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Silvio
Berlusconi? (born September 29, 1936) is an Italian politician, entrepreneur, and media proprietor. He is the leader of the
Forza Italia political movement, a centre-right party
he founded in 1993 in Rome. Berlusconi has twice held office as prime minister of Italy, most recently from 2001 to 2006.
Berlusconi is the founder and main shareholder of Fininvest, among the ten largest Italian privately-owned companies[1], operating in media and finance including three national TV channels.
Together these account for nearly half the Italian TV market. He owns three (out of seven) national television channels as well
as some of the country's most important newspapers. He is also well known for being, since 1986, the president of
A.C. Milan, a prominent Italian football team.
Under his presidency it has won a number of national and international trophies. According to Forbes magazine, Berlusconi is Italy's richest person, a self-made man (see section) with personal assets worth $11 billion (USD) in
2006, making him the world's 37th richest person. His rise in the political arena was extremely rapid. He was elected
President of the Council of Ministers following the March
1994 elections, when Forza Italia gained a relative majority a mere three months after having been officially launched. He formed
the first unabashedly right-wing administration in 34 years. However, his cabinet collapsed after seven months, due to internal
disagreements in the centre-right coalition. In the 1996 elections, he
ran for Prime Minister again but was defeated by centre-left candidate Romano Prodi. From
1996 to 2001 he was the leader of the parliamentary opposition. In the 2001
elections, he was again the centre-right candidate for Prime Minister and won against the centre-left candidate
Francesco Rutelli. Berlusconi then formed his second and third governments, which
together lasted five years.
Berlusconi was leader of the centre-right coalition in the May 2006 elections, which he lost by a very narrow margin, his counterpart being again
Romano Prodi. On 17 May, 2006
he was formally succeeded by Prodi.
In economics, Berlusconi has endorsed conservative policies, such as lowering taxes and generally placing fewer constraints on
enterprise, in an effort to encourage growth. In foreign policy, his views have been strongly pro-American, even at the expense
of causing some damage to relations with other European countries; in particular he supported George W. Bush in the U.S.-led 2003 invasion of Iraq by
sending Italian troops to join the "Coalition of the Willing" (after the
attack, only for peacekeeping). In social policy matters the Berlusconi government has implemented a conservative program:
passing stricter laws concerning immigration, artificial insemination and drug use.
His ownership of an Italian television network has been controversial. According to Berlusconi's adversaries, the Mediaset
(Fininvest's media division) TV channels have played a crucial role in his political success by airing propaganda during news or other information-oriented programming. In contrast, his supporters claim that the
networks have always maintained a neutral political stance. After Berlusconi's election as Prime Minister, the left accused him
of also abusing his position as premier to control the publicly owned RAI TV channels. In practice,
they maintain, this permits him to control almost all TV sources of information, while the right insists that the RAI channels
are, if anything, biased in favor of the centre-left. According to independent observers[2], two of the State channels (Rai 1 and Rai 2) had been indeed controlled
by Berlusconi's government, while Rai 3 managed to retain independence and a critical stance. Such control, in a famous example,
was displayed when Berlusconi called Member of European Parliament Martin Schultz a "Nazi kapo", and the Rai 1 news program
showed the incident with no audio and offering a misleading account. Political debate in Italy has become rather alienating, as
the contenders often seem to completely lack a shared information source regarded as neutral and reliable. Although Berlusconi
officially resigned from all functions in his commercial group in 1994 upon entering political office, he is still the largest
shareholder and is perceived to have retained control.
Family background and private life
Berlusconi was raised in an upper middle-class family in Milan. His father Luigi (1908-89)
worked with increasing responsibilities at Banca Rasini. This was a small bank in Milan which was later claimed to be involved in
money laundering for the Sicilian mafia. His mother was Rosa Bossi. Silvio was the first of three
children, the others being Maria Antonietta Berlusconi (born 1943) and Paolo Berlusconi (born
1949), now both entrepreneurs.
After completing his secondary school education at a Salesian college, he
studied law at the Università Statale in Milan,
graduating cum laude with a thesis on the legal aspects of advertising in 1961. Berlusconi was not required to serve the standard
one-year stint in the army which was compulsory at the time.
