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Biography:

Charles Stewart Parnell

The Irish nationalist leader Charles Stewart Parnell (1846-1891) made home rule for Ireland a major factor in Irish nationalism and British politics.

Charles Parnell's County Wicklow, Anglo-Irish, Protestant-gentry family had earned a patriotic reputation in Ireland by opposing the Act of Union with Britain and by supporting Catholic emancipation. His American mother was a passionate Anglophobe. Although Parnell was educated in England, used English speech patterns, and possessed the aloof manner associated with the English establishment, he inherited his family's devotion to Irish interests.

His Obstructionist Tactics

In 1875 Parnell entered the House of Commons, lending his Protestant-gentry respectability to home rule. Two years later he joined Joseph Biggar in systematic obstruction of British legislation. Described by Parnell as an active parliamentary policy, obstruction was a reaction to British indifference to Irish problems, to the cautious and conciliatory parliamentary tactics and leadership of Isaac Butt - father of home rule and chairman of the Irish party - and to the growing cynicism of Irish opinion toward nationalist politics.

Butt joined outraged British politicians and journalists in denouncing the "barbarian" tactics of Parnell and Biggar, claiming they had damaged home rule by alienating British opinion. Parnell insisted that the achievement of home rule depended on the determination of Irish nationalist members of Parliament to demonstrate that the union could be as unpleasant for the British as it was for the Irish.

Avoiding a direct challenge to Butt's control over the moribund Irish party or the impoverished Home Rule League, Parnell awaited the next general election. He used obstruction to attract notice and favor, courting Irish opinion at home and in the ghettos of Britain and the United States. In 1879 Parnell accepted the presidency of the National Land League, a New Departure instrument designed by Irish-Americans to bring republicans into contact with the Irish peasant masses. Financed by Irish-American dollars, the Land League demanded the end of landlordism, but it was prepared to accept agrarian reform along the way.

Leader of the Irish Party

The results of the general elections of 1880 gave Parnell the votes to command the Irish party. William Gladstone, the prime minister, responded to the near-revolutionary Land League agitation with a mixed coercion-conciliation policy. The 1881 Land Act gave Irish tenant farmers secure tenures at fair rents, freeing them from serfdom. But Parnell rejected the act as inadequate, and the government imprisoned him for encouraging agrarian disturbances. He was released in 1882 after promising to accept government improvements in the Land Act in exchange for Irish party support of future Liberal efforts to solve the Irish question. The truce was known as the Kilmainham Treaty.

After 1882 Parnell concentrated on building an effective Irish party to promote home rule. Instead of reviving the outlawed Land League, he used Irish-American money to pay the expenses of talented and sincere nationalists prepared to stand for Parliament. Parnell's genius, Irish-American dollars, and the Reform Bill of 1884 gave the Irish party more than 80 members in the House of Commons.

Irish-Liberal Alliance

With an effective party behind him, Parnell in 1885 played balance-of-power politics in the House of Commons, forcing both Liberals and Conservatives to bid for Irish votes. Gladstone made the highest offer: home rule. The Irish then turned the Conservatives out of office and installed the Liberals. In 1886 Gladstone introduced a home-rule bill which was defeated by defections in Liberal ranks. The Irish-Liberal alliance lasted for 30 years, limiting the freedom of the Irish party and pushing British anti-Irish, no-popery, imperialistic opinion in a conservative direction. Home rule became the most emotional issue in British politics.

At the beginning of December 1889, Parnell was the unchallenged master of Irish nationalism. He dominated Irish opinion, bringing extremist types into the mainstream of constitutional nationalism. He commanded Irish-American financial resources, and he had captured the Liberal party for home rule. But that month the tides of Parnell's fortune began to recede when Capt. William O'Shea submitted a petition suing his wife, Katherine, for divorce, naming Parnell as correspondent.

Downfall and Death

Irish nationalists assumed that Parnell would emerge from the courtroom an honorable man. Parnell, however, anxious to marry Katherine O'Shea who had been his mistress since 1880, decided not to contest William O'Shea's charges, and his image was tarnished by the captain's testimony. Although the Irish party reelected Parnell its chairman in November 1890 - just after the divorce - British Nonconformists demanded that Gladstone separate the Liberals from a public sinner. Gladstone insisted that the Irish party drop Parnell as its leader. On Dec. 6, 1890, after days of bitter debate, a majority of home-rule members of Parliament decided that the fate of Irish freedom was more important than the position of one man. Parnell, a supreme egotist, refused to accept the realities of the Liberal alliance. He appealed to the Irish people in three by-election contests. Opposed by the Catholic hierarchy and clergy, Parnell lost the by-elections and his health in the process. He died of rheumatic fever at Brighton on Oct. 6, 1891.

