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A Hakka (pronounced "ha ku" or "hak ka") is a member of a Chinese people originally of northern China. Today Hakkas are widely distributed throughout southeastern China, in Taiwan and Hong Kong, and in Southeast Asia. The Chinese language spoken by the Hakka is called by the same name, Hakka.
Last updated: June 15, 2004.
For more information on Hakka, visit Britannica.com.
| Hakka | |||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Chinese: | 客家 | ||||||||||||||
| Kejia (Hakka): | hag2 ga24 | ||||||||||||||
| Literal meaning: | guest families | ||||||||||||||
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| Hakka 客家 |
|---|
| Total population |
|
estimated 90 - 100 million worldwide |
| Regions with significant populations |
| Jiangxi, Guangdong, Fujian, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand |
| Language(s) |
| Hakka + language(s) of their country of residence |
| Religion(s) |
| Predominantly Confucianism, Taoism, Mahayana Buddhism, Traditional Chinese religion. Small but significant Christian population. |
| Related ethnic groups |
| Other Han Chinese |
The Hakka (Mandarin: Kèjīa) are a subgroup of the Han Chinese people who live predominantly in the provinces of Guangdong, Jiangxi, and Fujian in China. Their ancestors were often said to be from Northern China or Central China centuries ago. Hakkas originate from Southern China. In a series of migrations, the Hakka settled in their present locations in southern China, and then migrated overseas to various nations throughout the world. The Hakka have had a significant influence on the course of Chinese and overseas Chinese history: in particular, they have been a source of revolutionary and political leaders.
The use of the term Hakka to describe this people is thought to be comparatively recent, dating to the Qing Dynasty (c. 17th century).
Their ancestors migrated southwards several times because of social unrest, upheaval, and the invasion of foreign conquerors, since the Jin Dynasty (265-420). Subsequent migrations occurred at the end of the Tang Dynasty when China fragmented, during the middle of the Song Dynasty which saw massive depopulation of the north and a flood of refugees southward, when the Jurchens captured the northern Song capital, at the fall of the Song to the Mongols in the Yuan Dynasty, and when the Ming Dynasty fell to the Manchu who formed the Qing Dynasty.
During the reign of Emperor Qing
The existing Cantonese speaking inhabitants (Punti) of these areas were protective of their own more fertile lands, and the newcomers were pushed to the outer fringes of fertile plains, or they settled in more mountainous regions to eke out a living. Conflict between the two groups grew, and it is thought that "Hakka" was a term of derision used by the Punti aimed at the newcomers. Eventually, the tension between the two groups would lead to a series of 19th century wars known as the Punti-Hakka Clan Wars.
Over time, the term "Hakka" was adopted by the newcomers to refer to themselves, not least due to the migratory tendencies inherent in their own culture. However, because the term also covers Hakka language-speakers, and because the Han Chinese registered as Guest Families who migrated at the time may not have been Hakka language-speakers, and because of intermarriages among Hakka and Punti members, identification as Hakka was largely a matter of self-selection. Through studies of both Cantonese and Hakka genealogies, some Hakka and Punti people with the same surnames claim the same ancestors, although their descendants strongly identify with one group to the exclusion of the other (a feature of inter-clan rivalry).
The Hakka ancestors are thus but one group amongst many who migrated southwards, becoming linguistically marked by differences yet unified through cultural assonances. Hakka people now are found in the southern Chinese provinces, chiefly in Guangdong, south-western Fujian, southern Jiangxi, southern Hunan, Guangxi, southern Guizhou, south-eastern Sichuan, and on Hainan and Taiwan islands. The Hakka dialects across these various provinces differ phonologically, but the Meixian (Meizhou) dialect of Hakka is considered the archetypal spoken form of the language. Migratory patterns have been established for some groups e.g. in Taiwan, northern and southern migrations from corresponding provinces in China.
Although distinctive in social custom and culture (e.g. linguistic differences) from the surrounding population, the Hakka are not considered a separate ethnic group by the Chinese people: they belong to the Han Chinese majority. Indigenous settlers thought that the Hakka were not Chinese at all; but due to common ancestry, are traced in clan genealogies, Hakka descendants have been shown to be as Han Chinese as their neighbouring clans. In fact, the Hakka are no more non-Han than are any other southern Han populations.[citation needed] Again, inter-clan disputes may have contributed to views, attempting to exclude or marginalise the Hakka people who essentially demonstrate a peripatetic pattern through centuries.