In 1965 he married Carla Dall'Oglio, and they had two children: Maria Elvira, better known as
Marina (born 1966) and Pier Silvio (b. 1968). Years later, Berlusconi established a durable relationship with the actress
Veronica Lario (born Miriam Bartolini), with whom he had three children: Barbara (b.
1984), Eleonora (b. 1986) and Luigi (b. 1988). He was divorced from Dall'Oglio in 1985, and married Lario in 1990. At this time, Berlusconi was a well-known entrepreneur, and his wedding was a notable social event. One of
the best men for the wedding was former Prime Minister Bettino
Craxi, who was Berlusconi's witness.
Business career
Silvio Berlusconi with
Bettino Craxi, the Prime Minister of Italy at the time.
Milano 2
Berlusconi's business career began in the building construction business in the 1960s. In the late 1960s, he had the idea of
developing Milano 2, a garden city of around 3,500 flats. It was built on the eastern outskirts of Milan beneath the flight path
of aircraft taking off from nearby Linate airport. Suddenly, flights were diverted to a new airport and his investment became
valuable.
His first entry into the media world was in 1973 by means of a cable television station, Telemilano, designed to
service his Milano 2 residential development.
Fininvest
In 1978 Berlusconi formed his first media group, Fininvest, which in the five years leading
up to 1983 earned 113 billion lire (the equivalent of about 260 million euro at 1997 values). The
funding sources are still unknown because of the complex system of holding companies
that makes them impossible to trace, despite investigations conducted by various state attorneys. Among the banks involved in
this transfer of funds was Banca Rasini.[citation needed]
Fininvest expanded into a country-wide network of local TV stations which had
similar programming, forming, in effect, a single national network. This was seen as breaching the public broadcaster
RAI's statutory monopoly on creating a national network which was later abolished. In 1980
Berlusconi founded Italy's first private national network Canale 5, followed shortly thereafter
by Italia 1 which was bought from the Rusconi family in 1982,
and Rete 4 which was bought from Mondadori in
1984. Only at this point, enforcing the law which then reserved national broadcasting to RAI exclusively, the judges of
Turin, Pescara and Rome
ordered that these private networks cease and desist. But Berlusconi was strongly aided in his successful effort to create the
first and only Italian commercial TV empire by his links to Bettino Craxi,
secretary-general of the Italian Socialist Party and also prime minister of
Italy at that time. Craxi, with an urgent decree, legalized the national broadcasts made by Berlusconi's television stations.
After some political turmoil in 1985 the decree was definitively approved. For some years, the three channels owned by Berlusconi
existed in this strange limbo, and were not therefore allowed, for instance, to broadcast news and political commentary. They
were fully elevated to national TV channels in 1990 with the so-called Mammì law.
In 1990, Berlusconi produced the Oscar winning film, Mediterraneo.
In 1995, Berlusconi sold a portion of his media holdings, first to the German media group Kirch (now bankrupt) and then by public offer. In 1999 Berlusconi expanded again in the media business in a
partnership with Kirch called the Epsilon MediaGroup.
Current assets
Berlusconi's main company Mediaset, comprises three national television channels, which hold
approximately half the national viewing audience, and Publitalia, the leading Italian advertising and publicity agency. He
also owns Arnoldo Mondadori, the largest Italian publishing house, whose publications
include Panorama, one of the most popular news magazine in Italy. He has interests in cinema and home video distribution
firms (Medusa and Penta), insurance and banking (Mediolanum) and a
variety of other activities. His brother Paolo owns and operates Il Giornale, a
centre-right newspaper which is widely regarded as openly pro-Berlusconi publication. Il
Giornale often focuses on Berlusconi's personal interests at the cost of disregarding current events. His wife is one
of the owners of Il Foglio, an atypical daily newspaper which host contribution from
people of wide-ranging political views. The results from an internal poll, conducted in 2006, highlighted a majority of liberal
oriented journalists however several indicated the biggest communist party, Rifondazione Comunista, as their predilection.
