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utilitarianism

Did you mean: utilitarianism (in ethics), Utilitarianism (book), Utilitarianism (architecture), Jeremy Bentham (Philosopher), John Stuart Mill

 
Dictionary: u·til·i·tar·i·an·ism   (yū-tĭl'ĭ-târ'ē-ə-nĭz'əm) pronunciation
 
utilitarianism

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n.
  1. The belief that the value of a thing or an action is determined by its utility.
  2. The ethical theory proposed by Jeremy Bentham and James Mill that all action should be directed toward achieving the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people.
  3. The quality of being utilitarian: housing of bleak utilitarianism.

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Business Dictionary: Utilitarianism
 

Field of the teleological theory of ethics stating that decisions should be made on the basis of achieving the greatest good for the greatest number without making an intrinsic value judgment about the decision itself. Utilitarianism is sometimes called a consequentialist theory in that the primary consideration is the consequence of the decision.

 
Political Dictionary: utilitarianism
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The most famous definition of utilitarianism equates it with the belief that, ‘That action is best which procures the greatest happiness of the greatest number’. Although generally associated with Bentham, who quoted it with approval, the statement was first made by Francis Hutcheson in his Inquiry into the Original of our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue (1725). The doctrine that actions should be judged on their capacity to produce happiness is an ancient one, recognizable as the classical Greek eudaemonism. However, it was only in the secular and commercial milieu of eighteenth-century Britain that it became an important and respectable philosophy, if not yet a dominant one. The works of Bentham, especially An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, provide the most explicit statement of utilitarianism, but Hume and Burke were also utilitarians to some degree.

The ‘greatest happiness of the greatest number’ is an indication of the spirit and purpose of utilitarianism, but perhaps also a pointer to the intellectual problems which bedevil the philosophy. It seems to imply a prescription to maximize the population, since the maximization of xy is as well achieved by increases in y as in x. In so far as more people means less happiness per capita (as it means less space and fewer resources), then the definition sets up an indeterminate tension between numbers and individual happiness. It is clear that most utilitarians, including Bentham, intend the greatest happiness of a given number of people or of the whole existing population. ‘Happiness’ has not been successfully developed as a concept; nor have ‘pain’, ‘pleasure’, or ‘utility’. Bentham offers a ‘felicific calculus’ to measure these concepts by considering their ‘intensity’, ‘fecundity’, ‘duration’, and so on, but even the most sympathetic contemporary utilitarian would not claim that the calculus actually offers us anything precise or capable of implementation. It is even crucially ambiguous as to whether ‘pain’ refers to states of very low pleasure, tending towards zero, or of negative pleasure, worse than death. Only biologists and behaviourists, by concentrating on the physical concomitants of pain and pleasure rather than the sensations, have succeeded in making scientific concepts out of pain and pleasure. But these scientific meanings suggest that utilitarian policy-makers should look to pleasure machines or pleasure drugs as their principal instruments of policy, an implication which has been generally taken to be a reductio ad absurdum of the use of behavioural concepts of pleasure in utilitarian philosophy. The general aggregate which utilitarians would seek to maximize has been given several names including, recently, ‘satisfaction’ and ‘human flourishing’, but in the wake of the failure of the central concept, the philosophy has developed in two different directions, which can be called economic and broad utilitarianism. Economic utilitarianism replaces happiness as the central concept by the extent to which individuals get what they choose (or would choose, if they had a choice). It is thus able to develop a precise and sophisticated theory based on real and hypothetical choices and to allocate monetary values to outcomes; it generates such political and administrative applications as cost-benefit analysis.

Economic utilitarianism uses very different concepts from those used by Bentham, but it can be said to have developed in a Benthamite spirit. Broad utilitarianism, as it has been developed by moral philosophers, is more in the spirit of Hume and J. S. Mill in so far as it tends to eschew precise calculation in favour of more general utilitarian judgement and abandons the rigorous unidimensionality of the Benthamite concept of pleasure (‘the quantity of pleasure being equal, pushpin is as good as poetry’) to allow more qualitative judgements. The weakness of this approach is that it endangers the distinction between utilitarian moral and political philosophy and rival traditions. If we allow the possibility of qualitative judgement such as a presumption in favour of the profundity of the pleasure derived from poetry as against the triviality of that gained from pushpin, then have we not lost the rigorous insistence on the unbiased comparison of all goods which is typically utilitarian? Similarly, there is a problem about rules. Strictly, a utilitarian should acknowledge that ‘rules are made to be broken’ and calculate each individual act of obedience and disobedience on its consequences. But we are likely to be happier if at least some rules are obeyed habitually and generally. The doctrine of ‘rule utilitarianism’ suggests that we should always obey the rule which, if always obeyed, would have better consequences than any other rule, always obeyed. Arguably, this cannot be called utilitarianism at all, its insistence on strict adherence to rules having crossed a philosophical boundary into neo- Kantianism. Perhaps a more convincingly utilitarian solution to the problem of rules is John Rawls's conception of ‘summary rules’, practices which we should generally, though not ‘religiously’, conform to in order to avoid the costs of endless calculations and to enjoy the benefits of social order.

A broad utilitarian outlook, by allowing a range of judgements about the quality of pleasure and the consequences of actions, is bound to allow utilitarian judgement to be informed by other philosophies to which the person making the judgement leans, whether traditionalist, libertarian, feminist, or whatever. However, even broad utilitarianism has its boundaries; the limits of what constitutes utilitarianism and what lies clearly in non-utilitarian territory can be delineated by three conditions, individually necessary and collectively sufficient to define it as a distinct form of political philosophy. Utilitarianism is necessarily:

(1) consequentialist. It judges, evaluates, and proposes actions according to their consequences and not, as deontological moralists do, according to conformance to a rule or rules, whether derived from reason, revealed religion, or the human condition.
(2) Aggregative. It sums benefits for a population. This can be a state population (as a kind of summary rule about responsibility) or the global population. It may or may not take account of the interest of creatures other than Homo sapiens, but what it does not do is to allow any individual claims or rights to be wholly immune from inclusion in the aggregate sum.
(3) Sensualist. What is aggregated must be reducible to the feelings of well- and ill-being of living entities. No virtue or advantage shall be counted which is not so reducible.