Parnell bequeathed a shattered parliamentary party, a bitter and divided nationalist opinion, and the myth of a martyred messiah. He became a symbol of resistance to British dictation, clericalism, and inhibiting Victorian and Irish Catholic moralities.

Further Reading

Still the best biography of Parnell is Richard Barry O'Brien, The Life of Charles Stewart Parnell (2 vols., 1898; repr. 1968). Briefer is Jules Abels, The Parnell Tragedy (1966). See also St. John Ervine, Parnell (1925), and William O'Brien, The Parnell of Real Life (1926).

Lawrence J. McCaffrey, Irish Federalism in the 1870's: A Study in Conservative Nationalism (1962), discusses the beginning of Parnell's political career and his contest with Butt. Parnell's leadership of the Irish party and the forces of nationalism in the 1890s is brilliantly analyzed in Conor Cruise O'Brien, Parnell and His Party, 1880-1890 (1957). Francis Stewart L. Lyons, The Fall of Parnell, 1890-91 (1960), is a detailed, objective, and very well-written analysis of the factors and motives that destroyed Parnell's leadership and split Irish nationalism. Thomas N. Brown's excellent Irish-American Nationalism (1966) discusses the relationship between Parnell, Irish-American nationalism, and home rule. Herbert Howarth, The Irish Writers' Literature and Nationalism, 1880-1940 (1958), contains an interesting interpretation of the impact of the Parnell myth on Irish writing.

Additional Sources

Bew, Paul, Charles Stewart Parnell, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1991.

Byrne, Edward, Parnell: a memoir, Dublin: Lilliput, 1991.

Foster, R. F. (Robert Fitzroy), Charles Stewart Parnell: the man and his family, Hassocks Eng.: Harvester Press; Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1976.

Kee, Robert, The laurel and the ivy: the story of Charles Stewart Parnell and Irish nationalism, London: Hamish Hamilton; New York, N.Y., USA: Penguin Books, 1993.

Kissane, Noel, Parnell: a documentary history, Dublin: National Library of Ireland, 1991.

Lyons, F. S. L. (Francis Stewart Leland), Charles Stewart Parnell, New York: Oxford University Press, 1977.

Parnell in perspective, London; New York: Routledge, 1991.

 
 
Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: Charles Stewart Parnell

(born June 27, 1846, Avondale, County Wicklow, Ire. — died Oct. 6, 1891, Brighton, Sussex, Eng.) Irish nationalist leader. After an education at the University of Cambridge, he returned to Ireland and served in the British Parliament (1875 – 91), introducing obstructionist legislative tactics to call attention to Ireland's needs. In 1877 he became president of the Home Rule Confederation. He was jailed for making violent speeches against the new land act (1881 – 82), then released to curb an increase in terrorist acts. Reaction against the Phoenix Park murders enabled him to unite factions in Ireland to win support for parliamentary measures, such as William E. Gladstone's Home Rule proposals. He remained popular in Ireland until he was named in the divorce suit of his mistress, Katherine O'Shea (1890).

For more information on Charles Stewart Parnell, visit Britannica.com.

 
British History: Charles Stewart Parnell

Parnell, Charles Stewart (1846-91). Charismatic Irish constitutional nationalist leader. Born in Co. Wicklow into an Anglo-Irish protestant family, Parnell inherited the Avondale estate, and became MP for Meath in 1875. He led the ‘New Departure’ of 1878-9, bringing together ex-Fenians, Irish-American nationalists, and advocates of land reform. He became president of the Irish Land League in 1879, and forced Gladstone to grant major changes in the 1881 Land Act. To preserve control of an increasingly radical movement, Parnell initially resisted the Act's implementation and was imprisoned. In the ‘Kilmainham treaty’, 1882, he agreed to an amended Land Act and to keep to parliamentary opposition only. Skilful manœuvring of support between Conservatives and Liberals culminated in Gladstone's Home Rule Bill 1886, the summit of Parnell's career. Following the bill's defeat, his effectiveness was compromised by the Liberal alliance and his remoteness from Ireland. Accused of association with Fenian violence in The Times in 1887, he was proved innocent in February 1889, only to be ruined by being cited as co-respondent in O'Shea's divorce in 1889/90. Parnell wed Katharine O'Shea in June 1891, but died that autumn.