Berlusconi also owns the football club AC Milan. Some think has been an important factor
in his political success ("Forza Italia" means "Go Italy!"). Before the party was founded it was connected to football supporters
of the national team.[3]
Political career
"Entering the field"
In the early 1990s, the two largest Italian political parties, the Christian Democrats (Democrazia Cristiana) and the Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Italiano) lost much of their electoral strength due to a large number of
judicial investigations concerning the financial corruption of many of their foremost members (see the Mani Pulite affair). This led to a general expectation that upcoming elections would be won by the
Democratic Party of the Left (Partito Democratico della Sinistra), (the former Communist Party) and their allies in the Progressive coalition unless there was a strong
alternative. Berlusconi publicly announced on January 26th, 1994 his decision to enter politics ("Entering the field", in his own
words) on a platform centered on the defeat of Communism. The timing of his announcement
raised some questions, however, because, just a couple of weeks before he decided to enter politics, investigators into the
Mani Pulite affair were close to issuing warrants for the arrest of him as well as the
chief executives of his business group.
The debate about motives
One of the most debated matters about Berlusconi concerns the true reasons that Berlusconi entered into politics in the first
place.
Many well informed people have argued that Berlusconi entered into politics for completely self-interested reasons: saving his
own companies from bankruptcy and himself from convictions. According to journalist Marco Travaglio,
Berlusconi "never hid [this motive] from anyone. From the very beginning he said it clearly to his associates (and also to
Biagi and to Montanelli): If I don't enter
politics, I'm going to jail and into bankruptcy".[4] From the very beginning he said it clearly to his associates. On the other hand, Berlusconi's
supporters hailed him as the "new man", an outsider who was going to bring a new efficiency to the public bureaucracy and reform the state from top to bottom. They argued that he was too rich to have any interest
in using politics to become even richer, and that, regarding his judicial trials, his opponents were just trying to get rid of
him by way of judicial persecution.
While investigating these matters, three journalists23 noted the following
facts:
- Mediobanca's annual report about the 10 biggest Italian companies showed that, in 1992,
Berlusconi's media and finance group Fininvest had about 7,140 billion lire of
debts, 8,193 billion lire of assets (with 35% of liquidity) and a
net worth (that is, assets minus debts) of 1,053 billion lire. A patrimonial situation far to
be considered at risk of bankruptcy (that means liquidity less than short-run debts).
- Between 1992 and 1993, Forza/Fininvest had undergone several judicial investigations by
Milano, Turin and Rome prosecutors. They regarded: alleged bribes (to political parties and public officers with the aim of
getting contracts), alleged fake invoices of Publitalia, political congress financing and television frequencies.
1994 electoral victory
Berlusconi founded Forza Italia only two months before the 1994 elections. He formed two
separate electoral alliances: one with the Northern League (Lega Nord) in northern Italian
districts, and another, the Alliance for Freedom, with the right-wing National
Alliance (Alleanza Nazionale; heir to the Italian Social
Movement) in central and southern regions. In a shrewd pragmatic move, he did not ally with the latter in the North
because the League disliked them. As a result, Forza Italia was allied with two parties that were not allied with each other.
Berlusconi launched a massive campaign of electoral advertisements on his three TV networks. He subsequently won the
elections, with Forza Italia raking in 21% of the popular vote, the highest percentage of any single party. One of the most
significant promises that he made in order to secure victory was that his government would create "one million more jobs". He was
appointed Prime Minister in 1994, but his term in office was short because of the inherent contradictions in his coalition: the
League, a regional party with a strong electoral base in northern Italy, was at that time oscillating between federalist and separatist positions, and the National Alliance was a
nationalist party that had yet to renounce neo-fascism at the time.
Fall of the Berlusconi I administration
In December 1994, Umberto Bossi, leader of the Lega Nord, left the coalition claiming
that the electoral pact had not been respected, forcing Berlusconi to resign from office and
shifting the majority's weight to the centre-left side. Lega Nord also resented the fact that many of its MPs had switched to
Forza Italia, allegedly lured by promises of more prestigious portfolios. Berlusconi remained as caretaker prime minister for a
little over a month until his replacement by a technocratic government headed by Lamberto
Dini. Dini had been a key minister in the Berlusconi cabinet, and Berlusconi said the only way he would support a
technocratic government would be if Dini headed it. In the end, however, Dini was only supported by most opposition parties but
not by Forza Italia and Lega Nord. In 1996, this coalition was replaced, after a new election, by a centre-left government
(without the liberal middle-right Lega Nord party) lead by Romano Prodi [1].
