William Jennings Bryan (March 19, 1860 –
July 26, 1925) was an American lawyer, statesman, and politician. He was a three-time
Democratic Party nominee for President of the United States. One of the most popular speakers in American history, he
was noted for his deep, commanding voice. Bryan was a devout Presbyterian, a strong
proponent of popular democracy, an outspoken critic of banks and railroads, a leader of the silverite movement in the 1890s, a dominant figure in the Democratic Party, a peace advocate, a prohibitionist, an opponent of Darwinism, and one of the most prominent leaders of Populism in late 19th-
and early 20th century America. He was called "The Great Commoner" because of his total faith in the goodness and rightness of
the common people. He was defeated by William McKinley in the intensely fought
1896 election and 1900 election, but retained control of the Democratic Party.
Bryan was one of the most energetic campaigners in American history, inventing the national stumping tour for presidential
candidates. In his three failed presidential bids, he promoted Free Silver in 1896,
anti-imperialism in 1900, and trust-busting in
1908, calling on all Democrats to renounce conservatism, fight the trusts and big banks, and embrace progressive ideas.
President Woodrow Wilson appointed him Secretary of State in 1913, but Bryan resigned in protest against what he viewed as
Wilson's provocative language in dealing with the Lusitania crisis in 1915. In the
1920s, he was a strong supporter of Prohibition, but is probably best
known today for his crusade against Darwinism, which culminated in the Scopes Trial in
1925. He died five days after the case was decided.
Background and early career: 1860–1896
Bryan was born in Salem, Illinois, in the Little Egypt region of southern Illinois, on March 19, 1860, the son of Silas and Mary Ann Bryan.
William Jennings Bryan as a younger man.
Silas Bryan was born in Virginia, of Irish stock. He
attended law school in Lebanon, Illinois and taught high
school while preparing for the bar exam. While teaching there, he met, and
eventually married, one of his students, Mary Elizabeth Jennings. They settled in Salem, Illinois, a young town with a population
of approximately 2000. Silas Bryan, a Jacksonian Democrat, won election to the
Illinois State Senate, where he knew Abraham
Lincoln and Stephen Douglas. Silas lost his seat to a Republican in 1860, the year of William Jennings Bryan's birth, but
quickly rebounded by winning election as a state circuit judge.
In 1866, the family moved to a acre ( km²) farm north of Salem, living in a ten-room house that was the envy of
Marion County. Silas served as a sort of "gentleman farmer" and William Jennings
Bryan grew up in this agricultural setting. In 1872, Silas left the bench to run for the House of Representatives, with the backing of the Democratic and Greenback parties, but lost to a Republican. He returned to his law practice.
Both of Bryan's parents were devout Christians. Since his father was a Baptist and his mother
a Methodist, Bryan grew up attending Methodist services on Sunday mornings and Baptist
services in the afternoon. In 1872, Mariah Bryan joined the Salem Baptists and the family now worshiped with the Baptists in the
morning - at this point, William began spending his Sunday afternoons at the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. In 1874, at age 14, Bryan attended a revival and was baptized and joined the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. In later life, Bryan would refer
to the day of his baptism as the most important day in his life, but, being raised in a devout family, at the time it caused
little change in his daily routine. As an adult, Bryan left the Cumberland Presbyterian Church in favor of the larger
Presbyterian Church in the United States of
America.
Bryan was home schooled until age 10, finding in the Bible and McGuffey Readers the views he adhered to all his life, such as that gambling and liquor were evil and sinful. In 1874, 14-year-old
Bryan was sent to Jacksonville to attend Whipple Academy, the academy attached to
Illinois College. Following high school, he entered Illinois College and studied
classics, graduating as valedictorian in 1881. During
his time at Illinois College, Bryan was a proud member of the Sigma Pi literary society. He then moved to Chicago to
study law at Union Law College.
He married Mary Baird in 1884; she became a lawyer and collaborated with him on all his speeches and writings. He practiced
law in Jacksonville (1883–87), then moved to the boom city of Lincoln, Nebraska. Bryan was elected to Congress in the Democratic landslide of 1890 and reelected by
140 votes in 1892. In 1894 he ran for the Senate, but was overwhelmed in the Republican landslide.
In Bryan's first years in Lincoln, he traveled to Valentine, Nebraska on business
where he formed a strong friendship with an aspiring young cattleman named James Dahlman.
