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Saul Alinsky

 
Who2 Biography: Saul Alinsky, Activist
 

  • Born: 30 January 1909
  • Birthplace: Chicago, Illinois
  • Died: 12 June 1972
  • Best Known As: The father of community organizing

Tough, pragmatic and a lover of humanity, Saul Alinsky pioneered a method of helping poor and working-class people organize themselves to improve their communities. Combining urban social theories he had learned at the University of Chicago with street smarts he had earned growing up in that city's Jewish ghetto, Alinsky first worked in prisons and as a juvenile delinquency researcher. Then, starting in crime-ridden Chicago neighborhoods in the late 1930s, he helped unions, churches and other social groups unite and win everything from jobs to streetlights and garbage collection. He would immerse himself in the neighborhood, listen to ordinary people's troubles and needs, assess where power lay, and empower previously divided groups to seek common goals by standing up to government and corporate machines. With financial backing from department-store heir Marshall Field III, he established the Industrial Areas Foundation, which helped him extend his work to several U.S. cities. He had little patience for militants, Communists or dreamy liberals, saying he was a community organizer because he believed in American democracy and because "I can't stand to see people pushed around."

Alinsky was married three times: to Helene Simon (who collapsed and died after rescuing their daughter from drowning in Lake Michigan), to Jean Graham, and to Irene McGinnis. He had two children, Kathryn and David, both adopted during his first marriage.

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Biography: Saul David Alinsky
 

Saul David Alinsky (1909-1972) was a leading organizer of neighborhood citizen reform groups in the United States between 1936 and 1972. He also provided philosophical direction for this type of organizing movement.

Saul David Alinsky was born in Chicago, January 30, 1909, the child of Russian-Jewish immigrant parents, Benjamin and Sarah (Tannenbaum). Saul's parents were divorced when he was 13 years old, and he went to live with his father who had moved to Los Angeles. He later returned to Chicago to study at the University of Chicago from which he earned a doctorate in archeology in 1930. Upon graduation he won a fellowship from the university's sociology department which enabled him to study criminology. In 1931 he went to work as a sociologist for the Illinois Division of Juvenile Research while also serving at the Institute for Criminal Research and the Illinois Prison Board. At this time he married Helene Simon, with whom he had two children, a son and a daughter. His wife died in a drowning accident in 1947.

In 1936 Alinsky left his positions with the state agencies to cofound the Back-of-the-Yards Neighborhood Council. This was his first effort to build a neighborhood citizen reform group, a form of activity which would earn Alinsky a reputation as a radical reformer.

Back-of-the-Yards was a largely Irish-Catholic community on Chicago's southwest side near the famous Union Stockyards, which had been deteriorating for many years. Alinsky organized his neighborhood council among local residents willing to unite to protest their community's decline and to pressure city hall for assistance. The council had great success in stabilizing the Back-of-the-Yards neighborhood and restoring the morale of local residents.

With this success behind him, Alinsky in 1939 (with funds from the Marshall Field Foundation) established the Industrial Areas Foundation with himself as executive director to bring his method of reform to other declining urban neighborhoods. His approach depended on uniting ordinary citizens around immediate grievances in their neighborhoods and stirring them to protest vigorously and even disruptively. In Alinsky's first book, Reveille for Radicals (1946), he explained how neighborhood residents could be effectively organized as activists for reform.

For many years Alinsky's neighborhood reform work disappeared from public attention, and he became best known instead for his 1949 biography of the famous labor leader John L. Lewis. Alinsky admired Lewis because he had proved especially adept at organization building and using mass pressure to win reforms for his followers. When a wave of reform swept the American nation in the 1960s Alinsky again commanded public attention. A critic of many of the decade's young radicals who spoke the language of violence, Alinsky instead called on reformers to be more practical and to use the self-interest of ordinary citizens as the primary force for increased political participation. "A guy has to be a political idiot," he told radicals, "to say all power comes out of the barrel of a gun when the other side has the guns." For Alinsky, power came from stable local organizations and political participation by aroused citizens fighting for their rights.