Electoral victory of 2001
In 2001 Berlusconi again ran as leader of the centre-right coalition House of Freedoms (Casa delle Libertà) which included National Alliance, UDC (United Christian Democrats), Northern
League and other parties. Berlusconi's success in this election led to him becoming Prime Minister once more, with the coalition
receiving 45.4% of the vote for the Chamber of Deputies and 42.5% for the
Senate.
In a TV show during the electoral campaign, Berlusconi signed the so-called Contratto con gli Italiani (agreement with
Italians), that was likely a key step to achieve the victory. In this unofficial agreement, Berlusconi claimed he could improve
several aspects of the Italian economy and life, including lowering taxes, increasing employment, building up new public works,
increasing retirement rents and strangling crime. He asserted that he would retire from politics if this contract would not be
respected.
Opposition parties have always asserted that Berlusconi was not able to achieve the goals he claimed in Contratto con gli
Italiani. The National Alliance and UDC (Berlusconi's allied parties) also asserted that the Government did not manage to
respect the promises in the agreement. According to them, Berlusconi's failure was due to the unfavourable economical condition
that Italy was experiencing. In particular, the Italian GDP grew very slowly
during Berlusconi's Government, and the public debt rose quickly. On the other hand, Berlusconi himself has always claimed he
achieved all the goals of the agreement, and said his Government provided un miracolo continuo (a continuous miracle).
Subsequent elections
Casa delle Libertà did not do as well in the 2003 local elections as it did in the
2001 national elections. And, in common with many other European governing groups, in the 2004 elections of the European
Parliament, gaining 43.37% support. Forza Italia's support was also reduced from 29.5% to 21.0% (in the 1999 European elections
Forza Italia had 25.2%). As an outcome of these results the other coalition parties, whose electoral results were more
satisfactory, asked Berlusconi and Forza Italia for greater influence in the government's political line.
The Berlusconi III Cabinet
In the 2005 Local Elections (April 3 and April 4,
2005), the candidates supported by the Union
Coalition (formerly known as Olive Tree) won in 12 out of 14 regions which
were renovating local governments and Governor; Berlusconi's coalition held in only two regions (Lombardy and Veneto). Two parties (UDC and Socialist Party)
left the Berlusconi government. Berlusconi thus presented to the President of the Republic the dissolution of his government on
April 20 2005, after much hesitation. On April 23 he formed a new government with the same allies, reshuffling the ministers and amending the government
program. A key point required by UDC (and to a minor extent by AN) was to
reduce the focus on tax reduction the government had had in the past.
There have been some criticisms on Berlusconi's choices especially on the appointment as new ministry of Health, position previously held by Girolamo Sirchia - a renowned
Professor and doctor-, of Francesco Storace, who, only a few weeks earlier, was the President of Lazio Region.
The 2006 Elections
In the 2006 Parliamentary Elections, the results have given Prodi's
bloc (Berlusconi's opposition) the majority (49.8% against 49.7% for the ruling centre-right in the Lower House and a two-senator lead in the Senate, 158 vs 156). This situation has assigned to Prodi the
possibility to form a new cabinet, because of the recent modification to electoral
rules introduced by Berlusconi's cabinet. The center-left coalition, with a margin of 25,224 votes (out of over 38 million
voters), nevertheless won 348 seats (versus 281 for Casa delle Libertà) because of the
majority premium. Ironically, the same electoral law that Berlusconi had forced through shortly before the election, and for
which he had been accused of changing the law so that he would win anyway, caused his defeat.
The Court of Cassation has validated the voting procedures and determined that the election process was constitutional, thus
confirming at present the election results.