 Utilitarianism entered politics as a radical philosophy, challenging orthodoxy, since its most famous development was stimulated by Bentham's hostility to Sir William Blackstone's lectures on law (published as Commentaries on the Laws of England). Blackstone attempted to derive English law from natural law, while Bentham was keen to establish that laws were made and not discovered by men and therefore could and should be chosen because of their consequences. Nor does utilitarianism necessarily support existing property rights, and early practical utilitarians such as Edwin Chadwick were instrumental in increasing the regulation of industry and the provision of public services. Utilitarianism does, after all, start from an egalitarian premiss: Bentham insisted that ‘each is to count for one and no-one for more than one’.

But it is unlikely that a doctrine which seeks to maximize happiness over a foreseeable future could counsel revolution or even rapid social change. In Anarchical Fallacies Bentham rigorously opposed the natural rights doctrines of the French revolutionaries as ‘nonsense on stilts’, a new version of the old error of natural law. Utilitarianism has been, typically, the basis of liberal-conservative positions, realistic and reformist. With the demise of many of the traditional positions in political theory after 1945, utilitarianism came to hold a dominant position in non-Marxist thought. 1979 Herbert Hart referred to this as ‘the widely accepted old faith that some form of utilitarianism, if only we could discover the right form, must capture the essence of political morality’.

Economic utilitarianism is often attacked for the narrowness of its considerations and for its bogus precision. Broad utilitarianism meets two alternative criticisms: either it is treated as so broad and bland that it lacks proper boundaries as a philosophy or it is immoral in that the utilitarian approach to ethics profoundly contradicts our intuitive sense of right and wrong, most often our sense of justice or fairness.

The most important defence of utilitarianism is that there is no alternative to it as a public philosophy—in a secular and ethically pluralist age. Politicians cannot avoid causing the death of innocent people if they try to keep public expenditure in check or to help maintain a semblance of international order. Utilitarianism, uniquely, accepts this and yet makes an important moral demand of those who make policy: they must always consider the ‘bottom line’ of their decisions, who is gaining and who is losing and whether the net aggregate of well-being might not be better served by an alternative. Thus as a ‘government house philosophy’ (as Robert Goodin puts it) utilitarianism retains a leading, even unique, role.

— Lincoln Allison

 

Ethical principle according to which an action is right if it tends to maximize happiness, not only that of the agent but also of everyone affected. Thus, utilitarians focus on the consequences of an act rather than on its intrinsic nature or the motives of the agent (see consequentialism). Classical utilitarianism is hedonist, but values other than, or in addition to, pleasure (ideal utilitarianism) can be employed, or — more neutrally, and in a version popular in economics — anything can be regarded as valuable that appears as an object of rational or informed desire (preference utilitarianism). The test of utility maximization can also be applied directly to single acts (act utilitarianism), or to acts only indirectly through some other suitable object of moral assessment, such as rules of conduct (rule utilitarianism). Jeremy Bentham's Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789) and John Stuart Mill's Utilitarianism (1863) are major statements of utilitarianism.

For more information on utilitarianism, visit Britannica.com.

 
British History: utilitarianism
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Utilitarianism is the moral philosophy which asserts that the maximization of happiness is the ultimate aim of all human conduct. According to Jeremy Bentham, the systematizer of utilitarianism, an action is right if, and only if, it promotes the greatest happiness of the greatest number.

Bentham presented utilitarianism as a practical guide to both individual and collective decision-making, developing a ‘felicific calculus’ to measure the net amount of happiness producible by alternative courses of action. The practical influence of utilitarianism in shaping social policy in Britain from the mid-19th cent. has been considerable. It became the ideological driving force behind the reform movement known as philosophical radicalism, which tested all institutions by the principle of utility.

However, utilitarianism has been much criticized. It has been objected that it is impossible to reduce complex moral issues to a simple mathematical formula, however elegant, and that no rational criterion exists for balancing the great harm done to an individual by taking away his property, against the potential happiness which could be derived by 200 other persons to whom it might be distributed. Critics argue, also, that justice demands protection of basic human rights such as life and liberty irrespective of calculations of utility. John Stuart Mill sought to answer this criticism by pointing out that the principle of justice promoted social utility in the long term, if not always in the immediate short term.

 
Philosophy Dictionary: utilitarianism
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The ethical theory advanced by Bentham, both James and J. S. Mill, Sidgwick, and many others, that answers all questions of what to do, what to admire, or how to live, in terms of maximizing utility or happiness. As well as an ethical theory, utilitarianism is, in effect, the view of life presupposed in most modern political and economic planning, when it is supposed that happiness is measured in economic terms. In J. S. Mill's statement of the doctrine, ‘actions are right in proportion as they tend to promote happiness, wrong as they tend to produce the reverse of happiness’. The view is a form of consequentialism, in which the relevant consequences are identified in terms of amounts of happiness. Different conceptions of happiness separated Mill's version (‘better a Socrates dissatisfied than a pig satisfied’), which recognized qualitative differences between different kinds of pleasure, from Bentham's forthright attempt to reduce all questions of happiness to presence of pleasure or pain (‘other things being equal, push-pin is as good as poetry’). Bentham's version aims to render the basic concepts of ethics susceptible of comparison and measurement (see felicific calculus, hedonism), but this goal will not be met in Mill's system. Critics of this aspect of the doctrine also query whether there is a conception of human happiness that stands sufficiently apart from general conceptions of behaving and acting well, to act as an independent target of action (see eudaimonia, virtue ethics).

