Henry Kissinger

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• Born: 27 May 1923
• Birthplace: Furth, Germany
• Best Known As: U.S. Secretary of State under Presidents Nixon and Ford

Name at birth: Heinz Alfred Kissinger

Henry Kissinger came to the United States from Germany in 1938. He served in the Army and was educated at Harvard University, where he then served on the faculty from 1954-71. In the Nixon administration, Kissinger served as the president's National Security Advisor and then Secretary of State. Kissinger was the go-between in the secret negotiations that eventually opened relations between the U.S. and communist China. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1973 for his role in arranging a ceasefire in North Vietnam. In the 1980s and '90s Kissinger continued to write, lecture and appear on TV as a foreign affairs expert, but he also made the news when international human rights groups called him a war criminal for his role in the bombing of Cambodia and for propping up Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet. An elder statesman with international ties to business and politics, he is the chairman of Kissinger Associates in New York, a consulting firm for multinational corporations. In November of 2002 George W. Bush named Kissinger to head a government inquiry into the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. The next month Kissinger stepped down, citing potential conflicts of interest with his private political consulting firm.

Kissinger is supposed to have once said "power is the ultimate aphrodisiac."

For more information on Henry Alfred Kissinger, visit Britannica.com.

(b. Fuerth, Germany, 27 May 1923) US; National Security Adviser 1969 – 75, Secretary of State 1973 – 7 Of German Jewish origin, Kissinger's family fled from Nazi Germany to the United States in 1938. He served in the US armed forces 1943 – 5. After the war he took a BA and Ph.D. at Harvard University and taught Government at Harvard University. As director of the Harvard International Services and director of the Special Studies Project of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund he became acquainted with prominent political as well as academic figures. His book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (1957) won him wide acclaim as a conceptual strategic thinker. He became an adviser on foreign policy to Nelson Rockefeller. After Richard Nixon's election as President in 1968, he was appointed National Security Adviser. He provided the intellectual basis for the policy options which were chosen by President Nixon on the vital issues of foreign policy such as Vietnam, China, détente with the Soviet Union, and the Middle East. Following Nixon's re-election as President in 1972, he was appointed Secretary of State, though he continued to serve also as National Security Adviser until 1975. After Nixon's resignation in 1974 and the succession of President Ford, he continued to be an extremely influential adviser to the President as Secretary of State, though Ford appointed a new National Security Adviser in 1975. After the end of his service as Secretary of State in 1977, he formed a private company, Kissinger Associates, which offered advice on international affairs and foreign investment.

He won acclaim for his intellectual acumen and the sophistication of his thinking. On the other hand, he was criticized as amoral in his approach. With regard to Vietnam, for example, his critics suggest that the extensive use of force by massive bombing of North Vietnam and the invasion of Cambodia was unjustified and futile. His defenders suggest, however, that this strategy brought success in his negotiations with his North Vietnamese counterpart, Le Duc Tho, which ended the war and won Kissinger a joint Nobel Peace Prize in 1973. His ideas on triangular US — Chinese — Soviet diplomacy and the drawing of the Soviet Union into the web of intentional affairs by means of détente similarly earned criticisms and praise. In the Middle East, where he acted as emissary between Israel and Arab countries after the Yom Kippur War in 1973, his critics suggested that he was concerned largely to protect American interests and exclude the Soviet Union, while his defenders praise his step-by-step approach in forwarding the peace process in the Middle East. He set out his views on international relations at considerable length in White House Years (1979), Years of Upheaval (1982), and Diplomacy (1994).

Kissinger, Henry (b. 1923), American rags-to-riches paradigm and statesman who between 1969 and 1977 articulated US foreign policy in terms of clearly defined national interests instead of nebulous and non-binding idealism. Born Heinz Kissinger to a German-Jewish family that fled to the USA in 1938, he served in the army in WW II and during the occupation of Germany. As a specialist in defence matters at Harvard University he became a consultant to government agencies and in 1960 warned of a spurious ‘missile gap’, a significant factor in the election of Kennedy. Freely on offer in the political bazaar, his views on realpolitik found resonance with Nixon, who appointed him assistant for national security affairs in 1968, head of the National Security Council in 1969, and Secretary of State in 1973. He survived the disgrace of his patron with enhanced authority and served to the end of Ford's term. After the moralizing and ineffectual Carter interlude, he hoped for a return to power under Reagan, but the latter declined to employ a potentially over-mighty servant.

Kissinger's achievements during his years of power included negotiating a face-saving formula for extracting US forces from Vietnam, ‘shuttle’ diplomacy to bring about a territorial settlement between Egypt and Israel following the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, and the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks of 1972. The insurmountable problem his policies encountered was the American item of faith that the USA is great because she is good. Kissinger's view, shared by most foreign observers, is that she is immensely powerful and has abused that power a great deal less than she could have, which is about as ‘good’ as you can get in international relations. Under his direction, the axis of US foreign policy moved away from irksome and highly selective preachiness and legalism for the first time since the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt. It was his misfortune to be associated with one of the most personally unappealing and finally discredited presidents in US history, and to have charge of clearing up the social and political mess created by his Messianic predecessors' pursuit of unlimited objectives with limited means.

In his negotiations with the implacable North Vietnamese, for which he unwisely accepted a joint Nobel Peace Prize sensibly declined by his Vietnamese counterpart, Kissinger laboured under the constraints imposed by an impatient public and a shamelessly pandering Congress. He and Nixon were compelled to devise the ‘mad dog’ tactic of portraying him as all that stood between an unpredictable president and the total destruction of North Vietnam, which involved ‘escalating’ the war by striking at previously off-limits Hanoi and mining Haiphong harbour. As in Korea, only the credible threat of fully unleashing US military power brought an end to a stalemate that served enemy interests.

As a caste traitor in the eyes of envious ‘liberal’ intellectuals, he has been assailed in print for many years. This has greatly enhanced his millionaire income as a consultant on the inner workings of the US government.

Bibliography

• Kissinger, Henry, Diplomacy (New York, 1994)

— Hugh Bicheno

Kissinger's family emigrated from Fuerth, Germany, to escape Nazi persecution in 1938. After U.S. Army service during World War II and with the occupation forces in Germany, Kissinger compiled a superlative record as an undergraduate and graduate student at Harvard University. He then became a prominent academic specialist in international relations and nuclear strategy. While a professor of government at Harvard (1955–68), he wrote widely on international relations and nuclear weapons, arguing that the possession of nuclear weapons by the United States and the Soviet Union had not fundamentally altered the balance of power. States still pursued basic interests, nuclear weapons were a tool of influence, and the nuclear powers could manage to contain a destructive arms race.

Kissinger advised New York governor Nelson Rockefeller, Republican presidents, and their senior foreign policy subordinates. During the 1960s, he tried to fashion NATO's nuclear strategy in light of France's withdrawal, urging understanding of French and German pride. As the Vietnam War intensified after 1965, Kissinger was drawn deeply into efforts to end it. He undertook an important diplomatic mission for President Lyndon B. Johnson (1967), but his attempt to arrange a cease‐fire faltered when the U.S. government refused to promise an unconditional halt to bombing of all North Vietnam.

President Richard M. Nixon named him national security adviser in 1969; in September 1973, Kissinger was also confirmed as secretary of state, a position he held concurrently until November 1975, when President Gerald R. Ford appointed Brent Scowcroft national security adviser; Kissinger remained secretary of state until the end of Ford's administration.

During these eight years, Kissinger helped craft the policy of detente with the Soviet Union and to end U.S. involvement in Vietnam. Under his direction, the United States and the Soviet Union made significant progress toward arms control, with the Interim Agreement of Limitations of Strategic Armaments (SALT I, 1972), the Anti‐Ballistic Missile Treaty (1972), and the Vladivostok Agreement (1974). These efforts provoked opposition from conservatives both Democratic and Republican who incorrectly accused Kissinger of drafting agreements that gave the Soviet Union a military advantage over the United States.

Kissinger worked with Nixon to reduce U.S. involvement in Vietnam, concluding the Paris Peace Agreements establishing a cease‐fire in January 1973. The peace proved remarkably short‐lived: both North and South Vietnam repeatedly violated the cease‐fire. Kissinger argued strenuously for additional aid to South Vietnam, but by 1975 U.S. public opinion had turned sharply against any additional involvement.

Kissinger's accomplishments before 1974 won him wide public praise; he earned the Nobel Peace Prize for arranging the cease‐fire in Vietnam. After 1975, however, his reputation diminished. His diplomatic triumphs often were based on illusion and manipulation. Believing that only power mattered in international affairs, both Kissinger and Nixon often expressed contempt for the democratic processes of foreign policy. Further, Kissinger appeared arrogant and showed little desire to promote traditional U.S. standards of human rights in other countries.

[See also SALT Treaties.]

Bibliography

• Henry Kissinger, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, 1958.
• Robert D. Schulzinger, Henry Kissinger: Doctor of Diplomacy, 1989.
• Walter Isaacson, Kissinger: A Biography, 1992.
• Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, 1994

Kissinger, Henry (1923-) U.S. statesman, born in Fürth, Germany. Kissinger served as national security advisor (1969-75) and secretary of state (1973-77). During his tenure (the administrations of Presidents Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford), he helped to craft the policy of détente with the Soviet Union and to end U.S. involvement in Vietnam. Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for bringing about the 1973 ceasefire in Vietnam, though the cessation was short-lived. Before assuming roles of national prominence, Kissinger had become a noted academic specialist in international relations and nuclear strategy while a professor of government at Harvard University. During World War II (1939-45) he served with the army and remained in Germany with the occupation forces.

See the Introduction, Abbreviations and Pronunciation for further details.

Henry Alfred Kissinger (born 1923) was secretary of state during the second Nixon administration and the Ford administration, chief of the National Security Council (1969-1973), professor at Harvard University (1952-1969), and co-winner of the Nobel Peace Prize (with Le Duc Tho) in 1973.

Henry Kissinger was the chief foreign policy adviser to Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford between 1969 and 1974, a tumultuous period for the United States in its dealings in Europe, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. The use of secret negotiations (based in large part on a fundamental distrust of bureaucracies - most notably that of the State Department) led to agreements on arms limitations (SALT I), the reopening of relations with the People's Republic of China after more than 20 years of non-recognition following the assumption of power by the Communists in 1949, and "shuttle diplomacy" involving attempts to secure peace among Middle-Eastern nations. Other work involved the secret bombing of Cambodia, a secret war with Cambodia that was ultimately halted by actions of Congress, cessation of hostilities between South and North Vietnam (and ultimately the collapse of the U.S.-supported South Vietnamese government), and the sharing of the Nobel Peace Prize with Le Duc Tho, the North Vietnamese negotiator at the Paris Peace Talks. While Kissinger's memoirs contained his interpretation of the aforementioned events, his critics did not soften their conclusion that Kissinger often made critical mistakes in developing U.S. foreign policy.