Historical sources shown in census statistics relate only to the general population, irrespective of particular districts, provinces, or regions. These census counts were made during imperial times. They did not distinguish what language the population spoke. Therefore they do not directly document Hakka migrations. The study by Luo Xianglin, K'o-chia Yen-chiu Tao-Liu / An Introduction to the Study of the Hakkas (Hsin-Ning & Singapore, 1933) used genealogical sources of family clans from various southern counties.
With population movement, it is reasonable to assume that there is mixing among both the Han newcomers and the indigenous peoples, and between the Punti and Hakka. A recent study showed that there is genetic diversity in the general Han Chinese population. This suggests that the southward migration of people is borne out by these DNA studies, consistent with genealogical data. Further, two main groups of modern Han Chinese are observed: a northerly Han group with genetic affinity with northerly Mongoloid peoples, and a southerly Han group which have genetic affinity with the Gin Vietnamese. This finding is consistent with the migrations experienced during the history of the Hakka, from the north to the south of China. Even though this study is not a direct study of Hakka ancestry using DNA data, it does show that all modern southern Chinese have non-Han genotypes, due to a history of intermarriage with indigenous aboriginal peoples in the places in which they came to settle.
With limited prospects in agriculture, Hakka men have turned -- more often than have other Chinese -- toward careers in the military or public service. Consequently, the Hakka culturally emphasized education and have performed well in Imperial examinations.
Hakka society does not show a patriarchal hierarchy; the fundamental unit of the family recruited all members in line with a Confucian ethic. The working ability of women, often in the undertaking of agrarian chores, complemented the studies or military activities of their men in periods of disruption. The Hakkas did not practice foot-binding, which phenomenon may be attributed to the fact that women were required to work. This characteristic of the Hakka people has been noted prior to late migrations in the 19th century.[citation needed]
Due to their agrarian lifestyle, the Hakka have a unique architecture based on defense and communal living (See Hakka architecture), and a hearty savory cuisine based on an equal balance between texturised meat and vegetables, and fresh vegetables (See Hakka cuisine).
During the Qing Dynasty, some Hakkas used their feet to pull out weeds in rice paddies because they did not want to kneel and crawl on the land of Manchus.
The Hakkas who live in Guangdong comprise about 60% of the total Hakka population. Worldwide, over 95% of the overseas-descended Hakkas came from this Guangdong region, usually from Huizhou: the Hakkas there live mostly in the eastern part of the province, particularly in the so-called Xing-Mei (Xingning-Meixian) area. Guangxi contains the second-largest Hakka community. Unlike their kin in Fujian, the Hakkas in the Xingning and Meixian area developed a non-fortress-like unique architectural style, most notably the weilongwu (Chinese: 圍龍屋, wéilóngwū or Hakka: Wui Lung Wuk) and sijiaolou (Chinese: 四角樓, sìjǐaolóu or Hakka: Si Kok Liu).
The Hakkas who settled in the mountainous region of south-western Fujian province developed a unique form of architectural building known as tu lou (土樓), literally meaning earthen structures. The tu lou are round or square and were designed as a combined large fortress and multi-apartment building complex. The structures typically had only one entrance-way, with no windows at ground level. Each floor served a different function: the first floor containing a well and livestock, the second food storage and the third and higher floors contain living spaces. Tu-lou were built to withstand attack from bandits and marauders.
(see Hakka architecture)
Hakkas also developed a system of martial arts called Hakka Kuen (Hakka Fist), and which lead to the development of Southern Praying Mantis.
(see Hakka Kuen)
In Taiwan, Hakka people comprise about 15% of the population and are descended largely from Guangdong: they form the third largest population group on the island. Many Hakka moved to lands high up in the hills or remote mountains to escape political persecution. Many of the Hakka people continue to live in these hilly locations of Taiwan.
Taiwan's Hakka are concentrated in Hsinchu City and Hsinchu County, Miaoli County, and around Chungli in Taoyuan County, and Meinong in Kaohsiung County, and in Pingtong County, with smaller presences in Hualian and Taitung County. In recent decades many Hakka have moved to the largest metropolitan areas, including Taipei and Kaohsiung.
Hakka people in Hong Kong form the largest ethnic minority endemic to Hong Kong.