The doctrine that applies utilitarianism to actions directly, so that an individual action is right if it increases happiness more than any alternative, is known as direct or act utilitarianism; the contrast is with indirect utilitarianism.

 
Columbia Encyclopedia: utilitarianism
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utilitarianism ('tĭlĭtr'ēənĭzəm, yūtĭ') , in ethics, the theory that the rightness or wrongness of an action is determined by its usefulness in bringing about the most happiness of all those affected by it. Utilitarianism is a form of consequentialism, which advocates that those actions are right which bring about the most good overall. Jeremy Bentham identified good consequences with pleasure, which is measured in terms of intensity, duration, certainty, propinquity, fecundity, purity, and extent. John Stuart Mill argued that pleasures differ in quality as well as quantity and that the highest good involves the highest quality as well as quantity of pleasure. Herbert Spencer developed an evolutionary utilitarian ethics in which the principles of ethical living are based on the evolutionary changes of organic development. G. E. Moore, in his Principia Ethica (1903), presented a version of utilitarianism in which he rejected the traditional equating of good with pleasure. Later in the 20th cent., versions of utilitarianism have been propounded by J. J. C. Smart and R. M. Hare.

Bibliography

See J. J. C. Smart and B. Williams, Utilitarianism (1973); A. Sen and B. Williams, ed., Utilitarianism and Beyond (1982).


 
Law Encyclopedia: Utilitarianism
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This entry contains information applicable to United States law only.

Utilitarianism is a philosophy of jurisprudence whose adherents believe that law must be made to conform to its most socially useful purpose. Although utilitarians differ as to the meaning of the word useful, most agree that a law's usefulness, or utility, may be defined in terms of its ability to increase happiness, wealth, or justice in society. Alternatively, some utilitarians measure a law's utility by its ability to decrease unhappiness, poverty, or injustice.

The utilitarianism movement originated in Great Britain during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries when philosophers Jeremy Bentham, John Austin, John Stuart Mill, and Henry Sidgwick began criticizing various aspects of the common law. Bentham, the progenitor of the movement, criticized the law for being written in dense and unintelligible prose. He sought to cut through the thicket of legal verbiage by reducing law to what he thought were its most basic elements — pain and pleasure.

Bentham believed that all human behavior is motivated by a desire to maximize pleasure and avoid pain. Yet he observed that law is often written in vague terms of rights and obligations. For example, a law might say that a person has a right to take action under one set of circumstances but an obligation to refrain from action under different circumstances. Bentham thought that law could be simplified by translating the language of rights and obligations into a pain-pleasure calculus.

Utilitarians have tried to apply Bentham's hedonistic calculus to criminal law. They assert that punishment is a form of government-imposed pain. At the same time, utilitarians believe that criminals break the law only because they do not fully comprehend the confusing language of rights and obligations. Accordingly, utilitarians conclude that law must be stripped of such confusing terms and redrafted in language that equates socially undesirable conduct with pain and socially desirable conduct with pleasure.

Utilitarians measure the desirability of human conduct by the amount of happiness it generates in society. They maintain that the ultimate aim of any law should be to promote the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people. Utilitarians would permit conduct that produces more happiness in society than unhappiness and would proscribe conduct that results in more unhappiness than happiness. Some utilitarians envision a democratic society where the happiness and unhappiness produced by a particular measure would be determined precisely by giving everyone the right to vote on the issue. Thus, those in power would know exactly how the citizenry felt about every issue.

Although the application of utilitarian principles may strengthen majority rule, unfettered democracy can lead to tyranny. Utilitarians are frequently criticized for sacrificing the interests of minorities to achieve majoritarian satisfaction. In a pure utilitarian form of government, a voting majority could pass laws to enslave minority groups so long as the institution of slavery continued to satisfy a preponderance of the population. Concepts such as equal protection, human dignity, and individual liberty would be recognized only to the extent that a majority of the population valued them.

Modern utilitarians have attempted to soften the harshness of their philosophy by expanding the definition of social utility. Law and economics is a school of modern utilitarianism that has achieved prominence in legal circles. Proponents of law and economics believe that all law should be based on a cost-benefit analysis in which judges and lawmakers seek to maximize societal wealth in the most efficient fashion. Here the term wealth possesses both pecuniary and nonpecuniary qualities. The nonpecuniary qualities of wealth may include the right to self-determination and other fundamental freedoms that society deems important, including freedom of speech and religion. Under such an analysis, institutions like slavery that deny basic individual liberties would be declared illegal because they decrease society's overall nonpecuniary wealth.

Economic analysis of law has more practical applications as well. Richard A. Posner, chief judge for the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals, is a pioneer in the law and economics movement. He advocates applying economic analysis of law to most legal disputes. For example, in negligence actions Posner believes that liability should be imposed only after a court weighs three factors: the pecuniary injury suffered by the plaintiff, the cost to the defendant in taking precautions against injurious behavior, and the probability that a particular injury could have been avoided by the defendant. This cost-benefit analysis is widely accepted and is applied in negligence actions by both state and federal courts. Thus, through economic analysis of law, utilitarianism and its permutations continue to influence legal thinking in the United States.

See: Chicago School.

 
Wikipedia: Utilitarianism
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Utilitarianism is the idea that the moral worth of an action is determined solely by its contribution to overall utility: that is, its contribution to happiness or pleasure as summed among all people. It is thus a form of consequentialism, meaning that the moral worth of an action is determined by its outcome. Utility, the good to be maximized, has been defined by various thinkers as happiness or pleasure (versus suffering or pain), although preference utilitarians like Peter Singer define it as the satisfaction of preferences. It may be described as a life stance, with happiness or pleasure being of ultimate importance.