 
Irish Literature Companion: Charles Stewart Parnell

Parnell, Charles Stewart (1846-1891), nationalist leader. Born in Avondale, Co. Wicklow, and educated at Cambridge, he was elected MP for Co. Meath in 1875 and Cork City in 1880. He established his reputation as an advanced nationalist through obstruction tactics in Parliament. Following the alliance with the Fenians in the New Departure and his presidency of the Land League, with the support of Michael Davitt, he was elected leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party. Land League agitations, typified by the practice of boycotting (after Captain Boycott), led to his imprisonment in October 1881. Thereafter he directed Irish energies away from the agrarian struggle towards a strictly constitutional campaign for self-government. Parnell's political career was destroyed by the party split that followed his citation as co-respondent in the O'Shea divorce petition of December 1889, and his failure to defend the action. The Irish Party split in a bitter division in Committee Room 15 of the House of Commons. His tragedy entered the fabric of Irish literary memory in works such as James Joyce's A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (1914).

 
Columbia Encyclopedia: Parnell, Charles Stewart
(pär'nəl, pärnĕl') , 1846–91, Irish nationalist leader. Haughty and sensitive, Parnell was only a mediocre orator, but he possessed a marked personal fascination and was a shrewd political and parliamentary tactician. He succeeded in uniting the moderate and militant Irish nationalists in the drive for land reform and Home Rule and brought the Irish question to the forefront of British politics.

Political Career

The son of a Protestant landowner, he attached himself to the Home Rule movement of Isaac Butt and was elected to the British Parliament in 1875. He quickly developed an obstructionist policy in Parliament, where his filibusters gave the Irish contingent a prominence far beyond its numbers. Although these tactics lost him the approval of Butt, they brought him the support of the militant Fenian movement.

Joining the Fenians in their agitation against the Irish land laws, Parnell became president of the National Land League (see Irish Land Question) in 1879. He encouraged the use of the boycott as a means of bringing pressure on the landlords and their agents, but the agitation also produced much violence, and the harsh Coercion Bill of 1881 was passed (over Parnell's opposition) to check it.

In 1881, Parnell started United Ireland, a paper in support of the Land League, edited by William O'Brien. Arrested for his activities and put in Kilmainham jail, Parnell directed O'Brien to compose a manifesto against rent payment. Parnell's popularity increased, and he came to be referred to as the “uncrowned king of Ireland.” He was released (1882) by the so-called Kilmainham treaty, by which the government agreed to settle the question of arrears in land rent if Parnell would help check violence against landlords.

The Phoenix Park murders of 1882 shocked Parnell as much as they did the English, but the Irish leader opposed the coercive Crimes Act that followed and was therefore charged with encouraging terrorism. Nonetheless, he retained the confidence of his followers both in Ireland and in America, where the fact that he was a grandson of the American naval hero Charles Stewart added to his appeal.

In 1885 the Liberals' threat to renew the Crimes Act of 1882 led Parnell to throw the Irish vote to the Tories and thus bring down the government of William Gladstone. It was, however, an uncomfortable alliance, and in 1886 Parnell swung back to the Liberals, who returned to power. Gladstone then introduced in Parliament the first Home Rule Bill (1886), but the Liberal party split on the issue, and Gladstone's government fell again. In 1887, the London Times printed a series of hostile articles called “Parnellism and Crime,” ending with a facsimile letter, purporting to carry Parnell's signature and apologizing for his denunciation of the Phoenix Park murders. A special commission found (1889) that the letter had been forged; and, although some of Parnell's activities were censured, he and his associates were exonerated.

Fall from Power

In 1889, Parnell was named as corespondent in a divorce suit brought by one of Parnell's colleagues, Captain O'Shea, against his wife, Katharine. Adultery was proved, the divorce granted (1890), and in 1891, Parnell married Katharine. The episode ruined his political influence; he was denounced both by the English liberals and by the Roman Catholic hierarchy in Ireland, and the Irish nationalists split into Parnellites and anti-Parnellites. His efforts to reunite the party failed and broke his health.

Bibliography

See biography by R. B. O'Brien (2 vol., 1898; repr. 1968); studies by C. C. O'Brien (1954, rev. ed. 1957), F. S. L. Lyons (1960, 1977), J. Abels (1966), M. Hurst (1968), R. R. Foster (1976), A. O'Day (1986), D. Boyce (1991), and R. Kee (1994).

 
Quotes By: Charles Stewart Parnell

Quotes:

"No man has a right to fix the boundary of the march of a nation; no man has a right to say to his country, Thus far shalt thou go and no further."

