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Daniel Ortega (born 1945) joined the revolutionary Sandinista National Liberation Front (Frente Sandinista de Liberación National - FSLN) in 1963, helped lead its overthrow of the Somoza dynasty, and was elected president of Nicaragua on November 4, 1984.
Daniel Ortega Saavedra was born on November 11, 1945, in the mining and ranching town of La Libertad, Nicaragua, in the municipality of Chontales. He was the third son of Daniel Ortega Serda, an accountant for a mining firm. The family later moved to Managua, where his father owned a small export-import business.
Ortega received his education in private and Catholic schools. He was an active Catholic during his youth, becoming a catechist and giving Bible studies to those who lived in poor neighborhoods. His seriousness, intelligence, oratorical skills, and religious devotion suggested to many that he would become a priest. He made good grades, but his parents sent him to four different high schools - trying fruitlessly to keep him out of a growing student opposition movement in the late 1950s. Ortega studied law for one year at Managua's Jesuit-run Central American University (c. 1961), but abandoned his formal education for revolutionary politics.
Much of the Ortega family had revolutionary credentials. Father Daniel fought in A.C. Sandino's 1927-1934 rebellion against U.S. occupation of Nicaragua, for which he served three months in prison. Daniel's younger brothers, Humberto (born 1948) and Camilo (born 1950) also became Sandinista revolutionaries. Humberto, a top military strategist, eventually became minister of defense of the revolutionary government, beginning in 1979. Camilo died fighting in the insurrection (1978). Their mother, Lidia Saavedra, became active in the 1970s in protests and went to jail for these actions. Daniel Ortega's wife was poetess Rosario Murillo; they had seven children. She worked with the FSLN after 1969 and was captured by the Somoza regime's security forces in 1979. After the victory she became general secretary of the Sandinista Cultural Workers Association and in 1985 became an FSLN delegate in the National Assembly.
Revolutionary Activity
After the 1956 assassination of Anastasio Somoza Garcia, founder of the Somoza dynasty, Luis Somoza Debayle succeeded his father as president and Anastasio Somoza Debayle assumed command of the National Guard. They terrorized suspected opponents of the regime to avenge their father's death. Repression kindled opposition, which surfaced after Fidel Castro overthrew the Batista regime in 1959. Ortega, still in high school in Managua in 1959, took part in a widespread student struggle against the Somoza regime. The protests of 1959 were organized by the Nicaraguan Patriotic Youth (Juventud Patriótico Nicaragüense - JPN), which Ortega joined in 1960. JPN members later took part in several guerrilla insurgent movements, but only the FSLN survived. In 1960 Ortega was captured and tortured for his role in the protests. Not deterred from his opposition to the Somoza dynasty, he helped establish the Nicaraguan Revolutionary Youth (Juventud Revolucionaria Nicaragüense - JRN), along with the FSLN's Marxist founders Carlos Fonseca Amador and Tomás Borge Martínez. In 1961 Ortega was again arrested and tortured by the regime. But by 1962 he was again organizing JRN revolutionary cells in Managua's poor barrios.
In 1963 Ortega was recruited into the FSLN, a Marxist-Leninist vanguard revolutionary party committed to the armed overthrow of the Somozas. He helped organize the Federation of Secondary Students (Federación de Estudiantes de Secundaria - FES) and was again arrested and tortured. In 1964 he was captured in Guatemala with other Sandinistas and deported to Nicaragua, again to be imprisoned and tortured. Free in 1965, he cofounded the newspaper El Estudiante (The Student), the official paper of the Revolutionary Student Front (Frente Estudiantil Revolucionario - FER), the university support wing of the FSLN. By 1965 he had earned sufficient respect from other top Sandinistas that they named him to the FSLN's Dirección Nacional (National Directorate), the organization's top policy council.
In 1966-1967 Ortega headed the Internal Front, an urban underground that robbed several banks and in 1967 assassinated Gonzalo Lacayo, a reputed National Guard torturer. In November 1967 the security police captured Ortega, and he was given a lengthy sentence for the Lacayo killing. During his seven years in prison he and other Sandinistas exercised, wrote poetry, studied, and continued political activity - including resistance within the prison. During the seven years Ortega spent in jail the FSLN developed and grew. In a December 1974 commando raid in Managua, the FSLN took hostage several top regime officials and Somoza kin. The hostages were freed in exchange for a $5 million ransom, publicity, and the freedom of many Sandinistas, including Ortega and Tomás Borge.