In contemporary society, the Hakka people in Hong Kong have been identified primarily through their concentration and population in the villages and small towns in the New Territories. During the Qing Dynasty, the Hakka people were displaced and persecuted due to marked cultural differences from classical and modern Han Chinese customs. Refusing to practice the binding of feet, the Hakka people were marked out as 'Hak' or 'guest' people in Hong Kong [Cantonese dialect transliteration]. Strikingly, the linguistic properties of the Hakka language indicate a language structure which antedates the evolution of the Cantonese and Mandarin dialects: from a linguistic perspective, it remains implausible to suggest that the Hakka language originated from the Northern provinces. [1]. The last great migration of the Hakka people towards Hong Kong took place at the time of the 'Tai Ping' revolution (1850-1864). Hakka dissenters featured in the anti-government rebellion and subsequently were persecuted following the failure of the Tai Ping revolution. One notable feature of the Hakka culture was their marked embrace of the Christian faith which at the time of anti-Western sentiment in the Qing dynasty added more cultural impetus for their persecution.
Traditional Hakka religious affiliation requires further exploration, however there is no evidence to suggest that the Hakka people deviated from mainstream Confucian practices with a hierarchised dependence on authority given through the family head. Christianised by Protestant missionaries in the mid-19th century who offered nutrition and basic needs for the Hakka people, the Hakka were often mistakenly categorised with the cult practices of Hong Xiuquan's Taiping Tianguo movement. Hakkas are considered in mainstream Chinese society as a taboo caste or "the Jews of China" due to their forced migratory patterns and systematic victimization by other Chinese ethnic groups [citation needed]. The interclan wars contributed to the extensive decline of the Hakka population, not only in the southern Chinese provinces, but also in Hong Kong. Thus the new settlers who were forced to concentrate on the northern New Territories of Hong Kong and marginalised. The Punti, having occupied land of more strategic and economic importance, experienced an identity crisis with the influx of the new immigrants whose economic ascent, threatened their own. Punti violence and contributed much to the persecution of the Hakka people in Hong Kong although some sources[citation needed] suggest that the Hakka people were able to defend their own, the general consensus remains that the Hakka people endured adverse hardship from immigration into the Punti territory. Responding through Confucian defences, the Hakka people placed a greater reliance on the internal strengths of their own customs and cultural identity. This model of community survival, dependent on the integrity of the nuclear clan unit in the face of adversity has contributed to the 20th century outcome of preserving the cultural identity of the Hakka people.
Occupationally, Hakka immigrants were agriculture based, and worked with high and difficult terrain. The Hakka 'mountain song' as well as songs of 'eight tones' have become famed, particularly outside of Hong Kong by several Hakka artists although these efforts are fractional in representation. The traditional Hakka mountain song expressed human struggle and toil in the early and harsh settlement of a land which was untreaded by man, requiring clearing and human effort. Hakka folk-art remains a strong reminder of the folk origin and connection and the naturalistic tendencies of the Hakka populus, working within a self-dependent synergistic agrarian bioecosystem. Geographically segregated from Qing Dynasty control and persecution following China's military failures of the 19th century, the politics of the Hakka people placed great reliance on a traditional feudal society and the persistence of the clan. The striving ethos in the Hakka people of Hong Kong also emphasized ancestral and cultural customs with strong Confucian leanings: these too were not ablated in line with the revolutions in China which were to follow in the early 20th Century. In China, the feudal clan culture of Chinese society was to be obliterated through dramatic revolutions. In Hong Kong, Hakka villages continue to be aggregated loosely around clanship, maintaining blood-ties to families (often identified through genealogy). They maintain separate legal rules based on a feudal system which still exists and contrasts to the rules of mainstream Hong Kong society (with respect to inheritance rights and appropriation of land).[citation needed]
The Hakka people have a marked cuisine and style of Chinese cooking which is little known outside the Hakka home. There is a mistaken view that Hakka cuisine is pragmatic and based on preserved foods due to the harsh environment that the Hakka people endured. Whereas this may hold true for preserved meats, it is not accurate to typecast Hakka food as preserved to survive hardships. Hakka cuisine concentrates on the texture of food - the hallmark of Hakka cuisine. Whereas preserved meats feature in Hakka delicacy, stewed, braised, roast meats, 'texturized' contributions to the Hakka palate have a central place in their repertoire.