Centrist parties like UDC immediately conceded the Unione's victory, while more right wing elements, like Berlusconi's Forza
Italia and Lega Nord, still refused to accept its validity, right up until May 2, 2006, when Berlusconi submitted his resignation
to president Ciampi [2].
Policies
As he founded his Forza Italia party and entered politics, Berlusconi expressed support for "freedom, the individual, family,
enterprise, Italian tradition, Christian tradition and love for weaker people" [3]. Forza Italia could be
considered a liberal party on economical issues, although references to liberalism were more common in the initial years of the party development than they are now; some consider
Forza Italia a populist party. However, Forza Italia officially joined the European People's Party in 1999, theoretically choosing to be identified mainly as a
Christian Democratic party. Internal democracy in the party is very low and internal
dissent virtually non-existent. There are no known factions or currents; at present three party conventions have been held, all
of them resolved to support Berlusconi, and his re-election by acclamation. Every man in the party apparatus is appointed by
Berlusconi himself: for all these reasons, its political opponents call Forza Italia "the plastic party".
Some allies of Berlusconi, especially Lega Nord (Northern League) push for a strong control
of immigration and getting their support has required some changes in policies from Berlusconi. Berlusconi himself has shown some
reluctance to pursue such policies as strongly as his allies might like. [4] Even so, a number of
measures have been taken, but the effects are controversial. The government, after introducing a controversial immigration law (the "Bossi-Fini", from the names of Lega Nord and Alleanza Nazionale leaders) is searching for the cooperation of both European and other
Mediterranean countries to face the emergency of the large number of immigrants trying to reach Italian coasts on old and
overloaded ferries and fishing boats, risking (and, often, losing) their life.
The Berlusconi government has had a strong tendency to support American foreign
policies despite the policy divide between the U.S. and many other founding members of European
Union (Germany, France, Belgium), a break from the traditional Italian foreign policy. Italy, with Berlusconi in office, became a
substantial ally to the United States due to his support of the 2003 Invasion of
Iraq.
Berlusconi, in his meetings with United Nations Secretary-General
Kofi Annan and U.S. President George W. Bush, said
that he pushed for "a clear turnaround in the Iraqi situation" and for a quick hand-over of sovereignty to the government chosen
by the U.N. Italy had some 2,700 troops deployed in Southern Iraq, the third largest contingent there after the American and
British forces. Italian troops were gradually withdrawn from Iraq in the second half of 2006 with the last soldiers leaving the
country in December of the same year.
During his electoral campaign, Berlusconi appeared in a tv show signing a "Contract with the
Italians" where he engaged that his government would reduce taxes and simplify the taxation system for both privates and
enterprises. This project was however only partially fulfilled.
A key point of the government program was the planned reform of the Italian Constitution (which Berlusconi said to be
"inspired by Soviets"[5]), an issue the coalition parties themselves initially had significantly different opinions about, with
Lega Nord insisting on the federal reform (devolution of more power to the Regions) as the condition itself for remaining in the
coalition; Alleanza Nazionale pushing for the so-called "strong premiership" (more powers to the executive), meant as a
counterweight to the federal reform, to preserve the State unity; UDC asking for an electoral law not damaging small parties
(more proportional) and being generally more willing to find a compromise with the moderate wing of the opposition. Difficulties
in arranging a mediation caused some internal unrest in the Berlusconi government in 2003, but then they were mostly overcome and
the law (comprising power devolution to the regions, Federal Senate and "strong premiership") was passed by the Senate in April
2004; it was slightly modified by the Chamber of Deputies in October 2004, and again on October 2005 and finally approved by the
Senate on November 16, 2005. The opposition Union coalition collected more than 500,000 signatures in order to call a referendum,
which was held on the 25th and 26th of July 2006 and resulted in the rejection of the constitutional reform, refused by 61,3% of
the voters.