In 1974 President Anastasio Somoza Debayle declared a state of siege (1974-1977) and sharply increased repression of opponents. Under fierce persecution and with many of its elements isolated, the FSLN began to develop different "tendencies" (factions) based on different political-military strategies. In 1975 Ortega rejoined the National Directorate. The next year he resumed clandestine organizing in Managua and Masaya. He helped his brother Humberto and others shape the strategy of the Tercerista (Third Force) tendency of the FSLN. The Terceristas allied with the rapidly growing non-Marxist opposition, and their ranks swelled. Militarily much bolder than the other tendencies in 1977-1978, the Terceristas helped spark a general popular insurrection in September and October of 1978.
Ortega helped form and lead the Terceristas' northern front campaign in 1977, and in 1978-1979 helped lead the rapidly expanding southern front. The FSLN's three tendencies reunited in early 1979 as popular rebellion spread. Daniel and Humberto Ortega became members of the new, joint National Directorate. During the final offensive in June 1979 Ortega was named to the junta of the rebel coalition's National Reconstruction Government. On July 19 the Somoza regime collapsed and the junta took over the shattered nation.
Role in Revolutionary Government
Ortega served on the junta of the National Reconstruction Government from 1979 until its dissolution in January 1985 and was the key liaison between the junta and the National Directorate, which set general policy guidelines for the revolution. In 1981 Ortega became coordinator of the junta, consolidating his leadership role. Within the National Directorate he became a leader of a pragmatic majority faction and emerged as the directorate's and junta's major international representative and domestic policy spokesman. When the FSLN had to choose a nominee for president for the November 4, 1984 election, the directorate selected Ortega. He won with 67 percent of the vote, competing against six other candidates.
The National Directorate and the junta in 1979 adopted, and have since followed, two pragmatic policies that are unusual for a Marxist regime: the economy would be mixed - 40 percent in the public sector, 60 percent private - and political parties other than the FSLN (except those linked to the Somozas) could take part in politics and hold cabinet posts. The FSLN quickly consolidated its political advantage in the revolutionary government, fusing itself with the new Sandinista popular army and police and adding new seats to the Council of State in a move denounced by opponents as a power grab.
Ortega exercised no charismatic dominance of the Nicaraguan revolution, but gradually emerged as a first among equals within the top Sandinista leadership. A somewhat gruff and intensely private person, he showed little threat of developing the charismatic mass following that other directorate members feared. Moreover, his ability to concentrate power remained limited by the control of key ministries by other members of the National Directorate.
Ortega's sometimes abrasive or confrontational public style at times caused friction for the revolutionary government, especially with the United States. Members of the U.S. Bipartisan Commission on Central America, for example, reported that Ortega's comments during two 1983 meetings were rather hostile in tone. In contrast, his religious background and longtime acquaintance with Miguel Obando y Bravo, Archbishop of Managua, made him a useful emissary to the Catholic Church hierarchy. But relations with the Catholic Church grew increasingly strained as the Church became an outspoken critic of the Sandinistas in the early 1980s.
As president of Nicaragua, Ortega established a modern team of technical advisers; his cabinet included other top Sandinistas as well as non-Sandinistas. Ortega's rise to the presidency was regarded by many as a commitment by the FSLN's National Directorate to continue the pragmatism of 1979-1985, a sign also reflected in his moderate inaugural speech.
However, daunting problems faced the Ortega administration and the FSLN's National Directorate. Under their leadership Nicaragua expressed solidarity with other Central American rebel movements, built up its military with the help of Cuban advisers, purchased Soviet-bloc arms, increased trade and friendship with the Soviet Union, and sought to increase independence from the United States while remaining friendly with Western Europe and Latin America. U.S. disapproval, however, had severe consequences. The Reagan administration financed a revolt by 10-15,000 anti-Sandinista counterrevolutionary forces sponsored by the Central Intelligence Agency. The civil war severely strained Nicaraguan domestic consensus and resources. U.S. troops maneuvered in neighboring Honduras, fueling Nicaraguans' fear of an invasion. A U.S.-engineered international credit slowdown and trade embargo, begun in May 1985, eroded an economy already shrunken by private sector fears, falling export prices, and management problems. Under such pressures, President Ortega's major task was to struggle for the mere survival of the Nicaraguan revolution in an increasingly hostile international environment.