Utilitarianism is described by the phrase "the greatest good for the greatest number of people". Therefore, it is also known as "the greatest happiness principle". Utilitarianism can thus be characterised as a quantitative and reductionist approach to ethics. It can be contrasted with deontological ethics (which do not regard the consequences of an act as the sole determinant of its moral worth) and virtue ethics (which focuses on character), as well as with other varieties of consequentialism. Adherents of these opposing views have extensively criticised the utilitarian view, but utilitarians have been similarly critical of other schools of thought. And like any ethical theory, the application of utilitarianism is heavily dependent on the moral agent's full range of wisdom, experience, social skills, and life skills.

In general, the term utilitarian refers to a somewhat narrow economic or pragmatic viewpoint. Philosophical utilitarianism, however, is much broader.

Contents

History

Jeremy Bentham

The origins of utilitarianism are often traced as far back as the Greek philosopher Epicurus, but, as a specific school of thought, it is generally credited to Jeremy Bentham.[1] Bentham found pain and pleasure to be the only intrinsic values in the world: "nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure." From this, he derived the rule of utility: the good is whatever brings the greatest happiness to the greatest number of people.

Bentham's foremost proponent was James Mill, a significant philosopher in his day and the father of John Stuart Mill. The younger Mill was educated according to Bentham's principles, including transcribing and summarising much of his father's work while still in his teens.[2]

In his famous short work, Utilitarianism, the younger Mill argues that cultural, intellectual and spiritual pleasures are of greater value than mere physical pleasure because the former would be valued higher than the latter by competent judges. A competent judge, according to Mill, is anyone who has experienced both the lower pleasures and the higher. His famous quote found in Utilitarianism (book) was, "it is better to be a human dissatisfied than a pig satisfied; better to be Socrates dissatisfied than a fool satisfied"[3] demonstrating Mill's distinction between higher and lower pleasures. He justified this distinction by the thought that "few human creatures would consent to be changed into any of the lower animals, for a promise of the fullest allowance of a beast's pleasures."[3]

Like Bentham's formulation, Mill's utilitarianism deals with pleasure and happiness. However John Stuart Mill made a clear distinction between happiness and pleasure; and made it evident that Weak Rule Utilitarianism was focused on maximising happiness rather than pleasure; for the naturalistic fallacy made it clear that what one desires and what is good are not always the same thing. For example a pleasure/desire may be to bully a lonely child, which may produce pleasure, however happiness comes from following virtues rather than desires.

John Stuart Mill

The classic utilitarianism of Bentham and Mill influenced many other philosophers as well as the development of the broader concept of consequentialism. As a result, there now exist many different accounts of the good, and, therefore, many different types of consequentialism besides utilitarianism. Some philosophers[who?] reject the sole importance of well-being, arguing that there are intrinsic values other than happiness or pleasure, such as knowledge and autonomy.

Other past advocates of utilitarianism include William Godwin, David Hume and Henry Sidgwick; modern-day advocates include R. M. Hare, Peter Singer and Torbjörn Tännsjö.

Up to and including John Stuart Mill, utilitarianism was mainly the province of practical reformers. The publication of Henry Sidgwick's The Methods of Ethics in 1874 can be viewed as the date utilitarianism began to be more commonly associated with academic philosophy.

Utilitarianism has been used as an argument for many different political views. In his essay On Liberty, as well as in other works, John Stuart Mill argues that utilitarianism requires that political arrangements satisfy the "liberty principle" (or harm principle), according to which "the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilised community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others."[4] Prevention of self-harm by other persons was considered expressly forbidden. Instead, Mill states that only persuasion can be rightfully used to prevent self-harm.[citation needed]

Ludwig von Mises advocated libertarianism using utilitarian arguments. Likewise, some Marxist philosophers have used utilitarianism as arguments for communism and socialism.

Types

Act vs. rule

Act utilitarianism states that, when faced with a choice, we must first consider the likely consequences of potential actions and, from that, choose to do what we believe will generate most pleasure. The rule utilitarian, on the other hand, begins by looking at potential rules of action. To determine whether a rule should be followed, he looks at what would happen if it were constantly followed. If adherence to the rule produces more happiness than otherwise, it is a rule that morally must be followed at all times. The distinction between act and rule utilitarianism is therefore based on a difference about the proper object of consequentialist calculation — specific to a case or generalized to rules.

Rule utilitarianism has been criticized for advocating general rules that will in some specific circumstances clearly decrease happiness if followed. Never to kill another human being may seem to be a good rule, but it could make self-defense against malevolent aggressors very difficult. Rule utilitarians add, however, that there are general exception rules that allow the breaking of other rules if such rule-breaking increases happiness, one example being self-defense. Critics argue that this reduces rule utilitarianism to act utilitarianism and makes rules meaningless. Rule utilitarians retort that rules in the legal system (i.e. laws) that regulate such situations are not meaningless. Self-defense is legally justified, while murder is not.

However there is within rule utilitarianism a distinction between the strictness and absolutism of this particular branch of utilitarianism. There is Strong Rule Utilitarianism which is an absolutist theory which frames strict rules which apply for all people and all time and may never be broken. Weak Rule utilitarianism however was the branch of utilitarianism that was proposed by John Stuart Mill and entailed that although rules should be framed on previous examples that benefit society; such as do not lie, it is possible under specific circumstances to do that which produces the greatest happiness and to break that rule. An example would be the Gestapo asking where your Jewish neighbours were... An strong rule utilitarian might say that the rule "Do not lie" can never be broken, whereas a weak rule utilitarian would argue that to lie would be the result that would produce the most happiness

Rule utilitarianism should not be confused with heuristics (rules of thumb), but many act utilitarians agree that it makes sense to formulate certain rules of thumb to follow if they find themselves in a situation whose consequences are difficult, costly or time-consuming to calculate exactly. If the consequences can be calculated relatively clearly and without much doubt, however, the rules of thumb can be ignored.