Despite his detractors, Kissinger enjoyed a reputation of being an intellectual in the Nixon administration. While often criticized for some of his personal characteristics, he was also praised for his wit and charm. In addition to his distrust of bureaucracies, Kissinger distrusted the media - particularly the press - and was reputed to berate subordinates who leaked information. In his own interactions with the media he worked closely (and off the record) with foreign affairs correspondents so his viewpoint would be presented favorably.

Kissinger's view of the world - dominated by a setting of bi-polarization - both coincided with that of President Nixon's and colored his interactions with others in the conduct of foreign affairs. His view was deemd "European" because he was born and spent his formative years in Germany and because of his attention to important European actors in history (in his senior thesis and doctoral dissertation - both completed at Harvard). It was a worldview that perceived the necessity for maintaining an equilibrium between the two world powers - the United States and the Soviet Union - and of arguing and negotiating from a position of strength. Thus it is possible to see the opening of relations with China for the first time after World War II as related to containment of the Soviet Union - particularly as this transpired when open hostilities between the U.S.S.R. and China were taking place. This was also evident when Kissinger justified secret bombings in Cambodia (on the grounds that there were sanctuaries and transportation routes being used by the North Vietnamese) in an attempt to get the North Vietnamese to negotiate a settlement.

An Expert on International Affairs

Kissinger was born May 27, 1923, in Furth, Germany, with the name Heinz Alfred. His mother, Paula Stern Kissinger, was from Fanconia in southern Germany. His father, Louis, was a teacher who lost his job and career during the Nazi reign and persecution of the Jews in Germany. The family (a younger brother, Walter Bernhard, was born a year after Henry Kissinger) left Nazi Germany in 1938, moving first to England and then several months later to the United States. The family settled in New York City where Kissinger began high school and after a year switched to night school, working days in a factory. During World War II Kissinger joined the military and served in Germany, working ultimately in Army Intelligence. Following the war Kissinger remained in Europe as a civilian instructor at the European Command Intelligence School at Oberammergau, Germany. In 1947 he returned to the United States and enrolled as an undergraduate at Harvard University. He graduated in the class of 1950 (in three years because he entered as a sophomore) summa cum laude and as a member of Phi Beta Kappa. He continued his studies as a graduate student at Harvard, earning his masters degree in 1952 and his Ph.D. in 1954.

Kissinger served in a variety of roles prior to his entrance into the Nixon administration as chief of the National Security Council. Between 1952 and 1969 he directed the Harvard International Seminar, which was held during the summer months. In this capacity, he was visited by many international figures with whom he would later deal as a foreign affairs official. As part of the Council on Foreign Relations he published Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, a book that was widely read and well accepted. For 18 months beginning in 1956 he was director of a Rockefeller Brothers Fund special studies project - a program developed to investigate potential domestic and international problems. In 1957 he became a lecturer at Harvard, ultimately being promoted to full professor in 1962. Kissinger served as a consultant to the National Security Council (until February of 1962, when he left because of policy differences), to the Arms Control Disarmament Agency (until 1967), and to the Rand Corporation (until 1968). From 1962 to 1965 he worked full time at Harvard. In 1965 he became a consultant to the State Department on Vietnam. He visited Vietnam several times between 1965 and 1967. Most of 1968 was spent working on New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller's unsuccessful bid for the Republican nomination for the presidency. In spite of Rockefeller's defeat by Richard Nixon, it was at Rockefeller's urging that Nixon considered and appointed Kissinger to head the National Security Council.

Kissinger was critical of U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviet Union developed under the preceding Kennedy and Johnson administrations. He considered their stances inconsistent and too conciliatory; it was these criticisms that had led to Kissinger's departure from McGeorge Bundy's National Security Council in the Kennedy administration. Kissinger viewed the Soviet Union as the principal opponent of the United States in international affairs. Nonetheless, Kissinger accepted as legitimate the role of the Soviet Union as one of the super powers. This approach, known as "détente," facilitated the easing of relations between the Soviet Union and the United States.

As a consequence, one of Kissinger's early successes during this period of détente was the completion of negotiations on the Strategic Arms Limitations Treaty (SALT) with the Soviet Union. The negotiations, highly technical and conducted in part by sophisticated negotiating teams and in part by Kissinger himself, lasted for nearly three years. They culminated in the signing of an agreement in Moscow by President Nixon and Soviet Communist Party Chief Brezhnev.

Kissinger also was influential in the settlement of the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin (September 3, 1971). A thorn in relations between the East and West for many years, particularly after the Berlin Wall, an agreement was sought to facilitate travel between East and West Berlin. Through regular (official) negotiations, handled by Ambassador Kenneth Rush, and secret negotiations directly involving Kissinger, an easing of relations between the United States and the former Soviet Union was facilitated by the normalization of relations between the four nations that had controlled Berlin since World War II.

China, Vietnam, Middle East

Another of Kissinger's successes (and one that caught the media by surprise) was the organization of Richard Nixon's approach to China. The United States had refused to recognize the Peoples Republic of China following the civil war that left Communists under Mao Tse-Tung in control after World War II. Early in Nixon's first term efforts were made to allow interaction between the Chinese and the United States. Capitalizing on international conditions and secretly moving through the good auspices of Pakistani President Yahya Khan, Kissinger flew to China and met with Chou En-lai, arranging for an invitation for Nixon to make an official state visit. The resultant Shanghai Communique of 1972 provided guidelines for the establishment of U.S.-China relations. During his eight years in the National Security Council and State Department, Kissinger flew to China a total of nine times.

Kissinger perhaps was criticized most and forgiven least for his conduct of the war(s) in southeast Asia. The U.S. involvement in Vietnam had driven Lyndon Johnson from office, and it had been the intention of the Nixon administration to seek "peace with honor." The Kissinger approach was characteristic: negotiate from a position of strength. Thus not only was U.S. direct involvement in Vietnam reflective of this position, but the bombing of Cambodia - the "secret war" - was an attempt to use military strength to force the hands of U.S. opponents to agree to terminate the war. All efforts, of course, were an attempt to keep Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos from becoming controlled by Communist factions. Kissinger successfully negotiated a truce with Le Duc Tho (over the strong protests of the South Vietnam government) in Paris and shared the Nobel Prize in 1973 with him. However, many considered Kissinger's policies excessive attempts to make right with might.

Following his assumption of power as secretary of state in 1973 - which he held through the completion of Gerald Ford's administration - Kissinger abandoned his policy of hands-off the Middle East (it was the one area where he had deferred to Secretary of State William Rogers while Kissinger was with the National Security Council). During the three years he was secretary of state, Kissinger conducted what became known as "shuttle diplomacy," where he served as the facilitator of negotiations to restore peace among Middle-Eastern nations. Kissinger would often fly from Egypt to Israel to Syria or elsewhere and back again as he played the middleman role in developing agreements to secure peace. In all, Kissinger made 11 "shuttle" missions, the longest lasting nearly a month.

After his departure from office following the 1976 electoral defeat of Gerald Ford at the hands of Jimmy Carter, Kissinger was self-employed as the director of a consulting firm dealing with international political assessments. In addition to advising a variety of clients on the political climate at any given moment, he produced two books of memoirs to explain the evolution of history while he was in office.

In 1997 former Secretaries of State Kissinger and Alexander Haig caused controversy through their role in facilitating U.S.-China trade. Some say the two stood to profit from contracts with the Chinese and that some of their dealings put the United States in a "vulnerable position."

Further Reading

Henry Kissinger produced two volumes of his memoirs: The White House Years (1979) and Years of Upheaval (1982). One may also read about Kissinger from Marvin and Bernard Kalb in Kissinger (1974). Seymore M. Hersh wrote The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House (1983). There are numerous other books about different aspects of Kissinger's years in office. See also: Timothy W. Maier, "Lion Dancing with Wolves," Insight on the News, vol. 13, no. 14, April 21, 1997.

(1923- ), foreign policy specialist, national security adviser, and secretary of state. A GermanJewish refugee from Nazi Germany, Kissinger rose to prominence as a Harvard University professor of government in the 1950s and 1960s. He then became the most celebrated and controversial U.S. diplomat since the Second World War in the administrations of Richard M. Nixon and Gerald Ford. As Nixon's national security adviser he concentrated power in the White House and rendered Secretary of State William Rogers and the professional foreign service almost irrelevant by conducting personal, secret negotiations with North Vietnam, the Soviet Union, and China. He negotiated the Paris agreements of 1973 ending direct U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, engineered a short-lived era of détente with the Soviet Union, and opened frozen relations with the People's Republic of China. As secretary of state he shuttled among the capitals of Israel, Egypt, and Syria after the 1973 Middle East war.

A gregarious but manipulative man, Kissinger, seeking power and favorable publicity, cultivated prominent officials and influential reporters. For a while he achieved more popularity than any modern American diplomat. The Gallup poll listed him as the most admired man in America in 1972 and 1973. He received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1973 for his negotiations leading to the Paris peace accords that ended U.S. military action in Vietnam. Journalists lauded him as a "genius" and the "smartest guy around" after his secret trip to Beijing in July 1971 prepared the way for Nixon's visit to China in February 1972. Egyptian politicians called him "the magician" for his disengagement agreements separating Israeli and Arab armies.

Kissinger's reputation faded after 1973. During the Watergate scandal, congressional investigators discovered that he had ordered the fbi to tap the telephones of subordinates on the staff of the National Security Council, a charge he had denied earlier. Congress also learned that he had tried to block the accession to power of Chile's President Salvador Allende Gossens in 1970 and had helped destabilize Allende's Socialist party government thereafter.

Some of Kissinger's foreign policy achievements crumbled in 1975 and 1976. The Communists' victory in Vietnam and Cambodia destroyed the Paris peace accords, and détente with the Soviet Union never fulfilled the hopes Kissinger had aroused. By 1976 the United States and the Soviet Union had not moved beyond the 1972 Interim Agreement limiting strategic arms to conclude a full-fledged Strategic Arms Limitation Talks.

Kissinger became a liability for President Ford during the 1976 presidential election. Ronald Reagan, challenging Ford for the Republican nomination, and Democrat Jimmy Carter both assailed Kissinger's policy of détente with the Soviet Union for ignoring Soviet abuses of human rights and Moscow's greater assertiveness in international relations. Reagan complained that Kissinger's program offered "the peace of the grave." Carter accused him of conducting "lone ranger diplomacy" by excluding Congress and foreign affairs professionals from foreign policy matters.

Kissinger's flair for dramatic diplomatic gestures brought him fame, and it encouraged diplomats in the Carter, Reagan, and George Bush administrations to try to emulate his accomplishments. He failed, however, to create the "structure of peace" he had promised. By 1977 he had lost control over American foreign policy, and no one after him ever dominated the process as he had from 1969 to 1974.

Bibliography:

Seymour Hersh, The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House (1983); Henry Kissinger, White House Years (1979) and Years of Upheaval (1982); Robert D. Schulzinger, Henry Kissinger: Doctor of Diplomacy (1989).

Author:

Robert D. Schulzinger

See also Détente; Elections: 1976; Middle East-U.S. Relations; Nixon, Richard M.; Strategic Arms Limitation Talks; Vietnam War.