United States aid to the "contra" forces became increasingly controversial with the 1986 disclosure of "unauthorized" funds being sent to the anti-Sandinistas. It was charged that some of the money realized from the sale of arms to Iran was siphoned off to the contras.
Unsuccessful Bid for Reelection
In February 1990 Ortega's bid for reelection was challenged by Violeta Chamorro. She questioned the Sandinistas' close links with Cuba and the Soviet Union and reached out to center and conservative parties to help defeat Ortega. A second attempt to regain power in 1996 was again unsuccessful. Twenty-three presidential candidates ran in the October 1996 elections, but Ortega and Arnoldo Alemán emerged as favorites. After several days of vote counting, Alemán was declared the winner with 51 percent of the vote; Ortega came in second with 38 percent. Ortega conceded defeat but continued to question the legitimacy of Alemán's government.
Further Reading
Literature on Daniel Ortega is limited. Recommended for background on the Nicaraguan revolution are Thomas W. Walker's Nicaragua: The Land of Sandino (1981) and his edited works Nicaragua in Revolution (1982) and Nicaragua: The First Five Years (1985); George Black, Triumph of the People: The Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua (1981); John A. Booth, The End and the Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution (1985); Richard Millett, The Guardians of the Dynasty (1977); and David Nolan, The Ideology of the Sandinistas and the Nicaraguan Revolution (1984). See also Anastasio Somoza with Jack Cox, Nicaragua Betrayed (1980), and Bernard Diederich, Somoza and the Legacy of U.S. Involvement in Central America (1982).
Columbia Encyclopedia:
Daniel Ortega Saavedra |
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Daniel Ortega |
| José Daniel Ortega Saavedra | |
|---|---|
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|
| President of Nicaragua | |
| Incumbent | |
| Assumed office 10 January 2007 |
|
| Vice President | Jaime Morales Carazo |
| Preceded by | Enrique Bolaños |
| In office 10 January 1985 – 25 April 1990 |
|
| Vice President | Sergio Ramírez Mercado |
| Preceded by | Himself (Coordinator of the Junta of National Reconstruction) |
| Succeeded by | Violeta Chamorro |
| Coordinator of the Junta of National Reconstruction of Nicaragua | |
| In office 18 July 1979 – 10 January 1985 |
|
| Preceded by | Francisco Urcuyo (Acting President) |
| Succeeded by | Himself (President) |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 11 November 1945 La Libertad, Nicaragua |
| Political party | Sandinista National Liberation Front |
| Spouse(s) | Rosario Murillo |
José Daniel Ortega Saavedra (Spanish pronunciation: [xo̞ˈse̞ ðaˈnje̞l o̞rˈte̞ɣa saˈβe̞ðɾa]; born 11 November 1945) is a Nicaraguan politician. He is the current President of Nicaragua (since 2007), a position he has held previously between 1985 and 1990. A leader in the socialist Sandinista National Liberation Front (Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional, FSLN), his policies in government have seen the implementation of leftist reforms across Nicaragua.
Born into a working class family, from an early age Ortega developed a hatred of the ruling President Anastasio Somoza Debayle, who was widely seen as a dictator, and became involved in the underground movement to oppose Somoza's regime. Joining the Sandinistas, he also travelled to Cuba to receive training in guerilla warfare from Fidel Castro's Marxist-Leninist government. After the Nicaraguan Revolution resulted in the overthrow and exile of the Somoza's government in 1979, Ortega became a member of the ruling multipartisan Junta of National Reconstruction and was later elected president, serving from 1985 to 1990. At the time a Marxist-Leninist, his first period in office was characterized by a controversial program of land reform, wealth redistribution and literacy programs. Such leftist reforms damaged U.S. economic interests in the country, gaining hostility from the U.S.'s governing Reagan administration, who funded a right wing militia, the Contras, to overthrow Ortega's government.
Ortega was defeated by Violeta Barrios de Chamorro in the 1990 presidential election, but he remained an important figure in Nicaraguan opposition politics, gradually moderating in his political position from Marxism-Leninism to democratic socialism. He was an unsuccessful candidate for president in 1996 and 2001, before winning the 2006 presidential election.[1] In power, he has made alliances with fellow Latin American socialists, namely Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, and signed Nicaragua up to the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas.