 
Wikipedia: Charles Stewart Parnell
Charles Stewart Parnell, the 'uncrowned King of Ireland'
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Charles Stewart Parnell, the 'uncrowned King of Ireland'

Charles Stewart Parnell[1] (27 June 18466 October 1891) was an Irish political leader and one of the most important figures in 19th century Ireland and the United Kingdom; William Ewart Gladstone described him as the most remarkable person he had ever met.[2] A future Liberal Prime Minister, Herbert Henry Asquith, described him as one of the three or four greatest men of the nineteenth century, while Lord Haldane described him as the strongest man the British House of Commons had seen in 150 years.

Family background

Charles Stewart Parnell
Charles_Stewart_Parnell_-_Brady-Handy.jpg
Timeline 1846—1891
Birth   27 June 1846
1875   Elected Home Rule League MP for Meath.
1877   August: Elected President, Home Rule Confederation of Great Britain;
obstructionist try to wreck South Africa Bill in Commons.
1878   links with Clan na Gael
1879   President, Irish Land League;
'The New Departure' campaign.
1880   May: Replaces William Shaw as chairman (leader) of the Home Rule League;19 September: Parnell outlines "boycotting" strategy in Ennis speech.
1881   Land Act enacted by Gladstone. Criticised by Irish leaders for exceptions denied aid; 13 October: Arrested for 'treasonable practices' and sent to Kilmainham Gaol; issued 'No Rent Manifesto'.
1882   25 April: Kilmainham Treaty between Parnell & govt. Parnell released. 'No Rent Manifesto' withdrawn. Land Act amended. 8 May 1882: Chief Secretary (Lord Frederick Cavendish) and Under-Secretary T.H. Burke murdered by Invincibles outside Viceregal Lodge (Known as the "Phoenix Park Murders") Public outcry. Parnell condemns murders; October: Irish National League replaces Land League. Parnell controls it. Party name changed to Irish Parliamentary Party.
1883   December: Parnell receives £37,000 personal gift following national fundraising to alleviate his "financial distress".
1884   October: Catholic Hierarchy ally themselves with IIP and ditch their own party.
1885   June: Lord Salisbury forms minority Tory ministry. 1 August: Confidential meeting with new Lord Lieutenant, Lord Carnavon. 14 August: Ashbourne Land Act enacted. 7 November: Parnell urges Irish voters in Great Britain to vote Tory on eve of general election. IIP wins 85 seats. Hawarden Kite reveals Gladstone is now pro-Irish home rule.
1886   1 February: Gladstone forms ministry with IIP support. 26 March: Cabinet discusses draft Home Rule Bill. Joseph Chamberlain resigns. 8 June: Bill defeated in Commons. September: Commons rejects Parnell's Tenants' Relief Bill. October: "Plan of Campaign" launched in "United Ireland" newspaper. Tories back in power.
1887   Arthur Balfour becomes Chief Secretary. New Land Act and new coercion laws. March: The Times publishes a series "Parnellism and Crime". 18 April: article in series links Parnell to the Phoenix Park murders, quoting a letter he supposedly wrote. 17 July: Salisbury (PM) sets up commission to investigate links between Parnell and crime.
1888   May: Parnell distances himself from the 'Plan of Campaign' in a speech to the Liberal Eighty Club in London.
1889   22 February: Richard Piggott revealed as forger of Parnell letter. Later Gladstone leads Commons in a standing ovation when Parnell returns. December: Captain O'Shea files for divorce, naming Parnell as co-respondent.
1890   February: Commission's 35 volume report clears Parnell of murder link but not of claimed links with crime. November: story of divorce breaks. Initial support for Parnell as presumption that it is a new smear. 24 November: Gladstone tactfully warns Parnell's deputy, Justin McCarthy of "problems" with scandal for Liberals. 25 November: IIP re-elects Parnell chairman, unaware of Liberal problems. 26 November: Gladstone letter on problems published. 1 December: After 5 days debate, IPP ditches Parnell. Party splits. Parnell and supporters seize United Ireland party paper HQ amid fisticuffs. Anti-parnellites launch own newspapers. 22 December: Anti-Parnellites win Kilkenny North by-election.
1891   January: Parnell rejects peace deal that he retire temporarily from politics and then return later to leadership. Parnellites lose two by-elections (2 April Sligo; 8 July Carlow) Closer battle in Sligo but defeat also. Parnell flirts with Fenianism. 25 June: Parnell marries Katharine O'Shea. Catholic hierarchy (minus one) issue condemnation. 27 September: Parnell delivers last public speech. Described as "incoherent scurrility — sad, sad" by John Dillon. Parnell catches pneumonia at the meeting and never recovers.