1923 -

American diplomat.

Born in Fürth, Germany, Henry Alfred Kissinger moved with his Jewish middle-class family to the United States in 1938 trying to escape from Hitler's antisemitic regime. They settled in New York and were naturalized U.S. citizens in June 1943. Kissinger studied at City College, joining the U.S. Army in 1943, serving as an interpreter and intelligence officer in Europe. Once back in the United States in 1947, he received a bachelor of arts degree, summa cum laude, at Harvard in 1950, a master of arts degree in 1952, and a doctorate in 1954, both at Harvard, where in 1957 he became a professor of government and international affairs. As a scholar, Kissinger contributed to the realist school of international relations, which argued that foreign policy should be based on rational calculations of state interests, not on ideals of freedom and democracy.

During the administrations of presidents John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Lyndon Baines Johnson, Kissinger played the role of part-time consultant, and he was the main intellectual force in engineering Kennedy's "flexible response" strategy, which aimed at maintaining both conventional and nuclear forces to react against Communist aggression, instead of using massive nuclear retaliation. As his biographer Robert Schulzinger has pointed out, Kissinger "engineered the most significant turning point in United States foreign policy since the beginning of the cold war." Kissinger founded his foreign policy on two ideas: the raison d'état, in which the national interest justified any means to pursue a country's aim; and the balance of power, in which no country is dominant, and in its independence can choose to align or oppose other nations, always according to its national interest. During the Cold War, Kissinger criticized the U.S. view that "the Soviet
Union was an ideological rather than a geopolitical threat." Considering that the world's trend was competition instead of cooperation, it was necessary for the United States to continue to be present in two critical theatres, Europe and Asia, but in a moderate role.

From 1969 to 1975, Kissinger served as national security adviser. He completely changed the role of the secretary of state and the professional foreign service, transferring their power to the White House. This decentralization led him to personally conduct secret negotiations with North Vietnam, negotiating the Paris agreements of 1973 that ended the U.S. involvement in Vietnam; with the Soviet Union, designing the first détente; and with China, reviving their relations, first with his secret trip to Beijing in July 1971, followed by President Richard Nixon's visit in February 1972. Unfortunately, in the short run Kissinger's diplomacy, based on force and realism, did not see the results of its efforts. The Communist victory in Vietnam in 1975 and the end of détente with the Soviet Union diminished Kissinger's previous foreign policy achievements. Moreover, the role that he played in the bombing of Cambodia in 1969 and in Chile's coup d'état backed by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), which led to the death of President Salvador Allende in 1973, still overshadow his reputation as a statesman.

As secretary of state from 1973 to 1977, he was the chief architect of the so-called "shuttle diplomacy" to the Middle East. For much of Nixon's first
term, the Middle East was a marginal area; in fact Kissinger, as national security adviser, did not support Secretary of State William P. Rogers's 1969 Middle East peace plan, even after Egypt's President Gamal Abdel Nasser accepted it as a framework for negotiations. Kissinger suggested that a prolonged stalemate "would move the Arabs toward moderation and the Soviets to the fringes of Middle East diplomacy." But in 1973 the Arab - Israeli conflict moved from the periphery to center stage of American strategic interests. Kissinger, appointed secretary of state that September, was determined to use the war to start a peace process. He immediately realized that if either Israel or the Arabs achieved a decisive victory, it would be difficult to reach a compromise solution during peace negotiations. His strategy was therefore to seek a return to the prewar situation, thereby preventing either side from winning the war while creating momentum for a peace process. His gradualist approach lasted a good twenty-three months, in the course of which five agreements were concluded. Negotiations commenced immediately following the cease-fire of 22 October 1973, on 23 October at Kilometer 101 on the Cairo-Suez road. Kissinger believed it would be a mistake to seek a comprehensive settlement that could not be attained and that, by leading to frustrated expectations, would result in an enhanced role for the Soviet Union in the Middle East. Instead, he elected to pursue a step-by-step approach: achieving more modest goals that, by producing results, would create the momentum needed to tackle the bigger issues. This strategy led to the formal signing of the so-called Six-Point Agreement, signed by Egyptian and Israeli military representatives at Kilometer 101 on 11 November 1973, when the two countries exchanged prisoners of war. The second agreement was to convene a conference in Geneva under joint American-Soviet auspices with the participation of Israel and the Arab States. The conference lasted two days (21 - 22 December 1973) and was attended by the United States, the Soviet Union, Israel, Egypt, and Jordan, and the secretary-general of the United Nations, Kurt Waldheim; it turned out to be nothing more than a symbolic event. In January 1974 Kissinger began the third episode of his shuttle diplomacy: a series of flights between Aswan, Tel Aviv, and Jerusalem, during which he hammered out the terms of Sinai I, a disengagement agreement separating the armies of Israel and Egypt, signed on 18 January at Kilometer 101. In May 1974 Kissinger undertook a fourth round of shuttle diplomacy, this time between Damascus and Tel Aviv, to reach a disengagement agreement between Syria and Israel. The armistice was signed on 31 May. After negotiations between Jordan and Israel, and between Israel and Egypt, failed in March 1975, Kissinger, as President Gerald Ford's secretary of state, embarked on the fifth and last round of shuttle diplomacy; he negotiated Sinai II, signed on 1 September, which called for further withdrawal of Israel's troops into the Sinai desert.

Bibliography

Garrity, Patrick J. "How to Think about Henry Kissinger." John M. Ashbrook Center for Public Affairs, Ashland University, Ohio. Available from http://www.ashland.edu/.

Kissinger, Henry. Years of Upheaval. Boston: Little, Brown, 1982.

Schulzinger, Robert D. Henry Kissinger: Doctor of Diplomacy. New York: Columbia University Press, 1989.

Touval, Sadia. The Peace Brokers: Mediators in the Arab-IsraeliConflict, 1948 - 1979. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982.

— DAVID WALDNER
UPDATED BY PAOLA OLIMPO

A scholar and government official of the twentieth century. As an adviser and later secretary of state under President Richard Nixon, Kissinger prepared for the opening of diplomatic relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China. During the Vietnam War, he helped Nixon plan and execute a secret bombing of Cambodia, and his negotiations with the government of North Vietnam helped produce a cease-fire in that war. He was cowinner of the Nobel Prize for peace in 1973.

As a scholar, adviser, and U.S. secretary of state, Henry Alfred Kissinger was an important figure in international affairs in the late twentieth century. The German-born Kissinger became a U.S. citizen in the 1930s, emerged as a leading theorist at Harvard in the 1950s, advised presidents in the 1960s, and defined the course of U.S. foreign policy for much of the 1970s. He won great acclaim for his pragmatic vision of foreign policy as well as his skills as a peace negotiator. In 1973 he shared the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts in securing a cease-fire in the Vietnam War. However, criticism followed public revelations about his involvement in secret U.S. military and espionage operations, and he left public office in 1976 with a controversial record.

Born May 27, 1923, in F;auurth, Germany, and given the first name Heinz, Kissinger was the son of middle-class Jewish parents who fled Nazi persecution while he was a teenager. After the family immigrated to the United States in 1938, he became a U.S. citizen in 1943. Service in the U.S. Army brought Kissinger back to Europe during World War II. Following combat and intelligence duty, he served in the post-war U.S. military government in Germany from 1945 to 1946. Decorated with honors and discharged from the service, he earned a bachelor of arts degree summa cum laude in government studies at Harvard College in 1950, then added a masters and in 1956 a doctorate.

While teaching at Harvard in the 1950s, Kissinger came to national attention with his book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (1957). The book was a bold argument against narrow cold war views of military strategy. It took aim at the reigning defense doctrine of the day, an all-or-nothing approach holding that the United States should retaliate massively with nuclear weapons against any aggressor. Kissinger proposed a different solution based on the approach of Realpolitik, the German concept of an intensely pragmatic rather than idealistic vision of international relations. The United States should deploy nuclear weapons strategically around the world as a deterrent, he argued, while relying on conventional, nonnuclear forces in the event of aggression against it. The idea took hold gradually over the next decade.

Rising to the top of his field, Kissinger became a driving force behind Harvard's efforts in the area of foreign policy. Taking increasingly higher positions in its Center for International Affairs and directing its Defense Studies Program, he became much sought after by politicians, diplomats, and government defense specialists in the 1960s. He counseled Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson on foreign policy. In 1968 he advised Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller, of New York, in Rockefeller's unsuccessful campaign for the Republican party nomination for president. After the election, the new president, Richard M. Nixon, was quick to hire away his opponent's adviser.

The two terms of Nixon's presidency elevated Kissinger's power. Named first to the position of assistant for national security affairs, a high-level post, he soon eclipsed the president's secretary of state, William P. Rogers, in visibility and influence. Indeed, by the end of Nixon's first term, Kissinger was the acknowledged architect of U.S. foreign policy. His rise to preeminence was complete in 1973 when Nixon made him secretary of state.

Under Nixon, Kissinger had a string of historic successes. He arranged Nixon's breakthrough visit to China in 1972, which ended years of hostile relations between the two nations. Also in 1972, at the Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT 1), he helped broker the Anti-Ballistic-Missile Treaty, the landmark agreement to limit nuclear proliferation signed by the United States and the Soviet Union. Traveling widely in what came to be known as shuttle diplomacy, he conducted peace negotiations between the United States and Vietnam en route to the signing of a cease-fire in 1973. In recognition of his efforts, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, with the chief North Vietnamese negotiator, Le Duc Tho. Kissinger also engineered cease-fires between Arab states and Israel after their 1973 war, and persuaded Nixon to ready U.S. forces around the world in order to deter Soviet intervention.

But in 1973 Kissinger also came under harsh attack. Throughout the Vietnam War, antiwar critics had targeted him. Now public revelations about the White House's secret conduct of the war in Southeast Asia led to criticism. It was revealed that in 1969 Kissinger had won Nixon's approval to expand the war into Cambodia, a neutral country, with bombings and subsequent ground incursions by U.S. troops. Eventually critics blamed Kissinger and Nixon for the destruction of Cambodia after the country fell to Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot, whose forces systematically murdered millions of Cambodians. On the political left, some commentators branded the president and his secretary of state war criminals.

When Nixon's 1974 resignation resulted in the succession of Gerald R. Ford as president, Ford kept Kissinger as both secretary of state and national security adviser. But Kissinger faced mounting criticism in the media and Congress. More revelations came to light: Kissinger had secretly authorized Central Intelligence Agency operations to overthrow the government of Chile and to support rebels in Angola. He was also attacked for having used wiretaps of federal employees in order to stop security leaks. Whereas Congress had listened attentively to Kissinger during the Nixon administration, the allure of his Realpolitik was fading in the more cautious, less interventionist post-Vietnam era. He left office in 1976 with his influence at an all-time low.