Collapse of rule utilitarianism into act utilitarianism

It has been argued[5] that rule utilitarianism collapses into act utilitarianism, because for any given rule, in the case where breaking the rule produces more utility, the rule can be sophisticated by the addition of a sub-rule that handles cases like the exception. This process holds for all cases of exceptions, and so the 'rules' will have as many 'sub-rules' as there are exceptional cases, which, in the end, makes an agent seek out whatever outcome produces the maximum utility.[6]

Two-level

Two-level utilitarianism states that one should normally use 'intuitive' moral thinking, in the form of rule utilitarianism, because it usually maximizes happiness. However there are some times when we must ascend to a higher 'critical' level of reflection in order to decide what to do, and must think as an act utilitarian would. Richard Hare supported this theory with his concept of the Archangel, which holds that if we were all 'archangels' we could be act utilitarians all the time as we would be able to perfectly predict consequences. However we are closer to 'proles' in that we are frequently biased and unable to foresee all possible consequence of our actions, and thus we require moral guidelines. When these principles clash we must attempt to think like an archangel in order to choose the right course of action.

Negative

Most utilitarian theories deal with producing the greatest amount of good for the greatest number. Negative utilitarianism (NU) requires us to promote the least amount of evil or harm, or to prevent the greatest amount of suffering for the greatest number. Proponents[who?] argue that this is a more effective ethical formula, since, they contend, the greatest harms are more consequential than the greatest goods. Karl Popper referred to an epistemological argument: “It adds to clarity in the fields of ethics, if we formulate our demands negatively, i.e. if we demand the elimination of suffering rather than the promotion of happiness.” [7]. In the practical implementation of this idea the following versions can be distinguished:

1. Some advocates[who?] of the utilitarian principle were quick to suggest that the ultimate aim of NU would be to engender the quickest and least painful method of killing the entirety of humanity, as this ultimately would effectively minimize suffering. NU would seem to call for the destruction of the world even if only to avoid the pain of a pinprick [8].

2. Newer, moderate versions of NU do not attempt to minimize all kinds of suffering but only those kinds that are created by the frustration of preferences.[9] In most supporters of moderate NU the preference to survive is stronger than the wish to be freed from suffering, so that they refuse the idea of a quick and painless destruction of life. Some of them believe that, in time, the worst cases of suffering will be defeated and a world of minor suffering can be realized. The principal agents of this direction can be found in the environment of transhumanism [10].

Supporters of moderate NU who do not believe in the promises of transhumanism would prefer a reduction of the population (and in the extreme case an empty world). This seems to come down to the position of radical NU, but in moderate NU the world could only be sacrificed to prevent extreme suffering and not to avoid the pain of a pinprick. And from the claim that an empty world would be a preferable state of affairs, it does not follow that a political movement should be formed with the aim of achieving such a state of affairs. The latter would definitely (and in analogy to radical NU) be counterproductive. Pessimistic supporters of moderate NU therefore tend towards a retreat oriented way of living.

3. Finally there are theoreticians who see NU as a branch within classical utilitarianism, rather than an independent theory. This interpretation overlooks Derek Parfit's “Repugnant Conclusion[11]. NU is precisely characterized by overcoming this theoretical weakness of classical utilitarianism.

Average vs. total

Total utilitarianism advocates measuring the utility of a population based on the total utility of its members. According to Derek Parfit, this type of utilitarianism falls victim to the Repugnant Conclusion, whereby large numbers of people with very low but non-negative utility values can be seen as a better goal than a population of a less extreme size living in comfort. In other words, according to the theory, it is a moral good to breed more people on the world for as long as total happiness rises.[12]

Average utilitarianism, on the other hand, advocates measuring the utility of a population based on the average utility of that population. It avoids Parfit's repugnant conclusion, but causes other problems like the Mere Addition Paradox. For example, bringing a moderately happy person in a very happy world would be seen as an immoral act; aside from this, the theory implies that it would be a moral good to eliminate all people whose happiness is below average, as this would raise the average happiness[13]. This could however be circumvented by assigning a low utility score to dead people, and taking them into account in the average.

Other species

Peter Singer, along with many animal rights activists, has argued that the well-being of all sentient beings (conscious ones who feel pain, including some non-humans[14]) deserves equal consideration to that given human beings; otherwise, it would be a case of speciesism. Bentham made a similar argument. Even those utilitarians arguing to the contrary have noted that suffering in animals often causes humans to suffer, often making it immoral to harm an animal, even if the animal itself is not given a moral status.

This view may be contrasted with deep ecology, which holds that an intrinsic value is attached to all forms of life and nature. According to utilitarianism, most forms of life are unable to experience anything akin to pleasure or discomfort, and are therefore denied moral status. Thus, the moral value of organisms that do not experience pleasure or discomfort, or natural entities like a river, is only in the benefit they provide to sentient beings. Similarly, utilitarianism places no intrinsic value on biodiversity.

Combinations with other ethical schools

In order to overcome the perceived shortcomings of both systems, several attempts have been made to reconcile utilitarianism with Kant's categorical imperative. James Cornman proposes that, in any given situation, we should treat as "means" as few people as possible and as "ends" as many as are consistent with those "means". He refers to this as the "Utilitarian Kantian Principle".