Over the next forty years they remained friends, with Dahlman carrying Nebraska for Bryan twice while he was state Democratic
Party chairman. Even when Dahlman became closely associated with Omaha's vice elements, including the breweries, as the city's
eight-term mayor, he and Bryan maintained a collegial relationship.[1]
First battle for the White House: 1896
At the 1896 Democratic National Convention, Bryan galvanized the
silver forces to defeat the Bourbon Democrats, who supported incumbent President
Grover Cleveland and who had long controlled the party. His famous "Cross of Gold" speech, delivered prior to voting for the presidential nominee, lambasted Eastern
monied classes for supporting the gold standard at the expense of the average worker.
Bryan's stance, directly opposing the conservative Cleveland and the Bourbon Democrats, united the agrarian and silver factions
and won him the nomination. Just 36, the youngest presidential nominee ever, Bryan formally received the nominations of the
Populist Party and the Silver
Republican Party in addition to the Democratic nomination. Voters from any party could vote for him without crossing party
lines, an important advantage in an era of intense party loyalty. Republicans ridiculed Bryan as a Populist. However, "Bryan's
reform program was so similar to that of the Populists that he has often been mistaken for a Populist, but he remained a staunch
Democrat throughout the Populist period."[2] The Populists
nominated him only once (in 1896); they refused to do so in previous and later elections mostly due to an incident that occurred
during the 1896 election.
Bryan/Sewall campaign poster.
Along with nominating Bryan for president, the Populists nominated Georgia
Representative Thomas E.
Watson for the vice presidency, in hope Bryan would chose
Watson to be his Democratic running mate as well. However, Bryan instead chose Maine industrialist
and politician Arthur Sewall for the candidacy. The Populist Party was greatly
disappointed in Bryan's decision and thereafter paid little attention to him.
Bryan crusaded against the gold standard and the money interests, demanding Bimetallism
and "Free Silver" at a ratio of 16:1. Most leading Democratic newspapers rejected his
candidacy, so he took his cause directly to several million men, women and children who flocked to hear one of his 500 speeches
given in 27 states.
The Republicans nominated William McKinley on a program of prosperity through
industrial growth, high tariffs and sound money (that is, gold.) Republicans discovered
that, by August, Bryan was solidly ahead in the South and West, and far behind in the Northeast. But he also appeared to be ahead
in the Midwest, so the Republicans concentrated their efforts there. They counter-crusaded against Bryan, warning that he was a
madman—a religious fanatic surrounded by anarchists—who would wreck the economy. By late September, the Republicans felt they
were ahead in the decisive Midwest and began emphasizing that McKinley would bring prosperity to every group of Americans.
McKinley scored solid gains among the middle classes, factory and railroad workers, prosperous farmers and among the
German Americans who rejected free silver. William McKinley won by a margin of 271 to
176 in the electoral college.
War and peace: 1898–1900
Conservatives in 1900 ridiculed Bryan's eclectic platform.
Although Bryan never won an election after 1892, he continued to dominate the Democratic party. He strongly supported going to
war with Spain in 1898, and volunteered for combat, arguing that "Universal peace
cannot come until justice is enthroned throughout the world. Until the right has triumphed in every land and love reigns in every
heart, government must, as a last resort, appeal to force." Bryan volunteered and became colonel of a Nebraska militia regiment;
he spent the war in Florida and never saw combat.
After the war, Bryan came to denounce the imperialism that resulted from it. He strongly opposed the annexation of the
Philippines (though he did support the Treaty of
Paris that ended the war). He ran as an anti-imperialist in 1900, finding himself in an awkward alliance with
Andrew Carnegie and other millionaire anti-imperialists. Republicans mocked Bryan as
indecisive, or even a coward, a theme high school history teacher Henry Littlefield claimed was echoed in the portrayal of the
Cowardly Lion in The Wonderful Wizard of Oz (1900). In 1900, he combined
anti-imperialism with free silver, saying:
The nation is of age and it can do what it pleases; it can spurn the traditions of the past; it can repudiate the principles
upon which the nation rests; it can employ force instead of reason; it can substitute might for right; it can conquer weaker
people; it can exploit their lands, appropriate their property and kill their people; but it cannot repeal the moral law or
escape the punishment decreed for the violation of human rights.[3]
Bryan giving a speech during his
1908 run for the presidency.