In private life Kissinger continued to be active in international affairs. He taught, served as a consultant, and often commented in the media on foreign policy, while also writing two popular memoirs: White House Years (1980) and Years of Upheaval (1982). President Ronald Reagan briefly lured Kissinger back into public life in 1983, appointing him to head a commission to make policy recommendations on Latin America.

Quotes:

"Each success only buys an admission ticket to a more difficult problem."

"Even a paranoid can have enemies."

"It is, after all, the responsibility of the expert to operate the familiar and that of the leader to transcend it."

"We cannot always assure the future of our friends; we have a better chance of assuring our future if we remember who our friends are."

"For other nations, utopia is a blessed past never to be recovered; for Americans it is just beyond the horizon."

"If you don't know where you are going, every road will get you nowhere."

See more famous quotes by Henry Kissinger

Henry Kissinger
Kissinger at the 2009 Metropolitan Opera premiere
56th United States Secretary of State
In office September 22, 1973 – January 20, 1977
President	Richard Nixon Gerald Ford
Deputy	Kenneth Rush Robert S. Ingersoll Charles W. Robinson
Preceded by	William P. Rogers
Succeeded by	Cyrus Vance
8th United States National Security Advisor
In office December 2, 1968 – November 3, 1975
President	Richard Nixon Gerald Ford
Preceded by	Walt Rostow
Succeeded by	Brent Scowcroft
Born	May 27, 1923 (1923-05-27) (age 86) Fürth, Bavaria, Germany
Political party	Republican
Spouse(s)	Ann Fleisher (1949-1964) Nancy Maginnes (1974-present)
Alma mater	City College of New York Harvard University
Profession	Diplomat Academician
Signature
Military service
Service/branch	US Army
Rank	Sergeant
Unit	970th Counter Intelligence Corps

Dr. Henry Alfred Kissinger (born May 27, 1923) pronounced /ˈkɪsɪndʒər/^[1], is a German-born American political scientist, diplomat, and recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize. He served as National Security Advisor and later concurrently as Secretary of State in the Nixon Administration. After his term, his opinion was still sought out by many following presidents.

A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. During this period, he pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, orchestrated the opening of relations with China, and negotiated the Paris Peace Accords, ending American involvement in the Vietnam War. His role in the bombing of Cambodia and other American interventions abroad during this period remains controversial.

Kissinger is still praised by colleagues today^[2]. He was honored as the first recipient of the Ewald von Kleist Award of the Munich Conference on Security Policy and currently serves as the chairman of Kissinger Associates, an international consulting firm. Kissinger was the "most frequent visitor" to the George W. Bush White House as an unofficial political adviser on Israel and the Middle East—including the invasion and occupation of Iraq.

On the other hand, Kissinger also has numerous detractors, who are highly critical of his role in many foreign policy decisions during his time as US Secretary of State. In particular he is considered the architect, along with Richard Nixon, of a secret massive bombing campaign in Cambodia and Laos beginning in 1970. The destruction of Cambodia by this secret bombing campaign was a contributing factor in the Cambodian Civil War and the coming to power of the genocidal Pol Pot regime in 1975.

Contents 1 Early and personal life 1.1 Early life 1.2 Family life 2 Army experience 3 Academic career 4 Foreign policy 4.1 Détente and the opening to China 4.2 Vietnam War 4.3 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh 4.4 1973 Yom Kippur War 4.5 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus 4.6 Latin American policy 4.6.1 Intervention in Chile 4.6.2 Intervention in Argentina 4.7 Africa 4.8 East Timor 5 Later roles 5.1 Role in U.S. foreign policy 5.1.1 Kissinger and the Balkans 5.1.2 Kissinger and Iraq 5.1.3 Kissinger and Southwest Asia 5.1.4 Kissinger and Iran 6 Public perception 6.1 Involvement in Operation Condor 6.2 Asia 6.3 Kissinger in film & television 7 Awards, Honors, and Associations 8 Bibliography 9 Footnotes 10 Further reading 11 External links

Early and personal life

Early life

Kissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger in Fürth, Bavaria, to a family of German Jews. His father, Louis Kissinger (1887-1982) was a schoolteacher. His mother, Paula Stern Kissinger (1901-1998), was a homemaker. Kissinger has a younger brother, Walter Kissinger. The surname Kissinger was adopted in 1817 by his great-great-grandfather, Meyer Löb, after the city of Bad Kissingen.^[3] In 1938, fleeing Nazi persecution, his family moved to New York.

Kissinger spent his high school years in the Washington Heights section of upper Manhattan as part of the German Jewish immigrant community there. Although Kissinger assimilated quickly into American culture, he never lost his pronounced German accent, due to childhood shyness which made him hesitant to speak.^[4][5] Following his first year at George Washington High School, he began attending school at night and worked in a shaving-brush factory during the day.^[4]

Following high school, Kissinger enrolled in the City College of New York, studying accounting. He excelled academically as a part-time student, continuing to work while enrolled. His studies were interrupted in early 1943, when he was drafted into the U.S. Army.^[6]

Henry and Nancy Kissinger at the Metropolitan Opera opening in 2008

Family life

Kissinger first married Ann Fleischer, with whom he had two children, Elizabeth and David. They divorced in 1964. Ten years later, he married Nancy Maginnes.^[7] They now live in Kent, Connecticut.

Army experience

Kissinger underwent basic training at Camp Croft in Spartanburg, South Carolina, where he was naturalized upon arrival. The Army sent him to study engineering at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, but the program was cancelled, and Kissinger was reassigned to the 84th Infantry Division. There, he made the acquaintance of Fritz Kraemer, a fellow emigre from Germany who, noting Kissinger's fluency in German and his intellect, arranged for him to be assigned to the intelligence section of the division. Kissinger saw combat with the division, and volunteered for hazardous intelligence duties during the Battle of the Bulge.^[8]

During the American advance into Germany, Kissinger was assigned to de-Nazify the city of Krefeld, owing to a lack of German speakers on the division's intelligence staff. Kissinger relied on his knowledge of German society to remove the obvious Nazis and restore a working civilian administration, a task he accomplished in 8 days.^[9] Kissinger was then reassigned to the Counter Intelligence Corps, with the rank of Sergeant. He was given charge of a team in Hanover assigned to tracking down Gestapo officers and other saboteurs, for which he was awarded the Bronze Star.^[10] In June 1945, Kissinger was made commandant of a CIC detachment in the Bergstraße district of Hesse, with responsibility for de-Nazification of the district. Although he possessed absolute authority and powers of arrest, Kissinger took care to avoid abuses against the local population by his command.^[11]

In 1946, Kissinger was reassigned to teach at the European Command Intelligence School at Camp King, continuing to serve in this role as a civilian employee following his separation from the Army.^[12][13]

Academic career

Henry Kissinger received his A.B. degree summa cum laude at Harvard College in 1950, where he studied under William Yandell Elliott.^[14] He received his A.M. and Ph.D. degrees at Harvard University in 1952 and 1954, respectively. In 1952, while still at Harvard, he served as a consultant to the Director of the Psychological Strategy Board.^[15] His doctoral dissertation was titled "Peace, Legitimacy, and the Equilibrium (A Study of the Statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich)."

Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government and at the Center for International Affairs. He became Associate Director of the latter in 1957. In 1955, he was a consultant to the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board.^[15] During 1955 and 1956, he was also Study Director in Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. He released his Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy the following year.^[16] From 1956 to 1958 he worked for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund as director of its Special Studies Project.^[15] He was Director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971. He was also Director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971. Outside of academia, he served as a consultant to several government agencies, including the Operations Research Office, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and the Department of State, and the Rand Corporation, a think-tank.^[15]

Keen to have a greater influence on US foreign policy, Kissinger became a supporter of, and advisor to, Nelson Rockefeller, Governor of New York, who sought the Republican nomination for President in 1960, 1964 and 1968. After Richard Nixon won the presidency in 1968, he made Kissinger National Security Advisor.

Foreign policy

Kissinger being sworn in as Secretary of State by Chief Justice Warren Burger, September 22, 1973. Kissinger's mother, Paula, holds the Bible upon which he was sworn in while President Nixon looks on.

Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon, and continued as Secretary of State under Nixon's successor Gerald Ford.^[17]

A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. In that period, he extended the policy of détente. This policy led to a significant relaxation in U.S.-Soviet tensions and played a crucial role in 1971 talks with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. The talks concluded with a rapprochement between the United States and the People's Republic of China, and the formation of a new strategic anti-Soviet Sino-American alignment. He was awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for helping to establish a ceasefire and US withdrawal from Vietnam. The ceasefire, however, was not durable.^[18] Kissinger favored the maintenance of friendly diplomatic relationships with right-wing military dictatorships in the Southern Cone and elsewhere in Latin America.

Détente and the opening to China

Kissinger, shown here with Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong, negotiated rapprochement with the People's Republic of China.

As National Security Advisor under Nixon, Kissinger pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, seeking a relaxation in tensions between the two superpowers. As a part of this strategy, he negotiated the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (culminating in the SALT I treaty) and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party. Negotiations about strategic disarmament were originally supposed to start under the Johnson Administration but were postponed in protest to the invasion by Warsaw Pact troops of Czechoslovakia in August 1968.

Kissinger sought to place diplomatic pressure on the Soviet Union. He made two trips to the People's Republic of China in July and October, 1971 (the first of which was made in secret) to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai, then in charge of Chinese foreign policy. This paved the way for the groundbreaking 1972 summit between Nixon, Zhou, and Communist Party of China Chairman Mao Zedong, as well as the formalization of relations between the two countries, ending 23 years of diplomatic isolation and mutual hostility. The result was the formation of a tacit strategic anti-Soviet alliance between China and the United States. While Kissinger's diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of Liaison Offices in the Chinese and American capitals, with serious implications for Indochinese matters, full normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China would not occur until 1979, for reasons including the following: Watergate (see article) overshadowed the latter years of the Nixon presidency. Second, the United States also continued to recognize the Republic of China government on Taiwan.

Vietnam War

Main article: Vietnam War

Kissinger's involvement in Indochina started prior to his appointment as National Security Adviser to Nixon. While still at Harvard, he had worked as a consultant on foreign policy to both the White House and State Department. Kissinger says that "In August 1965... [Henry Cabot Lodge], an old friend serving as Ambassador to Saigon, had asked me to visit Vietnam as his consultant. I toured Vietnam first for two weeks in October and November 1965, again for about ten days in July 1966, and a third time for a few days in October 1966... Lodge gave me a free hand to look into any subject of my choice". He became convinced of the meaninglessness of military victories in Vietnam, "...unless they brought about a political reality that could survive our ultimate withdrawal".^[19] In a 1967 peace initiative, he would mediate between Washington and Hanoi.

Kissinger, April 29, 1975.