Other consequentialists may consider happiness an important consequence but argue in addition that consequences such as justice or equality should also be valued, regardless of whether or not they increase happiness.

Biological explanation

It has been suggested that sociobiology, the study of the evolution of human society, provides support for the utilitarian point of view. For example, in The Expanding Circle: Ethics and Sociobiology, the utilitarian philosopher Peter Singer argues that fundamentally utilitarian ethical reasoning has existed from the time primitive foraging bands had to cooperate, compromise, and make group decisions to survive. He elaborates: "In a dispute between members of a cohesive group of reasoning beings, the demand for a reason is a demand for a justification that can be accepted by the group as a whole." Thus, consideration of others' interests has long been a necessary part of the human experience. Singer believes that reason now compels the equal consideration of all people's interests:

"If I have seen that from an ethical point of view I am just one person among the many in my society, and my interests are no more important, from the point of view of the whole, than the similar interests of others within my society, I am ready to see that, from a still larger point of view, my society is just one among other societies, and the interests of members of my society are no more important, from that larger perspective, than the similar interests of members of other societies… Taking the impartial element in ethical reasoning to its logical conclusion means, first, accepting that we ought to have equal concern for all human beings."

This conclusion – that everybody's interests should be considered equally when making decisions – is a core tenet of utilitarianism.

Singer elaborates that viewing oneself as equal to others in one's society and at the same time viewing one's society as fundamentally superior to other societies may cause an uncomfortable cognitive dissonance. This is the sense in which he means that reason may push people to accept a broader utilitarian stance. Critics (e.g., Binmore 2005) point out that this cognitive dissonance is apparently not very strong, since people often knowingly ignore the interests of faraway societies quite similar to their own. They also note that the "ought" of the quoted paragraph applies only to someone who has already accepted the premise that all societies are equally important. Singer has responded that his argument in Expanding the Circle wasn't intended to provide a complete philosophical justification for a utilitarian categorical imperative, but merely to provide a plausible explanation for how some people come to accept utilitarianism.

Criticism and defence

Aggregating utility

John Rawls gives a critique of Utilitarianism in A Theory Of Justice that rejects the idea that the happiness of two distinct persons could be meaningfully counted together. He argues that this entails treating a group of many as if it were a single sentient entity, mistakenly ignoring the separation of consciousness. [15] Animal Rights advocate Richard Ryder calls this the 'boundary of the individual', through which neither pain nor pleasure may pass.[16] Thus the aggregation of utility becomes futile as both pain and happiness are intrinsic to and inseparable from the consciousness in which they are felt, rendering impossible the task of adding up the various pleasures of multiple individuals.

Predicting consequences

Daniel Dennett uses the case of the Three Mile Island accident as an example of the difficulty in calculating happiness.[17] Was the near-meltdown that occurred at this nuclear power plant a good or a bad thing (according to utilitarianism)? He points out that its long-term effects on nuclear policy would be considered beneficial by many and might outweigh the negative consequences. His conclusion is that it is still too early, 30 years after the event, for utilitarianism to weigh all the evidence and reach a definite conclusion. Utilitarians note that utilitarianism seems to be the unspoken principle used by both advocates and critics of nuclear power.[citation needed] That something cannot be determined at the moment is common in science and frequently resolved with later advancements.

Utilitarians, however, are not required to have perfect knowledge; indeed, certain knowledge of consequences is impossible because consequences are in the unexperienced future. Utilitarians simply try their best to maximise happiness (or other forms of utility) and, to do this, make their best estimates of the consequences. If the consequences of a decision are particularly unclear, it may make sense to follow an ethical rule which has promoted the most utility in the past. Utilitarians also note that people trying to further their own interests frequently run into situations in which the consequences of their decisions are very unclear. This does not mean, however, that they are unable to make a decision; much the same applies to utilitarianism.

Anthony Kenny argues against utilitarianism on the grounds that determinism is either true or false: if it is true, we have no choice over our actions; if it is false, the consequences of our actions are unpredictable, not least because they depend upon the actions of others whom we cannot predict.[18]

Importance of intentions

Utilitarianism has been criticised for looking only at the results of actions, not at the desires or intentions that motivate them, which many consider important, too. An action intended to cause harm but which inadvertently causes good would be judged equal to the good result of an action done with the best intentions. Many utilitarians argue that utilitarianism applies not only to results but also to desires and dispositions, praise and blame, and rules, institutions and punishment. Bad intentions may cause harm (to the agent and to others) even if they do not result in bad acts. Once this is recognised, supporters argue that utilitarianism becomes a much more complex, and rich, moral theory, and may align far more closely with our moral intuitions.

Furthermore, many utilitarians view morality as a personal guide rather than a means to judge the actions of other people, or actions which have already been performed: morality is something to be looked at when deciding what to do. In this sense, intentions are all that matter, because the consequences cannot be known with certainty until the decision has been made.

One philosopher to take this view is Henry Sidgwick, in his main work The Methods of Ethics (1874).

Human rights

Utilitarians argue that justification of slavery, torture or mass murder would require unrealistically large benefits to outweigh the direct and extreme suffering to victims. Utilitarianism would also require the indirect impact of social acceptance of inhumane policies to be taken into consideration, and general anxiety and fear could increase for all if human rights are commonly ignored.

Act and rule utilitarians differ in how they treat human rights themselves. Under rule utilitarianism, a human right can easily be considered a moral rule. Act utilitarians, on the other hand, do not accept human rights as moral principles in and of themselves, but that does not mean that they reject them altogether: first, most act utilitarians, as explained above, would agree that acts such as enslavement and genocide always cause great unhappiness and very little happiness; second, human rights could be considered rules of thumb so that, although torture might be acceptable under some circumstances, as a rule it is immoral; and, finally, act utilitarians often support human rights in a legal sense because utilitarians support laws that cause more good than harm.