His stamina was evident from his schedule. In a typical day he gave four hour-long speeches and shorter talks that added up to
six hours of speaking. At an average rate of 175 words a minute, he turned out 63,000 words, enough to fill 52 columns of a
newspaper. (No paper printed more than a column or two.) In Wisconsin, he once made 12 speeches in 15 hours. [4]. He held his base in the South, but lost part of the West as McKinley
retained the Northeast and Midwest and rolled up a landslide.
On the Chautauqua circuit: 1900–1912
Following his failed presidential bid in 1900, the 40-year-old Bryan re-examined his life and concluded that he had let his
passion for politics obscure his calling as a Christian. He now prepared a number of speeches
in defense of the Christian faith and hit the lecture circuit, especially the Chautauqua
circuit. For the next 25+ years, Bryan would be the most popular Chautauqua speaker, delivering thousands of speeches, even while
serving as secretary of state. He spoke on a wide variety of topics, but he preferred religious topics. His most popular lecture
(and his personal favorite) was a lecture entitled "The Prince of Peace": in it, Bryan stressed that religion was the only solid
foundation of morality, and that individual and group morality was the only foundation for peace and equality. Another famous
lecture from this period, "The Value of an Ideal", was a stirring call to public service.
As early as 1905, Bryan was warning Chautauquans of the dangers of Darwinism: "The
Darwinian theory represents man reaching his present perfection by the operation of the law of hate - the merciless law by which
the strong crowd out and kill off the weak. If this is the law of our development then, if there is any logic that can bind the
human mind, we shall turn backward to the beast in proportion as we substitute the law of love. I choose to believe that love
rather than hatred is the law of development."
Bryan also now threw himself into the work of the Social Gospel. Bryan served on
organizations containing a large number of theological liberals: he sat on the temperance committee of the Federal Council of
Churches and on the general committee of the short-lived Interchurch World Movement.
In the years following his 1900 presidential loss, Bryan founded a weekly magazine, The Commoner, calling on Democrats
to dissolve the trusts, regulate the railroads more tightly and support the Progressive
Movement. He regarded prohibition as a "local" issue and did not endorse it until 1910. In London in 1906, he presented a
plan to the Inter-Parliamentary Peace Conference for arbitration of disputes that he hoped would avert warfare. He tentatively
called for nationalization of the railroads, then backtracked and called only for more regulation. His party nominated
gold bug Alton B. Parker in 1904, but Bryan was back in 1908, losing this time to William Howard
Taft.
Bryan's speech to the students of Washington and Lee University began
the Washington & Lee Mock Convention,
which still continues 100 years later.
Secretary of State: 1913–1915
After supporting Woodrow Wilson for the presidency in 1912, he was rewarded with the
top job as Secretary of State. Wilson made all the major foreign policy
decisions himself, only nominally consulting Bryan. Dedicated to peace (though not a pacifist), Bryan negotiated 28 treaties that
promised arbitration of disputes before war broke out between that country and the United States; onto which Germany never
signed. He supported American military intervention in the civil war in Mexico in 1914. Bryan resigned in June 1915 over Wilson's
strong notes demanding "strict accountability for any infringement of [American] rights, intentional or incidental." He
campaigned energetically for Wilson's reelection in 1916. When war finally was declared in April 1917, Bryan wrote Wilson,
"Believing it to be the duty of the citizen to bear his part of the burden of war and his share of the peril, I hereby tender my
services to the Government. Please enroll me as a private whenever I am needed and assign me to any work that I can do."[5] Wilson, however, did not allow Bryan to rejoin the military and
did not offer him any wartime role, so he threw his energies into successful campaigns for Constitutional amendments on
prohibition and women's
suffrage.
Prohibition battles: 1916–1925
Bryan moved to Florida in part to avoid the Nebraska ethnics (especially the German
Americans) who were "wet" and opposed to prohibition. (Coletta 3:116). He remained as busy as ever, often filling lucrative
speaking engagements. Always pious, during the final years of his life, he was extremely active in religious organizations and
devoted himself to the defense of fundamentalist Christianity. After leaving
the State Department, he shifted focus to social and moral issues, and to world disarmament. He refused to support the party
nominee in 1920 because he was not dry enough. As one biographer explains,
| “ |
Bryan epitomized the prohibitionist viewpoint: Protestant and nativist, hostile to the
corporation and the evils of urban civilization, devoted to personal regeneration and the social gospel, he sincerely believed
that prohibition would contribute to the physical health and moral improvement of the individual, stimulate civic progress, and
end the notorious abuses connected with the liquor traffic. Hence he became interested when its devotees in Nebraska viewed
direct legislation as a means of obtaining antisaloon laws.[6] |
” |
[[Image:WmJBryan+wife.jpg|thumb|left|350px|William Jennings Bryan and wife, Mary, in New York
City, June 19, 1915.]] He was thus primarily interested in
destroying the liquor interest, which controlled politics in many inner-city wards and seemed to be on the other side of every
issue. His national campaigning helped Congress pass the 18th Amendment in 1918, which shut down all saloons starting in
1920. While prohibition was in effect, however, he did not work to secure better enforcement. He ignored the Ku Klux Klan, expecting it would soon fold. He strongly opposed wet Al
Smith for the nomination in 1924 and his brother, Nebraska Governor
Charles W. Bryan, was put on the ticket with John W.