The Hakkas who settled in the harbour and port areas of Hong Kong placed great emphasis on seafood cuisine. Hakka cuisine in Hong Kong is less dominated by expensive meats, instead emphasis is placed on an abundance of vegetables. Pragmatic and simple, Hakka cuisine is garnished lightly with sparse or little flavouring. The Hakka style of food also reflects the simpler cuisine style of a people in the more rugged landscapes of the New Territories of Hong Kong and their origins from mountainous Northern regions of mainland China. Modern Hakka cooking in Hong Kong favours offal, an example being Deep-Fried Intestines (炸大腸 or Tza Tai Chong). Others include tofu with preservatives, along with their signature dish Salt Baked Chicken (鹽焗雞 or Yam Guk Gai). Another specialty is the Poon Choy (盆菜)[1]. While it may be difficult to prove these were the actual diets of the old Hakka community, it is presently a commonly accepted view.
Hakka restaurants that exist around the world are more a reflection of the transmigration tendencies of the Hakka people, rather than a testament to the popularity of Hakka cuisine among non-Hakka Chinese and non-Chinese people, unlike the popularity of Cantonese Chinese food in Hong Kong.
By the early 21st century, the face of the Hakka people had changed dramatically. Taking several centuries to traverse the Henan and Shaanxi provinces of their origin, technology and transportation enabled the mass immigration of the Hakka people in the latter half of the 19th century. Further Hakka transmigrations have taken place in Taiwan, Malaysia and Asian countries; these latter transmigrations have been possible through advances in transport. Unsurprisingly, Hakka people in Hong Kong demonstrate a highly mobile tendency across the world. The traditional Oriental notion of a 'sea turtle' has been used to describe these Hakka immigrants, who, in parallel to the metaphor, return to Hong Kong like the sea turtle to its home of origin. Far from oblique, this tendency reflects the strong Confucian ties with the fundamental unit of Hakka culture: the family. Hakka culture remains strongly inter-personal with a strong emphasis on family coherence and communion through meal times. In contrast the Hong Kong Cantonese 'Punti' family unit has undergone transformation into smaller nuclear units due to the pressures exerted by Westernization and industrialization; the Hakka family unit remains essentially and traditionally Chinese, tightly extended as a unit within the infrastructure of the historical feudal clan.
Traditional agriculture, the historical occupation of the Hakka people was usurped as the Hakka people diversified in occupational set towards social classes I & II and assimilating occupational expectations of their progenitors and their host countries. In Hong Kong, the imposition of a mandatory and formal education system entailed that Hakka people placed a greater emphasis on the language of Hong Kong at the time (Cantonese). Prior to this educational reform, learning took place within the family and the Hakka clan-unit which mutually reinforced the value of the Hakka language. However as a formal requisite for learning, in addition to English, the Hakka cultural expectations of children to succeed, also contributed to the 21st century erosion of Hakka culture. Without formal Hakka instruction, Hakka children of the 20th century were subject to the same laws as the 'Punti' on the educational front. Despite their survival in the face of Punti adversity, by the latter half of the 20th century, even the Hakka people were becoming more 'Punti' such that it was no exception that the next generation had no oral grasp of the Hakka language.
By 1997 with the formal handover of Hong Kong back to China, Cantonese and English continue to be the mainstream languages of Hong Kong, with Mandarin becoming increasingly important. The only place where the Hakka language can be maintained and transmitted to the next generation remains in the home. However younger Hakka speakers face alienation from their own mother tongue in Cantonese speaking Hong Kong and has also led to an assimilation of the cultural mainstream of their host territory, such that traditional Hakka society in the historical clan-villages of Hong Kong, can seem remote and detached from the modern Hakka person.
It should be noted that the Hakka's modern societal structure and experience comprehends far more diverse and complex global elements than the Hong Kong landscape, where only a small fraction of the Hakka reside or have transitioned through.
