,” said Republican Congressman Bill Frenzel of Minnesota. Who added, “I can’t believe he’s venal or corrupt. He was inattentive and continued the old ways.”(Cohen, 267)

Former President Gerald Ford, whose lone pardon letter in all his ex-White House years was on behalf of Rostenkowski, told a biographer, "Danny's problem was he played precisely under the rules of the city of Chicago. Now, those aren't the same rules that any other place in the country lives by, but in Chicago they were totally legal, and Danny got a screwing". (DeFrank, 138) ^[5]

In his commentary titled: "The Rules Kept Changing; Dan Rostenkowski Didn’t",[1] Pulitzer Prize winning columnist Mike Royko, a frequent Rostenkowski critic, wrote “Nobody should be taking pleasure from Rostenkowski’s misfortune. Not unless you have never, ever, broken even a minor law and gotten away with it, fudged a bit on your taxes or violated any of the Ten Commandments.’ “Only a few decades ago, none of this would have been happening. That’s because the rules changed. Most of the things he was nailed for would have been legal and common or, at worst, nickel-dime offenses when he began his career in Congress.” Royko also questioned the motives of federal prosecutor's, “Rostenkowski was a big political fish-the kind of trophy that an ambitious federal prosecutor loves to stuff and hang on his wall…That’s what did Rostenkowski in – a federal prosecutor’s personal ambitions."

In a 1998 interview with John Kennedy for George Magazine, Rostenkowski estimated the government spent over $20 million dollars on his case. "Not many people in this country can counter resources like that, and I’m not one of them... I couldn’t finance the fight any longer.”

In the end, Rostenkowski once lamented to a friend, “I’m going to jail for sending a guy a rocking chair." (Ciccone, 35)

Rostenkowski's downfall in 1994 was portrayed by Republicans as emblematic of Democratic corruption. The scandal helped fuel the Republican victory in the House, led by Newt Gingrich and his Contract with America. "The rise and fall of Dan Rostenkowski tracks the rise and fall of Democrats in the House," concludes Richard E. Cohen in his book on Rostenkowski^[6]. "It is a story of power, accomplishments, and, ultimately, failure and humiliation." Rostenkowski was defeated by Republican attorney Michael Patrick Flanagan by a margin of eight points. Flanagan would be defeated two years later by Rod Blagojevich.

Current life

Following his political career, he has operated Danross Associates, a Chicago based legislative and government affairs firm. He has also worked as a political commentator, as well as a guest lecturer at Northwestern University and a Senior Fellow at Loyola University Chicago. Rostenkowski receives a federal pension of between US$ 97,000 and US$ 125,000 per year. Congressional pensions are based on years of service and Rostenkowski is one of the few Congressmen to have served 36 years in Congress. If he had retained his seat he would be the 2nd most senior Representative in Congress today with 50 years of service and he would not be receiving this pension.^{[7][8] [9]}

Books

• (1999) James L. Merriner, Mr. Chairman: Power in Dan Rostenkowski's America. Southern Illinois University Press. ISBN 0-8093-2473-3.
• (2000) Richard E. Cohen, Rostenkowski: The Pursuit of Power and the End of the Old Politics. Ivan R. Dee Publisher. ISBN 1-56663-310-9.
• (1999) Richard F. Ciccone," Chicago and the American century: the 100 most significant Chicagoans of the twentieth century". Contemporary Books. ISBN 0-8092-2675-8.
• (2007)Thomas A. DeFrank, "Write It When I’m Gone: remarkable off-the-record conversations with Gerald R. Ford". G.P Putnam’s Sons. IBSN 978-0-399-15450-8
• (2001) John A.Farrell, Tip O'Neil And The Democratic Century. Little Brown and Company,2001. IBSN 0-316-26049-5
• (1998) Helen O'Donnell, A Common Good: The Friendship of Robert F. Kennedy and Kenneth P. O'Donnell.

William Morrow and Company. ISBN 0-688-14861-1

• (2006) Robert V. Remini, “The House: The History of the House of Representatives”. Smithsonian Books. ISBN 0-06-088434-7

Notes

External links

• Dan Rostenkowski at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
• Public Affairs Report, Cal Berkeley
• The Rules Kept Changing; Dan Rostenkowski Didn't
• Indictment of a Congressman; A Giant Void in Congress

United States House of Representatives
Preceded by Thomas S. Gordon	Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Illinois's 8th congressional district 1959–1993	Succeeded by Phil Crane
Preceded by Bill Lipinski	Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Illinois's 5th congressional district 1993–1995	Succeeded by Michael P. Flanagan
Political offices
Preceded by Al Ullman Oregon	Chairman of House Ways and Means Committee 1981–1994	Succeeded by Sam Gibbons Florida