Davis as candidate for vice president to keep the Bryanites
in line. Bryan was very close to his younger brother Charles and endorsed him for the vice presidency.
Bryan was the chief proponent of the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act, the
precursor to our modern War on Drugs. However, he argued on behalf of the act's passage
more on international obligation rather than on moral grounds.[7]
Fighting Darwinism: 1918–1925
In his famous Chautauqua lecture, "The Prince of Peace," Bryan had warned of the
possibility that the theory of evolution could undermine the foundations of morality. However, at this point, he concluded "While
I do not accept the Darwinian theory I shall not quarrel with you about it."
This attitude changed when the horrors of the First World War convinced Bryan that
Darwinism was not only a potential threat, but had in fact undermined morality. Before World War I, Bryan had been an optimist
who believed that moral progress could achieve equality at home and, in the international field, peace between all the nations of
the world. World War I convinced him that this optimism was misplaced and that moral progress had ground to a complete halt.
In concluding that Darwinism was responsible for the immorality of the present age, Bryan was heavily influenced by two books.
The first was Headquarters Nights: A Record of Conversations and Experiences at the Headquarters of the German Army in Belgium
and France by Vernon Kellogg (1917), which forwarded that most German military
leaders were committed Darwinists who were skeptical of Christianity. The second was The Science of Power by Benjamin Kidd
(1918), which argued that German nationalism, materialism, and militarism could be attributed to the philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche, which it claimed in turn was the logical outworking
of the Darwinian hypothesis.
[[Image:ChasW+WmJBryan.jpg|thumb|right|250px|Charles W. and William J. Bryan.]] In
1920, Bryan told the World Brotherhood Congress that Darwinism was "the most paralyzing influence with which civilization has had
to deal in the last century" and that Nietzsche, in carrying Darwinism to its logical conclusion, had "promulgated a philosophy
that condemned democracy. . . denounced Christianity. . . denied the existence of God, overturned all concepts of morality. . .
and endeavored to substitute the worship of the superhuman for the worship of Jehovah."
However, it was not until 1921 that Bryan saw the threat to morality posed by Darwinism as a major internal threat to the US.
The major study which seemed to convince Bryan of this was James H. Leuba's The Belief
in God and Immortality, a Psychological, Anthropological and Statistical Study (1916). In this study, Leuba showed that a
considerable number of college students lost their faith during the four years they spent in college. Bryan was horrified that
the next generation of American leaders might have the degraded sense of morality which he believed had prevailed in Germany and
caused the Great War. Bryan decided it was time to act and launched his massive anti-evolution campaign.
Ever Hopeful
A November 1924 cartoon depicts Bryan with his brother,
Charles, sitting on a log
marked "Almost the
Solid South" looking at the sun marked "
1928" where more hope might come for them. Charles unsuccessfully ran for the
vice presidency in the
1924 election having lost a number of southern states.
The campaign kicked off when Union Theological Seminary in Virginia
invited Bryan to deliver the James Sprunt Lectures in October 1921. The heart of the lectures was a lecture entitled "The Origin
of Man", in which Bryan addressed what he saw as the question foundational to all other moral and political questions: what is
the role of man in the universe and what is the purpose of man? For Bryan, the Bible was
absolutely central to answering this question, and moral responsibility and the spirit of brotherhood could only rest on belief
in God.
The Sprunt lectures were published as In His Image, and sold over 100,000 copies, while "The Origin of Man" was
published separately as The Menace of Darwinism and also sold very well.
Bryan was worried that Darwinism was making grounds not only in the universities, but also within the church itself. Many
colleges