Nixon had been elected in 1968 on the promise of achieving "peace with honor" and ending the Vietnam War. In office, and assisted by Kissinger, Nixon implemented a policy of Vietnamization that aimed to gradually withdraw US troops while expanding the combat role of the enabling South Vietnamese Army so that it would be capable of independently defending its regime against the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam, a Communist guerrilla organization, and North Vietnamese army (Vietnam People's Army or PAVN). Kissinger played a key role in a secret bombing campaign in Cambodia to disrupt PAVN and Viet Cong units launching raids into South Vietnam from within Cambodia's borders and resupplying their forces by using the Ho Chi Minh trail and other routes, as well as the 1970 Cambodian Incursion and subsequent widespread bombing of Cambodia. The bombing campaign contributed to the chaos of the Cambodian Civil War, which saw the forces of dictator Lon Nol unable to retain foreign support to combat the growing Khmer Rouge insurgency that would overthrow him in 1975.^[20][21]

Along with North Vietnamese Politburo Member Le Duc Tho, Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10, 1973, for their work in negotiating the ceasefires contained in the Paris Peace Accords on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam," signed the January previous.^[18] Tho rejected the award, telling Kissinger that peace had not been really restored in South Vietnam.^[22] Kissinger wrote to the Nobel Committee that he accepted the award "with humility." ^[23][24] The conflict continued until an invasion of the South by the North Vietnamese Army resulted in a North Vietnamese victory in 1975 and the subsequent progression of the Pathet Lao in Laos towards figurehead status, and the rise of the genocidal Khmer Rouge in Cambodia.

See also: Cambodian Civil War

1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh

Main article: Indo-Pakistan War

Under Kissinger's guidance, the United States government supported Pakistan in the Liberation War of Bangladesh in 1971. Kissinger was particularly concerned about the expansion of Soviet influence in South Asia as a result of a treaty of friendship recently signed by India and the Soviet Union, and sought to demonstrate to the People's Republic of China (Pakistan's ally and an enemy of both India and the Soviet Union) the value of a tacit alliance with the United States.^[25]

In recent years, Kissinger has come under fire for private comments he made to Nixon during the Bangladesh-Pakistan War in which he described then-Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as a "bitch."^[26] Kissinger has since expressed his regret over the comments.^[27]

1973 Yom Kippur War

Main article: Yom Kippur War

In 1973, Kissinger negotiated the end to the Yom Kippur War, which had begun on October 6, 1973 when Egypt and Syria attacked Israel. Kissinger has published lengthy and dramatic telephone transcripts from this period in the 2002 book Crisis. One week later, under Nixon's direction, and against Kissinger's initial opposition ^[28], the US military conducted the largest military airlift in history to aid Israel on October 12, 1973. US action contributed to the 1973 oil crisis in the United States and its Western European allies, which ended in March 1974.

On October 31, 1973, Egyptian foreign minister Ismail Fahmi meets with Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger, about a week after the end of fighting in the Yom Kippur War.

Israel regained the territory it lost in the early fighting and gained new territories from Syria and Egypt, including land in Syria east of the previously captured Golan Heights, and additionally on the western bank of the Suez Canal, although they did lose some territory on the eastern side of the Suez Canal that had been in Israeli hands since the end of the Six Day War. Kissinger pressured the Israelis to cede some of the newly captured land back to its Arab neighbours, contributing to the first phases of Israeli-Egyptian non-aggression. The move saw a warming in US–Egyptian relations, bitter since the 1950s, as the country moved away from its former independent stance and into a close partnership with the United States. The peace was finalized in 1978 when US president Jimmy Carter mediated the Camp David Accords, during which Israel returned the Sinai Peninsula in exchange for an Egyptian agreement to recognize the state of Israel.

1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus

Main article: Turkish invasion of Cyprus

In 1974 the junta which then ruled Greece staged a supportive coup against the Cypriot president Archbishop Makarios III and Turkey launched an America endorsed invasion "to restore constitutional order on Cyprus," which has established Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus that is recognised only by itself. This suited American foreign policy as Makarios was leaning toward the Soviets and possibly communism.

In a White House memorandum of a conversation from February 20, 1975, Kissinger said: “In all the world the things that hurt us the most are the CIA business and Turkey aid.”^[29] According to "The Raw Story", the context and the time period suggests Kissinger had supported illegal financial and military aid to Turkey for the 1974 Cyprus invasion.^[30]

Latin American policy

Ford and Kissinger conversing on grounds of White House, August 1974

The United States continued to recognize and maintain relationships with non-left-wing governments, democratic and authoritarian alike. John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress was ended in 1973. In 1974, negotiations about new settlement over Panama Canal started. They eventually led to the Torrijos-Carter Treaties and handing the Canal over to Panamanian control.

Kissinger initially supported the normalization of United States-Cuba relations, broken since 1961 (all U.S.–Cuban trade was blocked in February 1962, a few weeks after the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States because of US pressure). However, he quickly changed his mind and followed Kennedy's policy. After the involvement of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces in the liberation struggles in Angola and Mozambique, Kissinger said that unless Cuba withdrew its forces relations would not be normalized. Cuba refused.

See also: United States-Latin American relations

Intervention in Chile

Main article: United States intervention in Chile

Chilean Socialist presidential candidate Salvador Allende was elected by a plurality in 1970, causing serious concern in Washington, D.C. due to his openly socialist and pro-Cuban politics. The Nixon administration authorized the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to instigate a military coup that would prevent Allende's inauguration, but the plan was not successful.^[31] The extent of Kissinger's involvement in or support of these plans is a subject of controversy.^[32]

United States-Chile relations remained frosty during Salvador Allende's tenure, following the complete nationalization of the partially U.S.-owned copper mines and the Chilean subsidiary of the U.S.-based ITT Corporation, as well as other Chilean businesses. The U.S. implemented economic sanctions, claiming that the Chilean government had greatly undervalued fair compensation for the nationalization by subtracting what it deemed "excess profits". The CIA provided education for the military officers directly involved in the coup against Allende^[33], and funding for the mass anti-government strikes in 1972 and 1973; during this period, Kissinger made several controversial statements regarding Chile's government, stating that "the issues are much too important for the Chilean voters to be left to decide for themselves" and "I don't see why we need to stand by and watch a country go Communist due to the irresponsibility of its people."^[34] These remarks sparked outrage among many commentators, who considered them patronizing and disparaging of both Chile's sovereignty and democracy.^[who?]

On September 11, 1973, Allende was killed during a military coup launched by Army Commander-in-Chief Augusto Pinochet, who became President.^[35] A document released by the CIA in 2000 titled "CIA Activities in Chile" revealed that the CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende and that it made many of Pinochet's officers into paid contacts of the CIA or US military, even though many were known to be involved in notorious human rights abuses^[36], until Democratic challenger Jimmy Carter defeated President Gerald Ford in 1976.

On September 16, 1973, five days after Pinochet had assumed power, the following exchange about the coup took place between Kissinger and President Nixon:

Nixon: Nothing new of any importance or is there?

Kissinger: Nothing of very great consequence. The Chilean thing is getting consolidated and of course the newspapers are bleeding because a pro-Communist government has been overthrown.

Nixon: Isn't that something. Isn't that something.

Kissinger: I mean instead of celebrating – in the Eisenhower period we would be heroes.

Nixon: Well we didn't – as you know – our hand doesn't show on this one though.

Kissinger: We didn't do it. I mean we helped them. [garbled] created the conditions as great as possible.

Nixon: That is right. And that is the way it is going to be played.^[37]

Intervention in Argentina

Kissinger took a similar line as he had toward Chile when the Argentine military, led by Jorge Videla, toppled the democratic government of Isabel Perón in 1976 and consolidated power, launching brutal reprisals and "disappearances" against political opponents. During a meeting with Argentine foreign minister César Augusto Guzzetti, Kissinger assured him that the United States was an ally, but urged him to "get back to normal procedures" quickly before the U.S. Congress reconvened and had a chance to consider sanctions.^{[citation needed]}

See also: Dirty War

Africa

In 1974 a leftist military coup overthrew the Caetano government in Portugal in the Carnation Revolution. The National Salvation Junta, the new government, quickly granted Portugal's colonies independence. Cuban troops in Angola supported the left-wing Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in its fight against right-wing UNITA and FNLA rebels during the Angolan Civil War (1975-2002). Kissinger supported FNLA, led by Holden Roberto, and UNITA, led by Jonas Savimbi, the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) insurgencies, as well as the CIA-supported invasion of Angola by South African troops. In 1976 South African troops withdrew due to U.S. Congressional opposition^{[citation needed]}. The FNLA was defeated and UNITA was forced to take its fight into the bush. Only under Reagan's presidency would U.S. support for UNITA return.

In September 1976 Kissinger was actively involved in negotiations regarding the Rhodesian Bush War. Kissinger, along with South Africa's Prime Minister John Vorster, pressured Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith to hasten the transition to black majority rule in Rhodesia. With FRELIMO in control of Mozambique and even South Africa withdrawing its support, Rhodesia's isolation was nearly complete. According to Smith's autobiography, Kissinger told Smith of Mrs. Kissinger's admiration for him, but Smith stated that he thought Kissinger was asking him to sign Rhodesia's "death certificate". Kissinger, bringing the weight of the United States, and corralling other relevant parties to put pressure on Rhodesia, hastened the end of minority-rule.^{[citation needed]}

East Timor

Main article: Indonesian occupation of East Timor

The Portuguese decolonization process brought US attention to the former Portuguese colony of East Timor, which lies within the Indonesian archipelago and declared its independence in 1975. Indonesian president Suharto was a strong US ally in Southeast Asia and began to mobilize the Indonesian army, preparing to annex the nascent state, which had become increasingly dominated by the popular leftist FRETILIN party. In December 1975, Suharto discussed the invasion plans during a meeting with Kissinger and President Ford in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta. Both Ford and Kissinger made clear that US relations with Indonesia would remain strong and that it would not object to the proposed annexation. US arms sales to Indonesia continued, and Suharto went ahead with the annexation plan.

Later roles

Shortly after Kissinger left office in 1977, he was offered an endowed chair at Columbia University. There was significant student opposition to the appointment^[38], which eventually became a subject of significant media commentary ^[39] Columbia and Kissinger mutually agreed to cancel the appointment.

Kissinger was then appointed to Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies.^[40] Kissinger published a dialogue with the Japanese philosopher, Daisaku Ikeda, On Peace, Life and Philosophy. He taught at Georgetown's Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service for several years in the late 1970s.

Kissinger meeting with President Ronald Reagan in the White House family quarters, 1981

In 1982, Kissinger founded a consulting firm, Kissinger Associates, and is a partner in affiliate Kissinger McLarty Associates with Mack McLarty, former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton.^[41] He also serves on board of directors of Hollinger International, a Chicago-based newspaper group,^[42] and as of March 1999, he also serves on board of directors of Gulfstream Aerospace.^[43]

From 1995 to 2001, he served on the board of directors for Freeport-McMoRan, a multinational copper and gold producer with significant mining and milling operations in Papua, Indonesia.^[44] In February 2000, then-president of Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid appointed Kissinger as a political advisor. He also serves as an honorary advisor to the United States-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce.

Kissinger at the World Economic Forum's 'India Economic Summit', November, 2008, New Delhi.