Ortega was born to a poor class La Libertad, department of Chontales, Nicaragua. His parents, Daniel Ortega and Lidia Saavedra, were opposed to the regime of Anastasio Somoza Debayle. His mother was imprisoned by Somoza's National Guard for being in possession of "love letters" which the police stated were coded political missives. It is still unknown if he even participated in any actual guerrilla fighting with the Somoza regime. He has two brothers, Humberto Ortega, former General, military leader and published writer, and Camilo Ortega, who died during combat in 1978.
Ortega was arrested for political activities at the age of 15,[2] and quickly joined the then-underground Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN).[3] He was imprisoned in 1967 for taking part in robbing a branch of the Bank of America while brandishing a machine gun, but was released in late 1974 along with other Sandinista prisoners in exchange for Somocista hostages. While he was imprisoned at the El Modelo jail, just outside of Managua, he wrote poems, one of which he titled "I Never Saw Managua When Miniskirts Were in Fashion".[4] During his imprisonment, Ortega was severely tortured.[5] After his release, Ortega was exiled to Cuba, where he received several months of guerrilla training. He later returned to Nicaragua secretly.[6]
Ortega married Rosario Murillo in 1979 in a secret ceremony (conducted by a Spanish priest turned guerrilla fighter)[7] and moved to Costa Rica with her three children from a previous marriage.[8] Ortega remarried Murillo in 2005 to have the marriage recognized by the Roman Catholic Church. The couple has eight children,[9] three of them together.[2] She is currently the government's spokeswoman and a government minister, among other positions.[10][11] Ortega adopted stepdaughter Zoilamérica Narváez in 1986, through a court case.[12]
In 1998, Daniel Ortega's adopted stepdaughter Zoilamérica Narváez released a 48-page report[13] describing her allegations that Ortega had systematically sexually abused her from 1979, when she was 11, until 1990.[14] Ortega and his wife Murillo denied the allegations.[15] The case could not proceed in Nicaraguan courts because Ortega had immunity to prosecution as a member of parliament, and the five-year statute of limitations for sexual abuse and rape charges was judged to have been exceeded. Narváez took a complaint to the Inter American Human Rights Commission, which was ruled admissible on 15 October 2001.[16] On 4 March 2002 the Nicaraguan government accepted the Commission's recommendation of a friendly settlement.[12] As of 2006 Ortega continues to deny the allegations, but Narváez has not withdrawn them.[15]
When Somoza was overthrown by the FSLN in July 1979, Ortega became a member of the five-person Junta of National Reconstruction, which also included Sandinista militant Moisés Hassan, novelist Sergio Ramírez, businessman Alfonso Robelo, and Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, the widow of a martyred journalist. The FSLN came to dominate the junta, Robelo and Chamorro resigned, and in 1981 Ortega became the coordinator of the Junta.[17] As the only member of the FSLN National Directorate in the Junta, he was the effective leader of the country
In 1981, United States President Ronald Reagan accused the FSLN of joining with Soviet-backed Cuba in supporting Marxist revolutionary movements in other Latin American countries such as El Salvador. People within the Reagan administration authorized the Central Intelligence Agency to begin financing, arming and training rebels, some of whom were former officers from Somoza's National Guard, as anti-Sandinista guerrillas. These were known collectively as the Contras. This also led to one of the largest political scandals in US history, (the Iran Contra Affair), when Oliver North and several members of the Reagan administration defied the Boland Amendment to sell arms to Iran, and then used the proceeds to fund the Contras. Between 1980 and 1989, over 30,000 Nicaraguans died in the conflict between the Sandinista government and the Contras.[18]
At the 1984 general election Ortega won the presidency with 67% of the vote and took office on 10 January 1985. According to many independent observers, the 1984 elections were perhaps the freest and fairest in Nicaraguan history. A report by an Irish governmentary delegation stated: "The electoral process was carried out with total integrity. The seven parties participating in the elections represented a broad spectrum of political ideologies." The general counsel of New York's Human Rights Commission described the election as "free, fair and hotly contested." A study by the US Latin American Studies Association (LASA) concluded that the FSLN (Sandinista Front) "did little more to take advantage of its incumbency than incumbent parties everywhere (including the U.S.) routinely do."[citation needed]
33 percent of the Nicaraguan voters cast ballots for one of six opposition parties—three to the right of the Sandinistas, three to the left—which had campaigned with the aid of government funds and free TV and radio time. Two conservative parties captured a combined 23 percent of the vote. They held rallies across the country (a few of which were disrupted by FSLN supporters) and blasted the Sandinistas in harsh terms. Most foreign and independent observers noted this pluralism in debunking the Reagan administration charge—ubiquitous in the US media—that it was a "Soviet-style sham" election.[19] Some opposition parties boycotted the election, allegedly under pressure from US embassy officials, and so it was denounced as being unfair by the Reagan administration.[20] Reagan thus maintained that he was justified to continue supporting what he referred to as the Contras' "democratic resistance".[21]
In the 1990 presidential election, Ortega lost to Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, his former colleague in the junta. Chamorro was supported by the US and a 14-party anti-Sandinista alliance known as the National Opposition Union (Unión Nacional Oppositora, UNO), an alliance that ranged from conservatives and liberals to communists. Contrary to what most observers expected,[22] Chamorro shocked Ortega and won the election. In Ortega's concession speech the following day he vowed to keep "ruling from below" a reference to the power that the FSLN still wielded in various sectors. He was also quoted saying:
...We leave victorious... because we Sandinistas have spilled blood and sweat not to cling to government posts, but to bring Latin America a little dignity, a little social justice.