President Lyndon B. Johnson's "war on poverty" offered Alinsky a grand opportunity to put his ideas about neighborhood reform into practice. In the mid-1960s he founded a neighborhood (TWO), which the journalist Charles Silberman called "the most significant social experiment going on among blacks in America today." Soon thereafter Alinsky moved to Rochester, New York, where his Industrial Areas Foundation organized local African American residents to pressure the city's largest employer, the Eastman Kodak Company, to hire more African Americans and also give them a role in picking the company's employees. Simultaneously he participated in a federally-funded leadership training institute at Syracuse University which had been created as part of the "war on poverty."

But Alinsky's technique of rubbing a community's sores raw alienated some leaders, and in 1967 Alinsky found himself without a contract. He promptly labeled President Johnson's policies "a huge political pork barrel." At the same time he found it increasingly difficult to work with local African American groups which were then being swept up in the concept of "Black power" and who found it irksome to function under white leadership. Thus at the end of the 1960s Alinsky turned to training white middle-class citizens to organize and protest against the deterioration of their marginal urban and suburban neighborhoods. Always on the move, he organized white worker councils in Chicago, steelworkers in Pittsburgh, Indians in Canada, and Chicanos in the Southwest, where he influenced Cesar Chavez, who was later to found the first successful labor organization among California farm workers.

In 1971 Alinsky published his third book, Rules for Radicals: A Political Primer for Practical Radicals, in which he distilled his basic ideas concerning neighborhood reform. A year later, on June 12, 1972, he died of a heart attack near his home in Carmel, California, leaving his third wife Irene (his second marriage in 1947 to the former Ruth Graham had ended in divorce in 1970).

Further Reading

Two brief sketches of Alinsky can be found in Who's Who in America 1970 and the obituary notice in the New York Times June 13, 1972. For Alinsky's ideas about protest and reform one might consult Marion K. Saunders, The Professional Radical: Conversations with Saul Alinsky (1956). For a study of one of his neighborhood groups in action in Chicago see Robert Bailey, Jr., Radicals in Urban Politics, the Alinsky Approach (1972).

Additional Sources

Finks, P. David, The radical vision of Saul Alinsky, New York: Paulist Press, 1984.

Horwitt, Sanford D., Let them call me rebel: Saul Alinsky, his life and legacy, New York: Vintage Books, 1992.

 
Quotes By: Saul Alinsky
Top

Quotes:

"The greatest enemy of individual freedom is the individual himself."

"Power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have."

"Quotes from Mao, Castro, and Che Guevara... are as germane to our highly technological, computerized society as a stagecoach on a jet runway at Kennedy airport."

"Change means movement. Movement means friction. Only in the frictionless vacuum of a nonexistent abstract world can movement or change occur without that abrasive friction of conflict."

"Life is a corrupting process from the time a child learns to play his mother off against his father in the politics of when to go to bed; he who fears corruption fears life."

 
Wikipedia: Saul Alinsky
Top
Saul Alinsky
 

 
Born January 30, 1909(1909-01-30)
Chicago, Illinois
Died June 12, 1972 (aged 63)
Carmel, California
Occupation Community organizer, Writer
Nationality American

Saul David Alinsky (January 30, 1909, Chicago, Illinois - June 12, 1972, Carmel, California) was an American community organizer and writer. He is generally considered to be the founder of modern community organizing in America, the political practice of organizing communities to act in common self-interest.[1]

Contents

Early life and family

Alinsky was born in Chicago in 1909 to Russian Jewish immigrant parents, the only surviving son of Benjamin Alinsky's second marriage to Sarah Tannenbaum Alinsky.[2]

Education

He started at the University of Chicago in 1926, and eventually received a graduate fellowship in sociology, but didn't complete it.[3]

Community organizing

Alinsky came up with the idea of power analysis, which looks at relationships built on self-interest between corporations, banks and utilities.