Role in U.S. foreign policy

Kissinger left office when a Democrat, former Governor of Georgia and "Washington outsider" Jimmy Carter, defeated Republican Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential elections. Kissinger continued to participate in policy groups, such as the Trilateral Commission, and to maintain political consulting, speaking, and writing engagements.

In 2002, President George W. Bush appointed Kissinger to chair a committee to investigate the terrorist attacks of September 11 attacks.^{[citation needed]} Kissinger stepped down as chairman on December 13, 2002 rather than reveal his client list, when queried about potential conflicts of interest.

Kissinger and the Balkans

In several articles of his and interviews that he gave during the Yugoslav wars, he heavily criticized the United States' policies in that region, among other things for the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign state, which he described as a foolish act.^[45] Most importantly he dismissed the notion of Serbs, and Croats for that part, being aggressors or separatist, saying that "they can't be separating from something that has never existed".^[46]

In addition, he repeatedly warned the West of implicating itself in a conflict that has its roots at least hundreds of years back in time, and said that the West would do better if it allowed the Serbs and Croats to join their respective countries.^[46]

Kissinger was similarly critical of Western involvement in Kosovo. In particular, he held a disparaging view of the Rambouillet Agreement:

The Rambouillet text, which called on Serbia to admit NATO troops throughout Yugoslavia, was a provocation, an excuse to start bombing. Rambouillet is not a document that any Serb could have accepted. It was a terrible diplomatic document that should never have been presented in that form.

—Henry Kissinger, Daily Telegraph, June 28, 1999

However, as the Serbs did not accept the Rambouillet text and war broke out, he opted for a continuation of the bombing as NATO's credibility was now at stake, but dismissed the usage of ground forces, claiming that it was not worth it.^[47]

Kissinger and Iraq

Kissinger speaking during Gerald Ford's funeral in January 2007.

In 2006, it was reported in the book State of Denial by Bob Woodward that Kissinger was meeting regularly with President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney to offer advice on the Iraq War.^[48] Kissinger confirmed in recorded interviews with Woodward^[49] that the advice was the same as he had given in an August 12, 2005 column in The Washington Post: "Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy."^[50]

In a November 19, 2006 interview at BBC Sunday AM, Kissinger said, when asked whether there is any hope left for a clear military victory in Iraq, "If you mean by 'military victory' an Iraqi Government that can be established and whose writ runs across the whole country, that gets the civil war under control and sectarian violence under control in a time period that the political processes of the democracies will support, I don't believe that is possible... I think we have to redefine the course. But I don't believe that the alternative is between military victory as it had been defined previously, or total withdrawal."^[51]

In an April 3, 2008 by Peter Robinson of the Hoover Institution, Kissinger re-iterated that even though he supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq he thought that the Bush administration rested too much of the case for war on Saddam's supposed weapons of mass destruction. Robinson noted that Kissinger had criticized the administration for invading with too few troops, for disbanding the Iraqi Army, and for mishandling relations with certain allies.^[52]

Kissinger and Southwest Asia

After apologizing for his use of the word 'bitch' in reference to Mrs. Indira Gandhi, Kissinger met India's main Opposition Leader Lal Krishna Advani in early October 2007 and lobbied for the support of his Bharatiya Janata Party for the Indo-US civilian nuclear agreement.^{[citation needed]}

Kissinger was present at the opening ceremony of the Beijing Summer Olympics. He was also in the Chinese capital to attend the inauguration of the new US Embassy complex.^{[citation needed]}

Kissinger said in April 2008 that "India has parallel objectives to the United States" and he called it an ally of the U.S.^[52]

Kissinger and Iran

Kissinger's position on this issue of U.S.-Iran talks was reported by The Tehran Times to be that "Any direct talks between the U.S. and Iran on issues such as the nuclear dispute would be most likely to succeed if they first involved only diplomatic staff and progressed to the level of secretary of state before the heads of state meet." ^[53]

Public perception

Kissinger in 1976.

Kissinger, like the rest of the Nixon administration, was unpopular with the anti-war political left, especially after his central role in the US bombing of neutral Cambodia was revealed.

However, few doubted his intellect and diplomatic skill, and he became one of the better-liked members of the Nixon administration, though many Americans came to view Kissinger's talents as increasingly cynical and self-serving. Kissinger was not connected with the Watergate scandal that would eventually ruin Nixon and many of his closest aides, and this greatly improved Kissinger's reputation as he became known as the "clean man" of the bunch.

At the height of Kissinger's prominence, he was even regarded as something of a sex symbol due to his prominent dating life.^[54] He was quoted as saying "Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac".^[55]

Involvement in Operation Condor

Main articles: Operation Condor and United States intervention in Chile

On May 31, 2001, French judge Roger Le Loire requested a summons served on Kissinger while he was staying at the Ritz Hotel in Paris.^[56] Loire wanted to question Kissinger for alleged U.S. involvement in Operation Condor—a mid-1970s campaign of kidnapping and murder coordinated among the intelligence and security services of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay—as well as the death of five French nationals under the Chilean junta.^[56] Kissinger fled Paris that evening, and Loire's inquiries were directed to the U.S. State Department.

In August 2001, Argentine Judge Rodolfo Canicoba sent a letter rogatory to the U.S. State Department, in accordance with the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT), requesting a deposition by Kissinger to aid the judge's investigation of Operation Condor.^[57]

On September 10, 2001, a civil suit was filed in a Washington, DC, federal court by the family of Gen. René Schneider, former Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army, asserting that Kissinger gave the order for the elimination of Schneider because he had refused to endorse plans for a military coup.^[56][58][59] Schneider was killed by coup-plotters loyal to General Roberto Viaux in a botched kidnapping attempt,^[59] As a part of the suit, Schneider’s two sons are attempting to sue Kissinger and then-CIA director Richard Helms for US$3 million.^[59]

On September 11, 2001, the 28th commemorations of the Pinochet coup, Chilean human rights lawyers filed a criminal case against Kissinger along with Augusto Pinochet, former Bolivian general and president Hugo Banzer, former Argentine general and dictator Jorge Rafael Videla, and former Paraguayan president Alfredo Stroessner for alleged involvement in Operation Condor.^[60] The case was brought on behalf of some fifteen victims of Operation Condor, ten of whom were Chilean.

In late 2001, the Brazilian government cancelled an invitation for Kissinger to speak in São Paulo because it could no longer guarantee his immunity from judicial action.^[56][58]

Kenneth Maxwell's review, in Foreign Affairs November/December 2003, of Peter Kornbluh's book The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability, discussed Kissinger's relationship with Augusto Pinochet's regime, in particular concerning operation Condor and Orlando Letelier's assassination, in Washington, DC, in 1976. A 1978 cable released in 2000 shows that the South American intelligence chiefs involved in Condor "[kept] in touch with one another through a U.S. communications installation in the Panama Canal Zone which [covered] all of Latin America". Robert E. White, the U.S. ambassador to Paraguay, was concerned that the U.S. connection to Condor might be revealed during the then ongoing investigation into the 1976 assassination of Letelier.^[61]

Asia

In 2002, during a brief visit to the UK, a petition for Kissinger's arrest was filed in the High Court in London based on Indochinese civilian casualties and environmental damage resulting from U.S. bombing campaigns in North Vietnam and Cambodia in the period between 1969 and 1975.^[56]

Simultaneously, Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón, who had engaged in a failed attempt to get Pinochet extradited from the United Kingdom for questioning, requested that Interpol detain Kissinger for questioning.^[56] British authorities refused his request.

East Timor Action Network (ETAN) activists have repeatedly sought to question Kissinger during his book tours for his role in the Ford administration in supporting Suharto and the Indonesian invasion of East Timor in 1975. Transcripts of Ford and Kissinger's endorsement of the invasion are available on the National Security Archive.^[62]

Kissinger in film & television

Kissinger has shied away from mainstream media and cable talk shows. Recently, he granted a rare interview to the producers of a documentary examining the underpinnings of the 1979 peace treaty between Israel and Egypt entitled "Back Door Channels: The Price of Peace"^[63]. In the film, a candid Kissinger reveals how close he felt the world was to nuclear war during the 1973 Yom Kippur War launched by Egypt and Syria against Israeli forces in the territories Israel occupied from them as a result of the 1967 War.

Awards, Honors, and Associations

In 1973, Kissinger received the Nobel Peace Prize for the Paris Peace Accords of 1973, "intended to bring about a cease-fire in the Vietnam war and a withdrawal of the American forces," while serving as the United States Secretary of State.

On January 13, 1977, Kissinger was presented with the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Gerald Ford.

In 1998, Kissinger became an honorary citizen of Fürth, Germany, his hometown. He has been a life-long supporter of the Spielvereinigung Fürth football club and is now an honorary member. He served as Chancellor of the College of William and Mary from February 10, 2001 to the Summer of 2005.

In April 2006, Kissinger received the prestigious Woodrow Wilson Award for Public Service from the Woodrow Wilson Center of the Smithsonian Institution.

In June 2007, Kissinger received the Hopkins-Nanjing Award for his contributions to reestablishing Sino–American relations. This award was presented by the presidents of Nanjing University, Chen Jun, and of Johns Hopkins University, William Brody, during the 20th anniversary celebration of The Johns Hopkins University—Nanjing University Center for Chinese and American Studies also known as the Hopkins-Nanjing Center.

Kissinger is known to be a member of the following groups:

• Bohemian Grove^[64]
• Council on Foreign Relations^[65]
• Aspen Institute^[66]
• Bilderberg Group^[67]

Bibliography

Memoirs

• 1979. The White House Years. ISBN 0-316-49661-8
• 1982. Years of Upheaval. ISBN 0-316-28591-9
• 1999. Years of Renewal. ISBN 0-684-85571-2

Public policy

• 1957. Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy. (ISBN 0-865-31745-3 (1984 edition)
• 1961. The Necessity for Choice: Prospects of American Foreign Policy. ISBN 0-06-012410-5
• 1965. The Troubled Partnership: A Re-Appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance. ISBN 0-07-034895-2
• 1969. American Foreign Policy: Three essays. ISBN 0-297-17933-0
• 1973. A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812-22. ISBN 0-395-17229-2
• 1981. For the Record: Selected Statements 1977-1980. ISBN 0-316-49663-4
• 1985 Observations: Selected Speeches and Essays 1982-1984ISBN 0-316-49664-2
• 1994. Diplomacy. ISBN 067165991X
• 1999. Kissinger Transcripts: The Top Secret Talks With Beijing and Moscow (Henry Kissinger, William Burr). ISBN 1-56584-480-7
• 2001. Does America Need a Foreign Policy?: Toward a Diplomacy for the 21st Century. ISBN 0684855674
• 2002. Vietnam: A Personal History of America's Involvement in and Extrication from the Vietnam War. ISBN 0-7432-1916-3
• 2003. Crisis: The Anatomy of Two Major Foreign Policy Crises: Based on the Record of Henry Kissinger's Hitherto Secret Telephone Conversations. ISBN 0-7432-4910-0