Culturally, Hakka people have relied on an oral tradition for intergenerational communication of culture. The formal written language, unified through traditional Chinese writing across China and beyond, has left the Hakka people of Hong Kong in a closed cultural system [Mandarin and Cantonese] with little impetus for perpetuating its own culture. This phenomenon is also mirrored on a wider scale on the mainland with the minor dialects of Chinese facing extinction as Mandarin Chinese gains ascendency. A deterioration of the Confucian determination of authority can also be discerned in this trend i.e. the reliance on local ancestral and clan wisdom weakened as a greater reliance on education and external authorities has accelerated. In the latter half of the 21st century, a stronger emphasis has been placed on Hakka preservation through folk art and customs. A Hakka language dictionary has also been completed auspiciously on 1997 by Dr CF Lau [ISBN Reference: ISBN 962-201-750-9], a devoted contributor to the preservation of the Hakka language in Hong Kong. Historically, early transmigration enabled the survival and persistence of Hakka culture as the Hakka people settled in less than welcoming circumstances. On the other hand, modern transmigration is contributing to the increasing loss of Hakka language between Hakka generations; the western education received by 'sea turtles' has been compounded by formal language acquisition challenges as Hakka language becomes relegated to a second or third language. Natively, this erosion takes place through the formal Chinese educational system. Epidemiologically, there is a tendency of the Hakka second generation immigrants to acculturate to host country's mores. The vestiges of Hakka feudal laws which govern Hakka society in Hong Kong are still testimony of on-going support for the perpetuation of Hakka culture in Hong Kong society yet currently fall under threat of modern reform. Thus, Hakka culture, being displaced from its agrarian roots in Hong Kong, lacks a school of education; possesses no significant repository of formal Hakka cuisine and most strikingly, lacks a linguistic culture enforced through the education system. In the 21st century, Hakka culture remains marginalised in Hong Kong, with its accessibility being confined to its crib-villages and its folk art.
The Hakkas have emigrated to many regions worldwide, notably India, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Myanmar and Thailand.
Hakka people also emigrated to Australia, Brunei, Canada, the United States, and to many countries in Europe, including Great Britain, France, Spain, Germany, Austria, Belgium, and the Netherlands. Hakka people also are found in South Africa and Mauritius, on the islands of the Caribbean (Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, and in Central and South America, particularly in Panama. Most expatriate Hakka in Great Britain have ties to Hong Kong; many emigrated when Hong Kong still was a British colony during a period coinciding with the Cultural Revolution of China and economic depression in Hong Kong. There once was a sizable Hakka community in Calcutta, but most there have migrated to Canada, the United States, Australia,Taiwan or Austria. Today there are about 90-100 million Hakka speakers around the world. In Malaysia, Hakka people are sometimes known as Khek.
Hakka people in Indonesia are found primarily in cities in Western Kalimantan (Borneo), such as Pontianak, Singkawang, and towns along the Kapuas River. They are descendants of gold prospectors who migrated from China in the late 19th century.
Hakkas also live in the Indonesia's biggest tin producer islands of Bangka Belitung province[2]. They were the second majority ethnic group after Malay at about 330,000[3]. Hakka population in the province is also the second largest in Indonesia after West Kalimantan's and one of the highest percentages of Chinese living in Indonesia as well. The first ancestries of Hakkas in Bangka and Belitung have reached the islands in 1700s from Guangdong, many of them worked as tin mining labours. Since that they have stayed the island along with the native Malay people. The condition is much different with Chinese and natives in other region as they always came into clashes before year of 1999 when Indonesian Chinese finally got their freedom again since 1960's. But here they lived together peacefully and still practiced their customs and cultural festival such as in celebrating Chinese New Year and Qingming while in other region were heavily banned by government before 1999 [4]. The majority religions of Chinese Babel are Confucianism or Buddhism, and significant number of Christian. A little number of them confessed Islam as some of them married Malays. Hakkas on the island of Bangka have an unusual accent, said to be heavily influenced by the Malay, especially in younger generation. The younger generations spoke much Malay than older people. Chinese languages employ tones to distinguish different words; differences in tone can change a word's meaning entirely. The Hakka spoken by the islanders has such a different tonal system that their spoken language is hardly intelligible to Hakkas from other regions. But they still said themself as Thong ngin as well as younger people and spoke Thong boi. Hakka ngin words are unpopular as well as Hakkafa. The Hakka spoken in the Belinyu area in Bangka is considered to be standard. Many Hakkas in the province have moved outside the Islands especially to Jakarta. There were more than 30,000 - 50,000 Chinese Babel in Jakarta. They still spoke their language both Malay and Thong boi. There were also a big Chinese population from Bangka and Belitung who lived abroad such as in China and Hongkong. They proud to be Chinese Bangka Belitung, so once or twice a year they always returned home to celebrate Chinese new year or pay their respects in Qingming[5][6].