Death   6 October 1891

Charles Stewart Parnell was born in Avondale, County Wicklow, of gentry stock. He was the third son and seventh child of John Henry Parnell (1811-1859), a wealthy Anglo-Irish landowner, and his American wife Delia Stewart (1816-1896; of Bordentown, New Jersey), daughter of the American naval hero, Commodore Charles Stewart (the stepson of one of George Washington's bodyguards). There were eleven children in all: five boys and six girls. Commodore Stewart's mother, Parnell's great-grandmother, belonged to the Tudor family and so could claim a distant relationship with the British Royal Family. John Henry Parnell himself was a cousin of one of Ireland's leading aristocrats, Lord Powerscourt, and also the grandson of a Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Irish House of Commons, Sir John Parnell. The Parnells of Avondale were descended from an English merchant family, which came to prominence in Congleton, Cheshire, early in the seventeenth century. Thus, from birth, Charles Stewart Parnell possessed an extraordinary number of links to many elements of society; he belonged to the established Church of Ireland (most of whose members were unionists), he was connected with the aristocracy through the Powerscourts, he was linked to the old Irish Parliamentary tradition via his great-grandfather, to the American War of Independence via his grandfather, to the War of 1812 (where his grandfather had been awarded a gold medal by the United States Congress for gallantry), and distantly connected to the Royal Family. Yet it was as a leader of Irish nationalism that Parnell established his fame.

Parnell's parents separated when he was six and the boy was sent to school in England, where he spent an unhappy youth. The young Parnell studied at Magdalene College, Cambridge (1865-9). In 1871 he joined his elder brother John Howard on an extended tour of the United States. Their travels took them mostly through the South and apparently the brothers neither spent much time in centres of Irish immigration nor sought out Irish-Americans. In 1874 he became high sheriff of his home county of Wicklow. The following year he entered parliament as member for County Meath, supporting the Home Rule Party. He sat for the constituency of Cork City from 1880 until 1891.

Member of Parliament

Charles Stewart Parnell was first elected to the House of Commons (the lower level of British legislature), as a Home Rule League MP for Meath, on April 21, 1875. He replaced the deceased League MP, veteran Young Irelander John Martin. Parnell soon associated with the more radical wing of the party, which included Joseph Biggar (MP for Cavan from 1874), Edmund Dwyer Gray (MP for Tipperary from 1877), F. H. O'Donnell (MP for Dungarvan from 1877) and John O'Connor Power (MP for County Mayo from 1874) and engaged in a policy of obstructionism (i.e., the use of technical procedures to disrupt the House of Commons' ability to function) to force the House to pay more attention to Irish issues, which had previously been ignored. This behaviour was opposed by the less aggressive chairman (leader) of the Home Rule League, Isaac Butt. Biggar and O'Connor Power also had links with the Irish Republican Brotherhood, a physical force Irish organisation that had staged a rebellion in 1867. The question of Parnell's closeness to the IRB, and whether indeed he ever joined the organisation, has been a matter of academic debate for a century. The evidence suggests that later, following the signing of the Kilmainham Treaty, Parnell did take the IRB oath, possibly for tactical reasons.[3]

What is known is that IRB involvement in the League's sister organisation, the Home Rule Confederation of Great Britain, led to the moderate Butt's ouster from its presidency (even though he had founded the organisation) in 1877 and the election of Parnell in his place.[4]

Leader

Parnell was never a great speaker in the House but his organisational, analytical and tactical skills earned wide praise, enabling him to take on the British organisation's presidency. Butt died in 1879 and was replaced as chairman of the League by the Whig-orientated William Shaw. Shaw's victory was temporary, however. In the April 1880 general election twenty-seven supporters of Parnell's were returned as MPs, outnumbering the support base of Shaw. In May 1880 Parnell was elected chairman of the party. Though the elections were for each session of Parliament, he remained leader for over a decade.

New style, new party, new rules

Parnell fundamentally changed the Home Rule League. He restructured it from top to bottom, creating a well-organised grass roots structure and membership to replace the League's previous informal grouping, in which MPs regularly voted differently on issues or did not come to the House of Commons at all. In 1882 he changed its name to the Irish Parliamentary Party and in 1884 imposed a strict party oath obliging its MPs to vote en bloc. The creation of a strict party whip and formal party structure was unique in politics. The Irish Parliamentary Party is generally seen as the first modern British political party, its efficient structure and control contrasting with the loose rules and flexible informality found in the main British parties, which came to model their party structures on the Parnellite model.