Lack of convincing proof

Another criticism of utilitarianism is that it is not proven, either by science or by logic, to be the correct ethical system. Supporters claim that this is common to all ethical schools, and indeed the system of logic itself, and will always remain so unless the problem of the regress argument, or at least the is-ought problem, is satisfactorily resolved. It might instead be argued that almost all political arguments about a future society use an unspoken utilitarian principle, all sides claiming that their proposed solution is the one that increases human happiness the most.

Mill's argument for utilitarianism holds that pleasure is the only thing desired and that, therefore, pleasure is the only thing desirable. Critics argue that this is like saying that things visible are things seen, or that the only things audible are things heard. A thing is "visible" if it can be seen and "desirable" if it ought to be desired. Thus the word "desirable" presupposes an ethical theory: we cannot infer what is desirable from what is desired. This criticism, however, reads the word "desirable" as "able to be desired" rather than "worth being desired", and does not take into account the moral assessment that must take place in order to categorise something as "desirable", which does not occur when categorising the same thing as "visible" or "audible".

Individual interests vs. a greater sum of lesser interests

Critics have also asked why one should follow utilitarianism instead of ethical egoism. The legal system might punish behaviour that harms others, but this incentive is not active in a situation where one can personally gain by breaking it without punishment. One egoist, however, may propose means to maximise self-interest that conflict with the means proposed by another egoist. As a result, it behooves them to compromise with one another in order to avoid conflict, out of self-interest. The means proposed may incidentally coincide with those prescribed by utilitarianism, but the foundational ethical imperative would not, of course, be utilitarian. Another reason for an egoist to become a utilitarian was proposed by Peter Singer in Practical Ethics. He presents the paradox of hedonism, which holds that, if your only goal in life is personal happiness, you will never be happy: you need something to be happy about. One goal that Singer feels is likely to bring about personal happiness is the desire to improve the lives of others; that is, to make others happy. This argument is similar to the one for virtue ethics.

Karl Marx's criticisms

Karl Marx, in Das Kapital, writes:

Not even excepting our philosopher, Christian Wolff, in no time and in no country has the most homespun commonplace ever strutted about in so self-satisfied a way. The principle of utility was no discovery of Bentham. He simply reproduced in his dull way what Helvétius and other Frenchmen had said with esprit in the 18th century. To know what is useful for a dog, one must study dog-nature. This nature itself is not to be deduced from the principle of utility. Applying this to man, he that would criticise all human acts, movements, relations, etc., by the principle of utility, must first deal with human nature in general, and then with human nature as modified in each historical epoch. Bentham makes short work of it. With the driest naiveté he takes the modern shopkeeper, especially the English shopkeeper, as the normal man. Whatever is useful to this queer normal man, and to his world, is absolutely useful. This yard-measure, then, he applies to past, present, and future. The Christian religion, e.g., is "useful," "because it forbids in the name of religion the same faults that the penal code condemns in the name of the law." Artistic criticism is "harmful," because it disturbs worthy people in their enjoyment of Martin Tupper, etc. With such rubbish has the brave fellow, with his motto, "nulla dies sine line!," piled up mountains of books.[19]

Marx's accusation is twofold. In the first place, he says that the theory of utility is true by definition and thus does not really add anything meaningful. For Marx, a productive inquiry would have to investigate what sorts of things are good for people; that is, what our nature (which he believes is alienated under capitalism) really is. Second, he says that Bentham fails to take account of the changing character of people, and hence the changing character of what is good for them. This criticism is especially important for Marx, because he believed that all important statements were contingent upon particular historical conditions. Marx argues that human nature is dynamic, so the concept of a single utility for all humans is one-dimensional and not useful. When he decries Bentham's application of the 'yard measure' of now to 'the past, present and future', he decries the implication that society, and people, have always been, and will always be, as they are now; that is, he criticizes essentialism. As he sees it, this implication is conservatively used to reinforce institutions he regarded as reactionary. Just because in this moment religion has some positive consequences, says Marx, doesn't mean that viewed historically it isn't a regressive institution that should be abolished.

Marx's criticism is more a criticism of Bentham's views (or similar views) of utility, than utilitarianism itself. Utilitarians would not deny that different things make different people happy, and that what promotes happiness changes over time. Neither would utilitarians deny the importance of investigations into what promotes utility.

Marx's criticism applies to all philosophy which does not take explicit account of the movement of history (against dialectics). While he's right that all things change, and that it is necessary to take account of this when making practical judgements, this doesn't mean that it isn't useful to have a theory which gives some means to evaluate those changes themselves.

Also, utilitarianism was originally developed as a challenge to the status quo. The demand that everyone count for one, and one only, was anathema to the elitist society of Victorian Britain.[citation needed]

Although Marx criticized utilitarianism, some Marxist philosophers have used utilitarian principles as arguments for political socialism.

The Wittgensteinian Critique

Contemporary philosophers such as Cora Diamond and Matthew Ostrow have critiqued utilitarianism from a distinctly Wittgensteinian perspective. According to these philosophers, utilitarians have expanded the very meaning of pleasure to the point of linguistic incoherence. The utilitarian groundlessly places pleasure as his or her first principle, and in doing so subordinates the value of asceticism, self-sacrifice or any other "secondary" desire. Of course, the utilitarian will deny this contention altogether, claiming that ascetics also seek pleasure, but have merely chosen an alternative path in which to achieve it. Yet such an argument is implicitly tautological ("What is it that people want? Pleasure. But what is pleasure? What people want."). The utilitarian therefore has no ultimate justification for primarily valuing pleasure, other than to say that "this is the way it should be." In this critique, utilitarianism is thus ultimately reduced to a form of dishonest ethical intuitionism, unable to recognize or acknowledge its own groundlessness.