There was a relatively large and vibrant Hakka community in East Timor before the Indonesian invasion in 1975. According to the local Chinese Timorese association's estimation, the Hakka population in 1975 was estimated about 25,000 Hakkas (including a small minority of other Chinese ethnicity from Macau). During the invasion many Hakka were slaughtered. According to a book source, it was estimated about 700 Hakkas were killed on the first week of invasion in Dili alone. No clear numbers had been recorded since many Hakkas evacuated and escaped to Australia. Recent re-establishment of Hakka association registered approximately about 2,400 Hakkas remained (400 families, including half Timorese families) in East Timor.
Now the Hakka diaspora can be found in Darwin and spread-out in major cities such as Brisbane, Sydney and Melbourne of Australia, Portugal, Macau and small numbers in other parts of the world. They often are highly-educated, and many continue their educations in Taiwan or China, with majority of younger generation study in Australia. The Australian government took some years to assess their claims to political asylum in order to establish their credentials as genuine refugees and not illegal immigrants, partially related to political situation of East Timor during that time. As no Asian country was willing to accept them as residents, or grant political asylum to displaced Hakka and other Timorese, they were forced to live as stateless persons for a time. Despite this condition, many Hakkas had became successful and established food chains, shops, supermarkets and importers in Australia. Since the independence of East Timor in 2002, some Hakka families had returned and invest in businesses in the newborn nation.
Hakkas form the 2nd largest subgroup of the ethnic Chinese population of Malaysia. A well known Hakka man is Yap Ah Loy, whom was a Kapitan in Kuala Lumpur from 1868 to 1885, where he brought significant economic contributions and also was an influential figure among the ethnic Chinese.
In East Malaysia, although they formed a significant part of the Bornean state of Sabah where most of the ethnic Chinese are of Hakka descent, however the younger generation of Hakka descent are likely to use Mandarin as the primary language between themselves, which could be that the Hakka language will be forgotten by some of them. In the city of Sandakan, the majority of the Hakka are Cantonese speaking.
This is indicative of the tendency of Chinese subgroups to immigrate into concentrations of culturally identical populations, resulting in different regions of Malaysia have different dominant Chinese dialects.
The vast majority of Mauritian Chinese are Hakkas. Most of the Mauritian Hakkas emigrated to Mauritius in the mid 1940's came from the Guangdong province, especially from the Meizhou or Meixian region. Some of them have emigrated from Calcutta.
Today the language of most Mauritian Hakkas speak are Creole, French, English and Hakka, depending on how much their parents have tried to keep the Hakka language alive.
Many Mauritian Hakkas have also emigrated to Canada.
The Hakka have had a significant influence, disproportionate to their small total numbers, on the course of Chinese and Overseas Chinese history, particularly as a source of revolutionary and political leaders.
Hakka were active in the Taiping Rebellion [Jonathan D. Spence, "God's Chinese Son", 1997 - see references], led by the notorious and failed Qing scholar Hong Xiuquan, who claimed he was the younger brother of Jesus. Hong Xiuquan consistently failed entry into public office through his examinations. Influenced by Protestant missionaries, Hong Xiuquan's charisma tapped into a consciousness of national dissent which identified with his personal interpretations of the Christian message. His following grew across the southern provinces and despite disavowal by missionaries, his movement, supported by various generals, formed the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom (Taiping Tian Guo), which at one stage in the latter 19th century almost toppled the Qing Dynasty. It contributed to the Qing Dynasty's military failures in defending China against external invaders as the Qing Dynasty became preoccupied with internal issues.
This continues to be true in modern Chinese history, in which some of the most prominent Chinese leaders have been Hakkas. In the 1980s-90s, three political leaders were Hakkas: the People's Republic of China's Deng Xiaoping, the Republic of China's Lee Teng-hui and Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew. Deng & Lee Kuan Yew were among four Chinese named as "the 20th Century's 20 Most Influential Asians" by Time magazine.
| Han subgroups by dialect or region |
|---|
| Northeastern • Central Plain • Shaanxi-Shanxi • West of River • Southwestern • Huai-Yangtze • Wu-Yue • Hunan • Ou-Yue • Northern Min • Eastern Min • Southern Min • Hakka • Teochew • Cantonese • Hainan |
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