— Daniel Ortega[4]
Ortega ran for election again, in October 1996 and November 2001, but lost on both occasions to Arnoldo Alemán and Enrique Bolaños, respectively. In these elections, a key issue was the allegation of corruption. In Ortega's last days as president, through a series of legislative acts known as "The Piñata", estates that had been seized by the Sandinista government (some valued at millions and even billions of US dollars) became the private property of various FSLN officials, including Ortega himself.[citation needed]
Ortega's policies became more moderate during his time in opposition, and he gradually changed much of his former Marxist stance in favor of an agenda of democratic socialism. His Roman Catholic faith has become more public in recent years as well, leading Ortega to embrace a variety of socially conservative policies; in 2006 the FSLN endorsed a strict law banning all abortions in Nicaragua[citation needed].
Ortega was instrumental in creating the controversial strategic pact between the FSLN and the Constitutional Liberal Party (Partido Liberal Constitucionalista, PLC). The controversial alliance of Nicaragua's two major parties is aimed at distributing power between the PLC and FSLN, and preventing other parties from rising. "El Pacto," as it is known in Nicaragua, is said to have personally benefited former presidents Ortega and Alemán greatly, while constraining then-president Bolaños. One of the key accords of the pact was to lower the percentage necessary to win a presidential election in the first round from 45% to 35%, a change in electoral law that would become decisive in Ortega's favor in the 2006 elections[citation needed].
| This section requires expansion. |
| Presidential styles of Daniel Ortega |
|
|---|---|
| Reference style | Daniel Ortega, Presidente de la República de Nicaragua Daniel Ortega, President of the Republic of Nicaragua |
| Spoken style | Presidente Ortega President Ortega |
| Alternative style | Señor Presidente Mister President |
Soon after his inauguration, Ortega paid an official visit to Iran and met Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Ortega told the press that the "revolutions of Iran and Nicaragua are almost twin revolutions...since both revolutions are about justice, liberty, self-determination, and the struggle against imperialism."[23] Since the start of his second presidency, various measures have been introduced to combat hunger and to improve access to healthcare, education,[24] credit,[25] and social security.[26] In addition, other reforms have been carried out, including an enhancement of labour rights,[27] the introduction of low-interest loans and training for female micro-entrepreneurs in rural areas,[28] and the distribution of transport subsidies, scholarships, medicine, land titles, and housing materials throughout the population.[24] Altogether, these policies have helped to reduce high levels of poverty and inequality in Nicaragua.[29][30][31][32][33][34]
In June 2008 the Nicaraguan Supreme Electoral Council disqualified the MRS and the Conservative Party from participation.[35] In November, 2008, the Supreme Electoral Council received national and international criticism following irregularities in municipal elections, but agreed to review results for Managua only, while the opposition demanded a nationwide review.[36] For the first time since 1990, the Council decided not to allow national or international observers to witness the election.[37][38] Instances of intimidation, violence, and harassment of opposition political party members and NGO representatives have been recorded.[39] Official results show Sandinista candidates winning 94 of the 146 municipal mayorships, compared to 46 for the main opposition Liberal Constitutional Party (PLC).[40] The opposition claimed that marked ballots were dumped and destroyed, that party members were refused access to some of the vote counts and that tallies from many polling places were altered.[41] As a result of the fraud allegations, the European Union suspended $70m of aid, and the US $64m.[42]