Candidate selection

A central aspect of Parnell's reforms was to ensure that professional selection of candidates took place. Previously candidates had often emerged in ad hoc arrangements, had little commitment to the party and either didn't bother to go to the House of Commons at all (some citing expense, given that MPs were unpaid and the journey to Westminster was both costly and arduous) or if they did, regularly voted against their own party.[5] Parnell's new selection procedure, and the party oath, ensured that the party ran candidates who were committed to taking the seats and voting with their party on all occasions.

The changes impacted on the nature of candidates chosen. Under Butt, the party's MPs were a mixture of Catholic and Protestant, landlord and others, Whig, Liberal and Tory, often leading to disagreements in policy that meant that MPs split in votes. Under Parnell, the number of Protestant and landlord MPs dwindled, as did the number of Tories seeking election. The parliamentary party became much more Catholic and middle class, with a large number of journalists such as Timothy Michael Healy being elected. The disappearance of Protestant landowners and Tories from the IPP made it easier for Parnell to ensure the party voted as a bloc in the House of Commons.

Balance of power

Parnell's unified Irish bloc came to dominate British politics, making and unmaking Liberal and Conservative governments in the mid-1880s as it fought for home rule (internal self government within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland) for Ireland. In the mid 1880s, Liberal Party leader William Ewart Gladstone committed his party to support for the cause of Irish Home Rule, introducing the First Home Rule Bill in 1886. However the measure failed to pass the British House of Commons, following a split between pro- and anti-home rulers within the Liberal Party.

Though home rule was a central demand of the Irish Parliamentary Party, it also campaigned for Irish land reform. In that campaign, some of its members worked closely with an organisation known as the Irish National Land League.

Parnell was elected president of the Land League on 21 October 1879. In January 1880, together with John Dillon, he visited the United States to raise funds and awareness for the Land League. On 2 February 1880 he addressed the House of Representatives on the state of Ireland.

The association with the Land League led various members, including John Dillon, Tim Healy, William O'Brien, Willie Redmond and Parnell himself to serve periods in prison. The agitation led to the passing of a series of Land Acts that over three decades changed the face of Irish land ownership, replacing large Anglo-Irish estates with tenant ownership.

In 1882, Parnell dissolved the Land League, and founded the National League to campaign on broader issues.

The Piggott forgeries

In March 1887, Parnell found himself accused by the British newspaper The Times of support for the murders of the Chief Secretary for Ireland Lord Frederick Cavendish, and the Permanent Under-Secretary for Ireland, T.H. Burke and of the general involvement of his movement with crime (i.e., with illegal organisations such as the IRB). Burke and Cavendish had been brutally stabbed to death on 6 May 1882 in the Phoenix Park in Dublin. Letters were published which suggested Parnell was complicit in the murders. Below is the most important one. However, a Commission of Enquiry revealed in February 1889 that the letters were in fact a fabrication created by Richard Piggott, an anti-Parnellite journalist, who later committed suicide after the letter was showed to be a forgery by him with his characteristic mistakes. Parnell then took The Times to court and the newspaper paid him £5,000 damages in an out-of-court settlement. When Parnell entered parliament, after he was vindicated, he received a standing ovation from his fellow MPs led by Gladstone. The 35-volume report did not clear Parnell's movement of criminal involvement however.

Dear Sir, - I am not surprised at your friend's anger, but he and you should know that to denounce the murders was the only course open to us. To do that promptly was plainly our best policy. But you can tell him, and all others concerned, that, though I regret the accident of Lord Frederick Cavendish's death, I cannot refuse to admit that Burke got no more than his deserts. You are at liberty to show him this, and others whom you can trust also, but let not my address be known. He can write to House of Commons. Yours very truly, Charles S. Parnell.[6]

Mrs Katharine O'Shea

Parnell's grave in the predominantly Roman Catholic Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin, alongside Eamon de Valera, Michael Collins and Daniel O'Connell.
Parnell's grave in the predominantly Roman Catholic Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin, alongside Eamon de Valera, Michael Collins and Daniel O'Connell.