Legislative actions
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Berlusconi's government passed many pieces of legislation, among which:
- The reform of the labour system, with the so called "legge Biagi", promoting labour flexibility for new workers. It is
widespread opinion that this law has been the best success of Berlusconi's government, leading to a record-low unemployment
level, while some critics blame the Biagi law as one of the cause of the "uncertain job" problem affecting many young
employees.[citation needed]
- The reform of the school system, called "riforma Moratti" that was quickly put under revision by the centre-left government
who followed in charge Berlusconi's government
- The law on large public works (MOSE project saving city of Venice, High speed railways Turin-Milan-Florence-Rome-Naples and
Turin-Verona-Venice, Bridge between Sicily and Italy, underground in Rome, Parma, Naples, Turin, Milan, a strong modernisation of
Highways and Water structures in South of Italy, project "Highways on the sea", etc. ) - most projects, however, just remained on
paper.[citation needed]
- Abolition of donation and inheritance taxes (these taxes had previously been abolished for low- and medium- income taxpayers)
- now reinstated.
- The abolition of compulsory military service for all male Italians (the armed forces are now composed only of volunteers
since 2004, anticipating the deadline set in a law passed by the previous government).
- The Urbani decree, named after the Ministro per i beni e le attività culturali Giuliano
Urbani, punishing whoever circulates, even via file sharing software, a
film or other copyrighted material or part of it, or enjoys it
with the same technology, with a 1,500 € fine, the confiscation of the instruments and the material, and the publication of
the measure on a national daily paper and a periodical about shows. The decree was later modified by the parliament to include
only copyright violation for the purpose of profit, where "profit" also includes the savings due
to not buying the software[citation needed]. The Court of Cassation, however, sentenced that "profit" only means an
actual "significant monetary profit".
Also, well-known (because regulating aspects of every-day life) legislative acts were:
- The reform of rules regarding drivers' licenses, led to a 14.5% decrease in car accidents, and an 18.5% decrease of lethal
car accidents, according to the Italian police department. Detractors state this law was actually a small modification to a law
previously examined by parliament.[citation needed]
- The increase in taxation on blank data storage devices — this was required by a
European Union directive, but the fee in Italy is much higher than in most
other EU countries, so that many people now buy them abroad[citation needed].
- The banning of smoking in offices, pubs, restaurants and all closed public places, which came into effect in January 2005.
This was not the first law prohibiting smoking in some public places[citation needed], but it was the first to be actually enforced in practice in the
overwhelming majority of public places.
- The law regulating artificial insemination, banning research on
embryonic stem cells, pre-implant diagnosis and insemination by donors other than
the husband, forcing women to being implanted after the embryo creation even in case of genetic diseases, recognising the embryo as a human rights bearer. The abrogation of the most controversial items has been the object of an unsuccessful
popular referendum called in June 2005 by former allies such as the Italian Radicals,
together with some (but not all) parties of L'Unione.
- In a controversial move, the Berlusconi government also passed a new media reform legislation. Among other things, such
legislation increased the maximum limit on an individual's share of the media market, allowing Berlusconi to retain control of
his three national TV channels (one of which was still using a frequency which by law should have gone to another channel). The
legislation also enabled the roll-out of digital television and internet based publishing, and hence his government claimed it
resolved the problem of conflict of interest and his media monopoly "by opening up more channels". The law was initially vetoed
by the President of the Republic, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, on charges of being
anti-constitutional, but it was then forced into law by the Parliament.[citation needed]
A less known law made the so called "Articolo 41 bis" punitive jail regime for mafia leaders a
permanent provision. Under previous law, it had to be confirmed every two years.
The new pensions' law, issued on July 2004, raised the minimum age for retirement and added incentives for delayed
retirement.
Berlusconi has forced through the Parliament an overall constitutional reform to deepen the current federal form of the State
and strengthen the power of the Prime Minister. This reform is disputed, because it has been imposed only by repressing the
former separatist party Lega Nord, and without an adequate sharing with the opposition. Many experts of constitutional law think
it is fraught with potential disfunctionalities. In January 2006, the reform was approved by the Parliament, but the popular
referendum on June 2006 stopped this reform into becoming law.
In October 2005, Berlusconi forced a reform of electoral law. The First Past the
Post system was abandoned, returning to the proportional system. The "first past the post" system had been approved by
popular vote in a 1993 referendum.
Other pieces of legislation included:
- the decriminalization of false account statements;
- the suspension of trials against the highest officers o