In the 1930s, Alinsky organized the Back of the Yards neighborhood in Chicago (made infamous by Upton Sinclair's novel The Jungle for the horrific working conditions in the Union Stock Yards). He went on to found the Industrial Areas Foundation while organizing the Woodlawn neighborhood, which trained organizers and assisted in the founding of community organizations around the country. In Rules for Radicals (his final work, published in 1971 one year before his death), he addressed the 1960s generation of radicals, outlining his views on organizing for mass power. In the first chapter, opening paragraph of the book Alinsky writes, "What follows is for those who want to change the world from what it is to what they believe it should be. The Prince was written by Machiavelli for the Haves on how to hold power. Rules for Radicals is written for the Have-Nots on how to take it away."[4]

In Rules for Radicals, Alinsky outlines his strategy in organizing, writing in the prologue,

"There's another reason for working inside the system. Dostoevski said that taking a new step is what people fear most. Any revolutionary change must be preceded by a passive, affirmative, non-challenging attitude toward change among the mass of our people. They must feel so frustrated, so defeated, so lost, so futureless in the prevailing system that they are willing to let go of the past and change the future. This acceptance is the reformation essential to any revolution. To bring on this reformation requires that the organizer work inside the system, among not only the middle class but the 40 per cent of American families - more than seventy million people - whose income range from $5,000 to $10,000 a year [in 1971]. They cannot be dismissed by labeling them blue collar or hard hat. They will not continue to be relatively passive and slightly challenging. If we fail to communicate with them, if we don't encourage them to form alliances with us, they will move to the right. Maybe they will anyway, but let's not let it happen by default."[4]

Views and approach

Alinsky was a critic of mainstream liberalism, which he considered passive and ineffective. In Rules for Radicals, he argued that the most effective means are whatever will achieve the desired ends, and that an intermediate end for radicals should be democracy because of its relative ease to work within to achieve other ends of social justice. In 1969, he was awarded the Pacem in Terris Peace and Freedom Award.

Legacy

The documentary The Democratic Promise: Saul Alinsky and His Legacy,[5] states that "Alinsky championed new ways to organize the poor and powerless that created a backyard revolution in cities across America." Many important community and labor organizers came from the "Alinsky School," including Ed Chambers and Tom Gaudette. Alinsky formed the Industrial Areas Foundation in 1940. Chambers became its Executive Director after Alinsky died. Since its formation, hundreds of professional community and labor organizers and thousands of community and labor leaders have attended its workshops. Fred Ross, who worked for Alinsky, was the principal mentor for Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta.[6][7] In Hillary Clinton's senior honors thesis at Wellesley College, Clinton noted that Alinsky's personal efforts were a large part of his method.[8] She later noted that although she agreed with his notion of self-empowernment she disagreed with his assessment that the system could only change from the outside.[8] In her memoir, Living History, Hillary Clinton wrote that Alinsky offered her a job after she graduated from Wellesley College, but she chose instead to attend Yale Law School.

Alinsky's teachings influenced Barack Obama in his early career as a community organizer on the far South Side of Chicago.[7][8] Working for Gerald Kellman's Developing Communities Project, Obama learned and taught Alinsky's methods for community organizing.[7][9] Several prominent national leaders have been influenced by Alinsky's teachings,[7] including Ed Chambers,[5] Tom Gaudette, Michael Gecan, Wade Rathke,[10][11], and Patrick Crowley.[12]

Alinsky is often credited with laying the foundation for the grassroots political organizing that dominated the 1960s.[5] Later in his life he encouraged stockholders in public corporations to lend their votes to "proxies", who would vote at annual stockholders meetings in favor of social justice. While his grassroots style took hold in American activism, his call to stockholders to share their power with disenfranchised working poor only began to take hold in U.S. progressive (social liberalism) circles in the 1990s, when shareholder actions were organized against American corporations.

When describing power, Alinsky could be irreverent:

"Rules for Radicals" begins with an unusual tribute: "From all our legends, mythology, and history (and who is to know where mythology leaves off and history begins – or which is which), the first radical known to man who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom – Lucifer."