Parnell was viewed as an Irish national hero, referred to in the media as the "Uncrowned King of Ireland", a term originally coined by journalists to describe Daniel O'Connell. However, Parnell's triumph was shortlived. It was soon 'revealed' (though it had been widely known among politicians at Westminster) that Parnell had been the long term partner, and father of three of the children, of Katharine O'Shea, also known subsequently as Kitty.[7] She was the wife of a fellow MP, Captain William O'Shea of Galway, who had started divorce proceedings after failing to secure a large inheritance due to his wife. Captain O'Shea had stayed married to Katharine because her old and wealthy aunt liked him and was going to leave a large sum of money. The aunt lived for another 11 years; when she died Captain O'Shea gained less money than he expected and he initiated divorce proceedings.[citation needed] After the divorce Katharine married Parnell. Under pressure from politicians, newspapers and churches, Gladstone could not support the Irish Parliamentary Party while Parnell remained its leader.

Party divides

Divorce is forbidden under Catholic doctrine and most of Parnell's supporters were Roman Catholics. As co-respondent, Parnell was legally the cause of the divorce. He was also criticised by Nonconformists. Parnell's reputation was high but the scandal crippled this support. As a direct consequence of the O'Shea divorce, the Unionist movement in Ulster gained strength, as they espoused puritan values and they began to see the Home Rule movement as "morally wrong".

Parnell refused to resign. Not only did he refuse to resign but he exploited his position as party chairman to block any motion to remove him. After a meeting lasting two days the majority of those present walked out to found a new organisation, thus creating rival Parnellite and Anti-Parnellite parties. The minority who supported Parnell continued in the Irish National League under John Redmond, the vast majority of Anti-Parnellites forming the Irish National Federation, later led by John Dillon and supported by the Catholic Church. At a party meeting, Parnell challenged Gladstone's intervention with the question, "Who is the master of the party?"; Tim Healy, a notoriously waspish MP, responded with the legendary "Who is the mistress of the party?" putdown. The fact that it was Tim Healy who so vehemently opposed Parnell was seen as the ultimate humiliation: Healy had been one of Parnell's strongest supporters and had referred to Parnell as 'the Uncrowned King of Ireland'.[8]

See also: Diocese of Meath

Personal politics

Parnell's personal political views remained an enigma. He defended the radical republican and atheist Charles Bradlaugh yet associated with the Roman Catholic Church. He was linked both with aristocracy and with the Irish Republican Brotherhood, with speculation in the 1990s that he may have even joined the latter organisation. The historian Andrew Roberts argues that he was sworn into the IRB in the old library at Trinity College Dublin in May 1882 and that this was concealed for 40 years.[9] Socially he was a conservative, leading some historians to speculate that personally he would have been closer to the Conservative Party than the Liberals but for political needs. Andrew Kettle, Parnell's right hand man, who shared a lot of his opinions, wrote of his own views:

I confess that I felt [in 1885], and still feel, a greater leaning towards the British Tory party than I ever could have towards the so-called Liberals.[10]

Historians believe that Parnell, and Tim Healy, shared that viewpoint.[11]

Death

The Grave of Parnell
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The Grave of Parnell

Parnell was deposed as leader and fought a long and bitter campaign for re-instatement. He conducted a political tour of Ireland to regain popular support, attracting Fenian "hillside men" to his side. He married Katharine on 25 June, 1891 in Steyning, West Sussex, on which day the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy issued a near-unanimous condemnation of his conduct (only Edward O'Dwyer of Limerick withheld his signature).[12] He lost the support of the Freeman's Journal. On the difficult campaign trail he had quicklime thrown at his eyes by a hostile crowd in Castlecomer, County Kilkenny. Fr. PJ Ryan, a Land League protagonist, immediately called in medical aid, which was given him by his brother, Dr Valentine Ryan of Carlow Town, a Home Rule sympathiser. On 27 September Parnell addressed a crowd in pouring rain at Creggs on the GalwayRoscommon border and contracted pneumonia.

He returned to Dublin, thence to Brighton, departing by the mail boat, 30 September. ("I shall be all right. I shall be back next Saturday week.") He died in his wife's arms of a heart attack brought on by rheumatic fever, near midnight, 6 October in his and Katherine's home in Brighton. Though an Anglican, he was buried in Dublin's largest Roman Catholic cemetery, Glasnevin. Such was his reputation that his gravestone of unhewn Wicklow granite, erected in 1940, [13] carries just one word in large lettering: PARNELL.

Overall assessment

Charles Stewart Parnell is regarded as one of the most extraordinary figures in Irish and British politics. He single-handedly invented the modern political party with its whip, while having the power to make and unmake governments in the United Kingdom.