With the late-2000s recession, Ortega said that capitalism is in its "death throes" and the Bolivarian Alternative for the People of Our America (ALBA) is the most advanced, Christian and fairest project. He also said God was punishing the United States with the financial crisis for trying to impose its economic principles on poor countries and said God was rewarding Nicaragua with an increase in GDP (PPP) to $2,600 per-capita from $1,800 a decade ago. "It's incredible that in the most powerful country in the world, which spends billions of dollars on brutal wars ... people do not have enough money to stay in their homes."[43][44]
During an interview with David Frost for the Al Jazeera English programme Frost Over The World in March 2009, Ortega suggested that he would like to change the constitution to allow him to run again for president.[45] In Judicial Decision 504, issued on October 19, 2009, the Supreme Court of Justice of Nicaragua declared portions of Articles 147 and 178 of the Constitution of Nicaragua inapplicable; these provisions concerned the eligibility of candidates for President, Vice-President, Mayor, and Vice-Mayor.[46] For this decision, the Sandinista magistrates formed the required quorum by excluding the opposition magistrates and replacing them with Sandinista substitutes, violating the Nicaraguan constitution.[47] The decision was widely denounced by the opposing parties, the church and human rights groups in Nicaragua [48][49][50]
While supporting abortion rights during his presidency during the 1980s, Ortega has since embraced the Catholic Church's position of strong opposition.[51] While non-emergency abortions have long been illegal in Nicaragua, recently even abortions "in the case where the pregnancy endangers the mother's life" have been made illegal in the days before the election, with a six-year prison term in such cases, too—a move supported by Ortega.[52]
Ortega himself denies that the abortion legislation outlaws medical procedures necessary to save the woman's life if they result in the termination of pregnancy. "The medical Procedural Code, he says, is not affected by the law, and requires doctors to do what is necessary to save a woman's life if it is threatened by conditions related to her pregnancy."[citation needed] He claims that the accusations that the abortion laws outlaw medical procedures necessary to save the life of the mother are part of "a media war".[53]
On 6 March 2008, following the 2008 Andean diplomatic crisis, Ortega announced that Nicaragua was breaking diplomatic ties with Colombia "in solidarity with the Ecuadoran people".[54] Ortega also stated, "We are not breaking relations with the Colombian people. We are breaking relations with the terrorist policy practiced by Álvaro Uribe's government".[55] The relations were restored with the resolution at a Rio Group summit held in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, on 7 March 2008. At the summit Colombia's Álvaro Uribe, Ecuador's Rafael Correa, Venezuela's Hugo Chávez and Ortega publicly shook hands in a show of good will. The handshakes, broadcast live throughout Latin America, appeared to be a signal that a week of military buildups and diplomatic repercussions was over. After the handshakes, Ortega said he would re-establish diplomatic ties with Colombia. Uribe then quipped that he would send him the bill for his ambassador's plane fare.[56][57]
On 25 May 2008, Ortega, upon learning of the death of FARC guerrilla leader Manuel Marulanda in Colombia, expressed condolences to the family of Marulanda and solidarity with the FARC and called Marulanda an extraordinary fighter who battled against profound inequalities in Colombia.[58][59] The declarations were protested by the Colombian government and criticized in the major Colombian media outlets.