Criticism of other schools

One utilitarian criticism of other schools is that many of them cannot even in theory solve real-world ethical problems when various inviolable principles collide, like triage or the rightness or otherwise of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

A criticism of Kantianism is levelled by R. M. Hare in Could Kant Have Been a Utilitarian? Hare argues that a number of different ethical positions could fit with Kant's description of his Categorical Imperative. Although Kant did not agree with this assessment, utilitarianism could be among them.

See also

This entry is related to, but not included in the Political ideologies series or one of its sub-series. Other related articles can be found at the Politics Portal.

Notes

  1. ^ Rosen, Frederick (2003). Classical Utilitarianism from Hume to Mill. Routledge, p. 28. ISBN 0415220947 "It was Hume and Bentham who then reasserted most strongly the Epicurean doctrine concerning utility as the basis of justice."
  2. ^ Mill, John Stuart. 'On Liberty', ed. Himmelfarb. Penguin Classics, 1974, Ed.'s introduction, p.11.
  3. ^ a b John Stuart Mill Utilitarianism Chapter II: What Utilitarianism is. Citata: „Few human creatures would consent to changed into any of the lower animals for a promise of the fullest allowance of a beast pleasures“
  4. ^ Mill, John Stuart. 'On Liberty', ed. Himmelfarb. Penguin Classics, 1974, 'Introductory' of main text, p. 68.
  5. ^ David Lyons, Forms and Limits of Utilitarianism, 1965.
  6. ^ Allen Habib (2008), "Promises", in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  7. ^ Karl R.Popper, The Open Society and its Enemies, London 1945
  8. ^ utilitarianism.com: The pinprick argument
  9. ^ Fabian Fricke - Verschiedene Versionen des negativen Utilitarismus
  10. ^ Open Directory - Negative Utilitarianism
  11. ^ Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: The Repugnant Conclusion Authors: Jesper Ryberg, Torbjörn Tännsjö, Gustaf Arrhenius
  12. ^ Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: Repugnant Conclusion
  13. ^ Shaw, William H. Contemporary Ethics: taking account of utilitarianism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 1999. pp. 31-35
  14. ^ Exactly which (if any) non-humans share the property of consciousness (the "distribution question") is by no means clear: see animal consciousness.
  15. ^ Rawls, John A Theory Of Justice. Harvard Univerity Press, 1971. pp. 22-27
  16. ^ Ryder, Richard D. Painism: A Modern Morality. Centaur Press, 2001. pp. 27-29
  17. ^ Dennett, Daniel (1995), Darwin's Dangerous Idea, Simon & Schuster, ISBN 0-684-82471-X.
  18. ^ Anthony Kenny What I Believe p75–80
  19. ^ Das Kapital Volume I Chapter 24 endnote 50

References and further reading

  • Cornman, James, et al. Philosophical Problems and Arguments - An Introduction, 4th edition Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing Co., 1992.
  • Harwood, Sterling, "Eleven Objections to Utilitarianism," in Louis P. Pojman, ed., Moral Philosophy: A Reader, Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing Co., 2003), and in Sterling Harwood, ed., Business as Ethical and Business as Usual, Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1996, Chapter 7.
  • Lyons, David, "Forms and Limits of Utilitarianism". Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965.
  • Martin, Michael, "A Utilitarian Kantian Principle," Philosophical Studies, (with H. Ruf), 21, 1970, pp. 90–91.
  • Rosen, Frederick (2003). Classical Utilitarianism from Hume to Mill. Routledge, p. 28. ISBN 0415220947
  • Silverstein, Harry S. A Defence of Cornman’s Utilitarian Kantian Principle, Philosophical Studies (Dordrecht u.a.) 23, 212–215. 1972
  • Singer, Peter. The Expanding Circle: Ethics and Sociobiology, New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1981. [ISBN 0-374-15112-1]
  • Singer, Peter. Practical Ethics, 2nd edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. [ISBN 0-521-43971-X]
  • Sumner, L. Wayne, Abortion: A Third Way, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

External links


 
Translations: Utilitarianism
Top

Dansk (Danish)
n. - utilitarisme, nyttemoral

Nederlands (Dutch)
util(itar)isme (nuttigheidsleer)

Français (French)
n. - utilitarisme

Deutsch (German)
n. - Utilitarismus

Ελληνική (Greek)
n. - χρησιμοθηρία, (φιλοσ.) ωφελιμισμός

Italiano (Italian)
utilitarianismo

Português (Portuguese)
n. - utilitarismo (m) (Filos.)

Русский (Russian)
утилитаризм

Español (Spanish)
n. - utilitarismo

Svenska (Swedish)
n. - nyttomoral, nyttighetsprincip, krasshet, ändamålsenlighet, nytta

中文(简体)(Chinese (Simplified))
功利主义, 实利主义

中文(繁體)(Chinese (Traditional))
n. - 功利主義, 實利主義

한국어 (Korean)
n. - 공리주의 , 실용주의, 공리설

日本語 (Japanese)
n. - 功利主義, 実用主義, 功利説, 功利的性格

العربيه (Arabic)
‏(الاسم) مذهب المنفعيه ( مذهب اخلاقي اجتماعي يقول بان مقياس, السلوك الصحيح هو مقدار النفع)‏

עברית (Hebrew)
n. - ‮תועלתנות, התורה לפיה מעשים הם נכונים אם הם מועילים או לטובת הרוב, התורה לפיה העקרון המנחה צריך להיות אושרם של מירב האנשים‬


 
 

Did you mean: utilitarianism (in ethics), Utilitarianism (book), Utilitarianism (architecture), Jeremy Bentham (Philosopher), John Stuart Mill


 

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