Over a century after his death he is still surrounded by public interest. His sudden death, and the sex scandal which preceded it, gave him a public appeal and interest that other contemporaries, such as Tim Healy or John Dillon, could not match. Historians speculate as to whether, had Parnell lived, home rule would have been achieved a decade earlier, and whether the granting of home rule earlier would have meant that there would have been no Easter Rising, no Irish War of Independence and no independent Ireland. Or perhaps the achievement of independence would have flowed from a home rule settlement rather than by revolution.

The scale of Parnell's impact can be seen in the fact that parties from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have tried to claim him as "one of their own", as more recently have some in Sinn Féin. The uniqueness of his appeal was shown when, in the early 1890s two visiting members of the British Royal Family, Prince Albert Victor, Duke of Clarence and Prince George, Duke of York (later King George V), paid a private visit to Glasnevin Cemetery to see the grave of the "uncrowned king of Ireland".

Ultimately what is clear is that the O'Shea divorce scandal and Parnell's death changed the shape of late nineteenth century politics. Just how much was changed by his death can be but speculated. For generations of Irish people Parnell came to be seen as the "lost leader", against whose mythical reputation no later leader who lived a normal lifespan and who faced the practicalities of governance that Parnell never faced, could hope to prevail.

Trivia

Parnell on the Irish £100 note (1990 to 2002)
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Parnell on the Irish £100 note (1990 to 2002)
  • Charles Stewart Parnell was played by a clean-shaven Clark Gable in Parnell, a 1937 MGM movie about the Irish leader. This film was notable as Gable's biggest flop and occurred at the height of his career, when almost every other Gable movie was a smash hit.
  • Though generally called the "uncrowned king of Ireland", Parnell was in fact the second to be described as such. The same term was applied 30 years earlier to Daniel O'Connell.
Parnell Grave, Glasnevin Cemetery
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Parnell Grave, Glasnevin Cemetery

Footnotes

  1. ^ Most contemporaries pronounced his name as par-nell with the emphasis on the latter part of the name. He himself disapproved of this pronunciation, pronouncing his name par-nell, with the emphasis on the start of the name.
  2. ^ Gladstone's exact words were, 'I do not say the ablest man; I say the most remarkable and the most interesting. He was an intellectual phenomenon.'
  3. ^ Alvin Jackson, Home Rule: An Irish History 1800—2000 p.45.
  4. ^ ibid.p.42.
  5. ^ A land bill introduced by party leader Isaac Butt in 1876 was voted down in the House of Commons, with 45 of his own MPs voting against him.
  6. ^ http://www.chaptersofdublin.com/books/General/parnellforgeries.htm
  7. ^ Kitty is a Hiberno-English Irish colloquial version of Catherine. She herself was not called Kitty by those who knew her. It was suggested that the use of the word Kitty carried a double-meaning: firstly as the name was more usually used by the lower classes it was seen as implying that she was "beneath Parnell" in terms of class (Kitty was a name more likely to be used by a chambermaid or servant than the wife of an aristocrat. Secondly "kitty" was a slang term for a prostitute.
  8. ^ James Joyce spoke of Parnell in his novel A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man where Parnell was used as a symbol of lost hope in Ireland and in Irish unity. References to Parnell also abound in his second and third novels Ulysses and Finnegans Wake.
  9. ^ A. Roberts, Salisbury (Weidenfeld & Nicolson 1999) pp. 456-457.
  10. ^ Laurence J. Kettle, Material for Victory: The Memoirs of Andrew J. Kettle, Right Hand Man to Charles Stewart Parnell (Dublin, 1958) p.69.
  11. ^ Alvin Jackson, Home Rule: An Irish History 1800—2000
  12. ^ http://steyningmuseum.org.uk/parnell.htm
  13. ^ J. J. Horgan, Parnell to Pearse (1949), p.50

Additional reading and sources

  • Robert Kee, The Green Flag (Penguin, 1972–2000), ISBN 0-14-029165-2
  • Robert Kee, The Laurel and the Ivy (Penguin, 1994), ISBN 0-14-023962-6
  • Claude Berube and John Rodgaard, "A Call to the Sea: Captain Charles Stewart of the USS Constitution" (Potomac Books Inc, 2005), ISBN 1-57488-518-9

See also

External links


Parliament of the United Kingdom (1801–present)
Preceded by
John Martin
MP for Meath
1875–1880
Succeeded by
Alexander Martin Sullivan
Preceded by
William Goulding and J. P. Roydane
MP for Cork
1880–1891
Succeeded by
Martin Flavin

 
 

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