Footnotes

1. ^ "Kissinger - Definition from the Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary". Merriam-Webster. http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/Kissinger. Retrieved 2009-10-23. 
2. ^ A press release issued by the 45th Munich Conference on Security Policy on February 8, 2009 declared "[H]is voice continues to bear weight and authority throughout the globe." see [1]Munich Security Conference - 6th February 2009 Press Release
3. ^ "Die Kissingers in Bad Kissingen" (in german). Bayerischer Rundfunk. June 2, 2005. http://www.br-online.de/land-und-leute/artikel/0506/02-kissinger/index.xml?theme=print. Retrieved 2007-02-03. 
4. ^ ^{a b} Isaacson, pp 37.
5. ^ "Bygone Days: Complex Jew. Inside Kissinger's soul". Jerusalem Post. http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1198517217372&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull. Retrieved 2008-09-04. 
6. ^ Isaacson, pp 38
7. ^ "Somebody to Come Home To". Time Magazine. April 8, 1974. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,908532,00.html. 
8. ^ Isaacson, pp 39-48.
9. ^ Isaacson, pp 48
10. ^ Isaacson, pp 49
11. ^ Isaacson, pp 53
12. ^ Isaacson, pp 55.
13. ^ "Henry Kissinger at Large, Part One". PBS. January 29, 2004. http://www.pbs.org/thinktank/transcript1138.html. 
14. ^ Draper, Theodore (September 6, 1992). "Little Heinz And Big Henry". New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/books/98/12/06/specials/isaacson-kissinger.html?_r=1&oref=slogin. Retrieved 2006-12-30. 
15. ^ ^{a b c d} "Henry Kissinger - Biography". nobelprize.org. http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1973/kissinger-bio.html. Retrieved 2006-12-30. 
16. ^ Kissinger, Henry (1957). Nuclear weapons and foreign policy. Harper & Brothers. pp. 455. 
17. ^ "History of the National Security Council, 1947-1997". whitehouse.gov. http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/history.html. Retrieved 2006-12-30. 
18. ^ ^{a b} "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973". Nobel Foundation. http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1973/press.html. Retrieved 2006-12-31. 
19. ^ _White House Years_, pp. 231-32. Henry A. Kissinger. Boston: Little, Brown & co., 1979.
20. ^ Totten, Samuel; William S. Parsons, Israel W. Charny (2004). Century of genocide: critical essays and eyewitness accounts. Routledge. pp. 349. ISBN 9780415944304. http://books.google.ie/books?id=5Ef8Hrx8Cd0C&pg=PA349&dq=US+bombing+cambodia+civil+war+result. Retrieved 2009-10-16. 
21. ^ Smyth, Marie; Gillian Robinson, INCORE (2001). Researching violently divided societies: ethical and methodological issues. United Nations University Press. pp. 93. ISBN 9789280810653. http://books.google.ie/books?id=ZWqNwsv6AIQC&pg=PA93&dq=US+bombing+cambodia+civil+war+result. Retrieved 2009-10-16. 
22. ^ Le Duc Tho to Henry Kissinger, October 27, 1973.
23. ^ "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973: Presentation Speech by Mrs. Aase Lionaes, Chairman of the Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Storting". The Official Web Site of the Nobel Foundation. 1973-12-10. http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1973/press.html. Retrieved 2007-04-28. "'In his letter of November 2 to the Nobel Committee Henry Kissinger expresses his deep sense of this obligation. In the letter he writes among other things: "I am deeply moved by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, which I regard as the highest honor one could hope to achieve in the pursuit of peace on this earth. When I consider the list of those who have been so honored before me, I can only accept this award with humility." … This year Henry Kissinger was appointed Secretary-of-State in the United States. In his letter to the Committee he writes as follows: "I greatly regret that because of the press of business in a world beset by recurrent crisis I shall be unable to come to Oslo on December 10 for the award ceremony. I have accordingly designated Ambassador Byrne to represent me on that occasion."" 
24. ^ Lundestad, Geir (March 15, 2001). "The Nobel Peace Prize 1901-2000". Nobel Foundation. http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/articles/lundestad-review/index.html. Retrieved 2006-12-31. 
25. ^ "The Tilt: The U.S. and the South Asian Crisis of 1971". National Security Archive. December 16, 2002. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB79/. Retrieved 2006-12-30. 
26. ^ "150. Conversation Among President Nixon, the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger), and the President’s Chief of Staff (Haldeman), Washington, November 5, 1971, 8:15–9:00 a.m.". Foreign Relations, 1969–1976 (U.S. Department of State) E-7 (19). 2005. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e7/48529.htm. Retrieved December 30, 2006. 
27. ^ "Kissinger regrets India comments". BBC. July 1, 2005. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4640773.stm. Retrieved 2006-12-15. 
28. ^ Siniver, Asaf. Nixon, Kissinger, and U.S. Foreign Policy Making; The Machinery of Crisis. New York: Cambridge. p. 188. ISBN 978-0-521-89762-4 Hardback. 
29. ^ "White House memorandum" (PDF). http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB222/family_jewels_wh3.pdf. 
30. ^ "Intelligence officers confirm Kissinger role in Turkish invasion -Larisa Alexandrovna and Muriel Kane- Wednesday June 27, 2007". http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Intelligence_officials_confirm_Kissinger_role_in_0626.html. 
31. ^ "Church Report". U.S. Department of State. December 18, 1975. http://foia.state.gov/Reports/ChurchReport.asp. Retrieved 2006-11-20. 
32. ^ Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders (1975), Church Committee, pages 246–247 and 250–254.
33. ^ see The Pinochet File
34. ^ ^ Cited in Richard R. Fagen, "The United States and Chile: Roots and Branches", Foreign Affairs, January 1975.
35. ^ Pike, John. "Allende's Leftist Regime". Federation of American Scientists. http://www.fas.org/irp/world/chile/allende.htm. Retrieved 2006-11-20. 
36. ^ Peter Kornbluh, CIA Acknowledges Ties to Pinochet’s Repression Report to Congress Reveals U.S. Accountability in Chile, Chile Documentation Project, National Security Archive, September 19, 2000. Accessed online November 26, 2006.
37. ^ The Kissinger Telcons: Kissinger Telcons on Chile, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 123, edited by Peter Kornbluh, posted May 26, 2004. This particular dialogue can be found at TELCON: September 16, 1973, 11:50 a.m. Kissinger Talking to Nixon. Accessed online November 26, 2006.
38. ^ "400 sign petition against offering Kissinger faculty post". Columbia Spectator. 1977-03-03. 
39. ^ "Anthony Lewis of the Times also blasts former Secretary". Columbia Spectator. 1977-03-03. 
40. ^ "CSIS". CSIS. 2007. http://www.csis.org/about/history/#1960. Retrieved 2007-01-20. 
41. ^ "Council of the Americas Member". Council of the Americas. http://www.americas-society.org/coa/membersnetwork/Kissinger.html. Retrieved 2007-01-05. 
42. ^ "Sun-Times Media Group Inc · 10-K/A". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. May 1, 2006. http://www.secinfo.com/$/SEC/Filing.asp?T=svrh.vs8_ffv. Retrieved 2006-12-29. 
43. ^ "Gulfstream Aerospace Corp, Form 10-K". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. March 29, 1999. http://www.secinfo.com/dRaBu.64v.htm#1bum. Retrieved 2006-12-29. 
44. ^ "Freeport McMoran Inc · 10-K". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. March 31, 1994. http://www.secinfo.com/dsVQx.b1sw.htm#1nhw. Retrieved 2006-12-29. 
45. ^ "Charlie Rose - A panel on the crisis in Bosnia". www.charlierose.com. 1994-11-28. http://www.charlierose.com/view/interview/7185. Retrieved 2009-10-16. 
46. ^ ^{a b} "Charlie Rose - An interview with Henry Kissinger". www.charlierose.com. 1995-09-14. http://www.charlierose.com/view/interview/6651. Retrieved 2009-10-16. 
47. ^ "Charlie Rose - An hour with former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger". www.charlierose.com. 1999-04-12. http://www.charlierose.com/view/interview/4347. Retrieved 2009-10-16. 
48. ^ "Bob Woodward: Bush Misleads On Iraq". CBS News. October 1, 2006. http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2006/09/28/60minutes/printable2047607.shtml. Retrieved 2006-12-29. 
49. ^ Woodward, Bob (October 1, 2006). "Secret Reports Dispute White House Optimism". The Washington Post. pp. A01. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/09/30/AR2006093000293_pf.html. Retrieved 2006-12-29. 
50. ^ Kissinger, Henry A. (August 12, 2005). "Lessons for an Exit Strategy". The Washington Post. pp. A19. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/08/11/AR2005081101756_pf.html. Retrieved 2006-12-29. 
51. ^ Marr, Andrew (November 19, 2006). "US Policy on Iraq". BBC. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/sunday_am/6163050.stm. Retrieved 2006-12-29.  (Transcript of a BBC Sunday AM interview.)
52. ^ ^{a b} Kissinger on War & More. Uncommon Knowledge. Filmed on April 3, 2008. Accessed August 10, 2009.
53. ^ "Kissinger backs direct U.S. negotiations with Iran". The Tehran Times. September 27, 2008. http://www.tehrantimes.com/index_View.asp?code=165193. Retrieved 2008-09-27.  (Transcript of a Bloomberg report interview.)
54. ^ "Henry Kissinger Off Duty." TIME, February 7, 1972.
55. ^ "Henry A. Kissinger Quotes". Brainy Quote. http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/h/henryakis101648.html. Retrieved 2006-12-29. 
56. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Why the law wants a word with Kissinger, Fairfax Digital, April 30, 2002 (English)
57. ^ "Argentina". Human Rights Watch World Report 2002. Human Rights Watch. http://hrw.org/wr2k2/americas1.html. Retrieved 2006-12-30. 
58. ^ ^{a b} Hitchens, Christopher (November 27, 2002). "The latest Kissinger outrage". Slate. http://www.slate.com/?id=2074678. Retrieved 2006-12-30. 
59. ^ ^{a b c} Miller, Christopher (September 11, 2001). "Family of Slain Chilean Sues Kissinger, Helms; Military Leader Was Killed in Kidnap Attempt Linked to Nixon Administration". The Washington Post. p. A.22. http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/washingtonpost/access/80188807.html?dids=80188807:80188807&FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&fmac=&date=Sep+11%2C+2001&author=Bill+Miller&desc=Family+of+Slain+Chilean+Sues+Kissinger%2C+Helms. Retrieved 2006-12-30.  Republished on the site "Freedom of Information Center, University of Missouri". http://foi.missouri.edu/icc/familyslain.html. Retrieved 2006-12-30. 
60. ^ "World; In Brief". The Washington Post. September 12, 2001. p. A.27. http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/washingtonpost/access/80389584.html?dids=80389584:80389584&FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&fmac=&date=Sep+12%2C+2001&author=&desc=WORLD. Retrieved 2006-12-14. 
61. ^ "Operation Condor: Cable Suggests U.S. Role". National Security Archive. March 6, 2001. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20010306/. Retrieved 2007-01-05. 
62. ^ Burr, William; Evans, Michael L. (eds.) (December 6, 2001). "East Timor Revisited". National Security Archive. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB62/. Retrieved 2007-01-05. 
63. ^ http://www.tvfestival.net/content/Opening-Film/openUK.php
64. ^ [2]Vanity Fair: A Guide to the Bohemian Grove Published April 1, 2009 Retrieved on 2009-04-18.
65. ^ "History of CFR - Council on Foreign Relations". www.cfr.org. http://www.cfr.org/about/history/cfr/appendix.html. Retrieved 2009-10-16. 
66. ^ "Lifetime Trustees". www.aspeninstitute.org. http://www.aspeninstitute.org/about/leadership-board/lifetime-trustees. Retrieved 2009-10-16. 
67. ^ "Western Issues Aired". The Washington Post. April 24, 1978. "The three-day 26th Bilderberg Meeting concluded at a secluded cluster of shingled buildings in what was once a farmer's field. Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Carter's national security adviser, Swedish Prime Minister Thorbjorrn Falldin, former secretary of state Henry Kissinger and NATO Commander Alexander M. Haig Jr. were among 104 North American and European leaders at the conference." 