Again, his views on power:

Alinsky advises his followers that the poor have no power and that the real target is the middle class: "Organization for action will now and in the decade ahead center upon America's white middle class. That is where the power is. ... Our rebels have contemptuously rejected the values and the way of life of the middle class. They have stigmatized it as materialistic, decadent, bourgeois, degenerate, imperialistic, war-mongering, brutalized and corrupt. They are right; but we must begin from where we are if we are to build power for change, and the power and the people are in the middle class majority."

Alinsky is sometimes said to have coined the term "Think globally, act locally,"[3] though its origin is disputed.

Published works

Biographies and works on Alinsky

  • Let Them Call Me Rebel: Saul Alinsky: His Life and Legacy, by Sanford D. Horwitt, (1989) Alfred Knopf, ISBN 0394572432; Vintage Books paperback: ISBN 067973418X
  • The Democratic Promise: Saul Alinsky and His Legacy, 1999, Chicago Video Project, co-produced by Bruce Orenstein.
  • The Professional Radical: Conversations with Saul Alinsky by Marion K. Sanders, (New York: Harper & Row, 1970).
  • The Love Song of Saul Alinsky, by Tony-nominee Herb Schapiro, originally produced in Chicago in 1998 by Terrapin Theatre, directed by Pam Dickler and with Gary Houston as Alinsky. Script has since been published by Samuel French: ISBN 9780573651298

In pop culture

The 2006 album The Avalanche by Sufjan Stevens includes a song, titled "The Perpetual Self, Or 'What Would Saul Alinsky Do?'". The 2006 album The Sufferer & the Witness by Rise Against includes an excerpt from the book in the back of the CD case. The 2005 album It's Time to Decide by At All Cost includes a song titled "The Return" which mentions Saul Alinsky and Allen Ginsberg's contributions to radical revolution.

References

  1. ^ "Alinsky, Saul David", New Catholic Encyclopedia. Catholic University of America. 2nd ed. 15 vols. Gale, 2003.
  2. ^ Horwitt, Sanford D. (1989). Let them call me rebel: Saul Alinsky, his life and legacy. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. pp. 3–9. ISBN 0-394-57243-2. 
  3. ^ a b Barash, David (2002). Peace and Conflict. Sage Publications. ISBN 9780761925071. 
  4. ^ a b Rules for Radicals, by Saul Alinsky
  5. ^ a b c "The Democratic Promise: Saul Alinsky and His Legacy". Itvs.org. 1939-07-14. http://www.itvs.org/democraticpromise/alinsky.html. Retrieved on 2009-02-26. 
  6. ^ A Trailblazing Organizer's Organizer by Dick Meister
  7. ^ a b c d For Clinton and Obama, a Common Ideological Touchstone by Peter Slevin, The Washington Post, 2007-03-25
  8. ^ a b c "NPR Democrats and the Legacy of Activist Saul Alinsky All Things Considered, May 21, 2007". Npr.org. 2007-05-21. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=10305695. Retrieved on 2009-02-26. 
  9. ^ "Barack Obama: How He Did It | Newsweek Politics: Campaign 2008". Newsweek.com. http://www.newsweek.com/id/167582/page/2. Retrieved on 2009-02-26. 
  10. ^ "Rural Communities by Cornelia Butler Flora, Jan L. Flora, Susan Fey, page 335". Books.google.com. http://books.google.com/books?id=U-vXATPRi38C&pg=PA335&lpg=PA335&dq=Wade+Rathke+and+Alinsky&source=web&ots=kY4parFD0R&sig=wNrvMwXA_UmM7clakvsomqwaRIE&hl=en&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=9&ct=result. Retrieved on 2009-02-26. 
  11. ^ "A Community Organizing Organization". ACORN. http://acorn.org/index.php?id=12447. Retrieved on 2009-02-26. 
  12. ^ Jerzyk, Matt (2009-02-21). "Rhode Island's Future". Rifuture.org. http://www.rifuture.org. Retrieved on 2009-02-26. 

External links


 
 

 

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