Further reading

Biographies

• 1973. Graubard, Stephen Richards, Kissinger: Portrait of a Mind. ISBN 0-393-05481-0
• 1974. Kalb, Marvin L. and Kalb, Bernard, Kissenger, ISBN 0-316-48221-8
• 1974. Schlafly, Phyllis, Kissinger on the Couch. Arlington House Publishers. ISBN 0-87000-216-3
• 1983. Hersh, Seymour, The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House, Summit Books. ISBN 0671506889. (Awards: National Book Critics Circle, General Non-Fiction Award. Best Book of the Year: New York Times Book Review; Newsweek; San Francisco Chronicle)
• 1992. Isaacson, Walter. Kissinger: A Biography. New York. Simon & Schuster (updated, 2005). ISBN 0-671-66323-2
• 2004. Hanhimäki, Jussi. The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy. ISBN 0-19-517221-3
• 2007. Kurz, Evi. Die Kissinger-Saga. ISBN 973-3-940405-70-8
• 2009. Kurz, Evi. The Kissinger-Saga - Walter and Henry Kissinger. Two Brothers from Fuerth, Germany. London. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-297-85675-7.

Other

• Benedetti, Amedeo, Lezioni di politica di Henry Kissinger. Linguaggio, pensiero ed aforismi del più abile politico di fine Novecento, Genova, Erga, 2005, ISBN 88-8163-391-4
• Berman, Larry, No peace, no honor. Nixon, Kissinger, and Betrayal in Vietnam, New York, NY u.a.: Free Press, 2001. ISBN 0-684-84968-2.
• Dallek, Robert, Nixon and Kissinger: Partners in Power. HarperCollins, 2007. ISBN 0060722304
• Hanhimäki, Jussi M., 'Dr. Kissinger' or 'Mr. Henry'? Kissingerology, Thirty Years and Counting', in: Diplomatic History, Vol. 27, Issue 5, pp. 637–76.
• Hitchens, Christopher, The Trial of Henry Kissenger, 2002. ISBN 1-85984-631-9
• Klitzing, Holger, The Nemesis of Stability. Henry A. Kissinger's Ambivalent Relationship with Germany. Trier: WVT 2007, ISBN 3-88476-942-3.
• Morris, Roger, Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy. Harper and Row, ISBN 0-06-013097-0
• Schmidt, Helmut, On Men and Power: A Political Memoir.1990. ISBN 0-224-02715-8
• Schulzinger, Robert D. Henry Kissinger. Doctor of Diplomacy. New York: Columbia University Press, 1989. ISBN 0-231-06952-9
• Shawcross, William, Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon, and the Destruction of Cambodia (Revised edition October 2002) ISBN 0-8154-1224-X
• Thornton, Richard C., The Nixon-Kissinger Years: Reshaping of America's Foreign Policy. 1989. ISBN 0-88702-051-8
• Tucker, Nancy Bernkopf, Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China, 2005. ISBN 9780231135658

External links

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Henry Kissinger

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Henry Kissinger

• Official Website of Henry A. Kissinger
• Linkage and Arms Control. Interview conducted on November 26, 1986 for the War and Peace in the Nuclear Age series.
• Henry Kissinger speaks at the Asia Society, NYC, February, 2007
• Kissinger's political donations
• NPR: Kissinger Speech at National Press Club. Towards the end [55:55], he responds to Hitchens.
• The Kissinger Saga. Henry and Walter: Two Brothers from Fuerth/Germany. Documentary, 90 min. (unabridged version), first time aired: Bayerischer Rundfunk (Bavarian Broadcasting Network), January 21, 2007. Summary
• Henry Kissinger at the Internet Movie Database
• Producer of 'The Kissinger-Saga, Walter and Henry Kissinger - Two Brothers from Fuerth/Germany'
• "Charlie Rose" A conversation with Henry Kissinger, December 16, 2008

Legal offices
Preceded by Walt Rostow	United States National Security Advisor 1969-1974	Succeeded by Brent Scowcroft
Political offices
Preceded by William P. Rogers	United States Secretary of State Served under: Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford 1973-1977	Succeeded by Cyrus Vance
Honorary titles
Preceded by Margaret Thatcher	Chancellor of The College of William & Mary 2000–2005	Succeeded by Sandra Day O'Connor

v • d • e National Security Advisors of the United States Cutler • Anderson • Jackson • Cutler • Gray • Bundy • Rostow • Kissinger • Scowcroft • Brzezinski • Allen • Clark • McFarlane • Poindexter • Carlucci • Powell • Scowcroft • Lake • Berger • Rice • Hadley • Jones

v • d • e United States Secretaries of State Jefferson • Randolph • Pickering • J Marshall • Madison • Smith • Monroe • Adams • Clay • Van Buren • Livingston • McLane • Forsyth • Webster • Upshur • Calhoun • Buchanan • Clayton • Webster • Everett • Marcy • Cass • Black • Seward • Washburne • Fish • Evarts • Blaine • Frelinghuysen • Bayard • Blaine • Foster • Gresham • Olney • Sherman • Day • Hay • Root • Bacon • Knox • Bryan • Lansing • Colby • Hughes • Kellogg • Stimson • Hull • Stettinius • Byrnes • G Marshall • Acheson • Dulles • Herter • Rusk • Rogers • Kissinger • Vance • Muskie • Haig • Shultz • Baker • Eagleburger • Christopher • Albright • Powell • Rice • Clinton

v • d • e Cabinet of President Gerald Ford (1974–1977)   Cabinet Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (1974–1977) Secretary of the Treasury William E. Simon (1974–1977) Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger (1974–1975) • Donald Rumsfeld (1975–1977) Attorney General William Saxbe (1974–1975) • Edward Levi (1975–1977) Secretary of the Interior Rogers Morton (1974–1975) • Stanley K. Hathaway (1975) • Thomas S. Kleppe (1975–1977) Secretary of the Agriculture Earl Butz (1974–1976) • John Albert Knebel (1976–1977) Secretary of Commerce Frederick B. Dent (1974–1975) • Rogers Morton (1975) • Elliot Richardson (1975–1977) Secretary of Labor Peter J. Brennan (1974–1975) • John Thomas Dunlop (1975–1976) • William Usery, Jr. (1976–1977) Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare Caspar Weinberger (1974–1975) • F. David Mathews (1975–1977) Secretary of Housing and Urban Development James Thomas Lynn (1974–1975) • Carla Anderson Hills (1975–1977) Secretary of Transportation Claude Brinegar (1974–1975) • William Thaddeus Coleman, Jr. (1975–1977)   Cabinet-level Vice President None (1974), Nelson Rockefeller (1974–1977) Ambassador to the United Nations John A. Scali (1974 – 1975) • Daniel Patrick Moynihan (1975 - 1976) • William W. Scranton (1976 - 1977) Director of the Office of Management and Budget Roy Ash (1974 – 1975) • James Thomas Lynn (1975 - 1976) Special Representative for Trade Negotiations Frederick B. Dent (1975 – 1977)

v • d • e Laureates of the Nobel Peace Prize Léon Jouhaux (1951) · Albert Schweitzer (1952) · George Marshall (1953) · United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (1954) · Lester B. Pearson (1957) · Georges Pire (1958) · Philip Noel-Baker (1959) · Albert Lutuli (1960) · Dag Hammarskjöld (1961) · Linus Pauling (1962) · International Committee of the Red Cross / League of Red Cross Societies (1963) · Martin Luther King, Jr. (1964) · UNICEF (1965) · René Cassin (1968) · International Labour Organization (1969) · Norman Borlaug (1970) · Willy Brandt (1971) · Henry Kissinger / Lê Ðức Thọ (declined award) (1973) · Seán MacBride / Eisaku Satō (1974) · Andrei Sakharov (1975) Complete roster · 1901–1925 · 1926–1950 · 1951–1975 · 1976–2000 · 2001–present

v • d • e Time Men of the Year Mohammed Mosaddeq (1951) · Elizabeth II (1952) · Konrad Adenauer (1953) · John Foster Dulles (1954) · Harlow Curtice (1955) · Hungarian Freedom Fighter (1956) · Nikita Khrushchev (1957) · Charles de Gaulle (1958) · Dwight D. Eisenhower (1959) · U.S. Scientists: George Beadle / Charles Draper / John Enders / Donald A. Glaser / Joshua Lederberg / Willard Libby / Linus Pauling / Edward Purcell / Isidor Rabi / Emilio Segrè / William Shockley / Edward Teller / Charles Townes / James Van Allen / Robert Woodward (1960) · John F. Kennedy (1961) · Pope John XXIII (1962) · Martin Luther King, Jr. (1963) · Lyndon B. Johnson (1964) · William Westmoreland (1965) · The Generation Twenty-Five and Under (1966) · Lyndon B. Johnson (1967) · The Apollo 8 Astronauts: William Anders / Frank Borman / Jim Lovell (1968) · The Middle Americans (1969) · Willy Brandt (1970) · Richard Nixon (1971) · Henry Kissinger / Richard Nixon (1972) · John Sirica (1973) · King Faisal (1974) · American Women: Susan Brownmiller / Kathleen Byerly / Alison Cheek / Jill Conway / Betty Ford / Ella Grasso / Carla Hills / Barbara Jordan / Billie Jean King / Carol Sutton / Susie Sharp / Addie L. Wyatt (1975) Complete roster · 1927–1950 · 1951–1975 · 1976–2000 · 2001–present

Persondata
NAME	Kissinger, Henry
ALTERNATIVE NAMES
SHORT DESCRIPTION	United States Secretaries of State, National Security Advisor
DATE OF BIRTH	May 27, 1923 (1923-05-27) (age 86)
PLACE OF BIRTH	Fürth, Bavaria, Germany
DATE OF DEATH
PLACE OF DEATH

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