On 2 September 2008, during ceremonies for the 29th anniversary of the founding of the Nicaraguan army, Ortega announced that "Nicaragua recognizes the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and fully supports the Russian government's position." Ortega's decision made Nicaragua the second country after Russia to recognize the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia from Georgia.[60] A day after Venezuela recognised the two Republics, Nicaragua established diplomatic relations with Abkhazia, and plans to establish diplomatic relations with South Ossetia—embassies will be opened soon.[61]
When getting in office, Ortega threatened to cut ties with the Republic of China/Taiwan in order to restore relations with the People's Republic of China (like 1985-1990). But he did not do so.[62] However, with a trade show from the PRC in Managua in 2010, he is attempting a two-track policy to get benefits from both sides.[63]
In September 2010, after a US report listed Nicaragua as a "major" drug-trafficking centre, with Costa Rica and Honduras, Ortega urged the US Congress and Obama administration to allocate more resources to assist the fight against drug trafficking.[64][65]
During the 2011 Libyan civil war, Ortega was among the very few leaders that clearly spoke out in defense of the embattled Muammar Gaddafi.[66] During a telephone conversation between the two, Ortega said Gaddafi was "waging a great battle to defend his nation"[67] and "it's at difficult times that loyalty and resolve are put to the test."[68]
Ortega was re-elected president with a vote on November 6 and confirmation on November 16, 2011. [69]
| Candidate | Party/Alliance | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|---|
| José Daniel Ortega Saavedra | Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) | 735,967 | 66.97% |
| Clemente Guido Chavez | Democratic Conservative Party of Nicaragua (PCDN) | 154,327 | 14.04% |
| Virgilio Godoy Reyes | Independent Liberal Party (PLI) | 105,560 | 09.60% |
| Mauricio Díaz Dávila | Popular Social Christian Party (PPSC) | 61,199 | 05.56% |
| Allan Zambrana Salmerón | Communist Party of Nicaragua (PC de N) | 16,034 | 01.45% |
| Domingo Sánchez Salgado | Nicaraguan Socialist Party (PSN) | 14,494 | 01.31% |
| Isidro Téllez Toruño | Marxist-Leninist Popular Action Movement (MAP ML) | 11,352 | 01.03% |
| Total valid votes | 1,098,933 | 100% | |
| Spoilt and invalid votes | 71,209 | 06.09% | |
| Total votes/Turnout | 1,170,142 | 75.42% | |
| Registered voters | 1,551,597 | – | |
| Population | 3,165,000 | – | |
| Candidate | Party/Alliance | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|---|
| Violeta Barrios de Chamorro | National Opposition Union (UNO) = National Conservative Party (PNC) / Popular Conservative Alliance (APC) / National Conservative Action (ACN) / Democratic Party of National Confidence (PDCN) / Independent Liberal Party (PLI) / Neoliberal Party (PALI) / Constitutionalist Liberal Party (PLC) / National Action Party (PAN) / Nicaraguan Socialist Party (PSN) / Communist Party of Nicaragua (PC de N) / Popular Social Christian Party (PPSC) / Nicaraguan Democratic Movement (MDN) / Social Democratic Party (PSD) / Central American Integrationist Party (PIAC) | 54.74% | 777,552 |
| José Daniel Ortega Saavedra | Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) | 40.82% | 579,886 |
| Erick Ramírez Beneventes | Social Christian Party (PCS) | 01.18% | 16,751 |
| Moisés Hassán | Revolutionary Unity Movement (MUR) | 00.78% | 11,136 |
| Bonifacio Miranda Bengoechea | Workers' Revolutionary Party (PRT) | 00.60% | 8,590 |
| Isidro Téllez Toruño | Marxist-Leninist Popular Action Movement (MAP ML) | 00.57% | 8,115 |
| Fernando Agüero Rocha | Social Conservative Party (PSC) | 00.41% | 5,798 |
| Blanca Rojas Echaverry | Central American Unionist Party (PUCA) | 00.36% | 5,065 |
| Eduardo Molina Palacios | Democratic Conservative Party of Nicaragua (PCDN) | 00.32% | 4,500 |
| Rodolfo Robelo Herrera | Independent Liberal Party for National Unity (PLIUN) | 00.22% | 3,151 |
| Total valid votes | 100% | 1,420,544 | |
| Spoilt and invalid votes | 05.97% | 90,249 | |
| Total votes/Turnout | 86.23% | 1,510,838 | |
| Registered voters | – | 1,752,088 | |
| Population | – | 3,800,000 | |
| Candidate | Party/Alliance | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|---|
| José Arnoldo Alemán Lacayo | Liberal Alliance (AL) = Constitutionalist Liberal Party (PLC) / Independent Liberal Party for National Unity (PLIUN) / Nationalist Liberal Party (PLN) / Neoliberal Party (PALI) | 896,207 | 50.99% |
| José Daniel Ortega Saavedra | Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) | 664,909 | 37.83% |
| Guillermo Osorno | Nicaraguan Party of the Christian Path (PCCN) | 71,908 | 04.09% |
| Noel Vidaurre | Conservative Party of Nicaragua (PCN) | 39,983 | 02.27% |
| Benjamin Ramón Lanzas Selva | National Project (PRONAL) | 9,265 | 00.53% |
| Sergio Ramírez Mercado | Sandinista Renovation Movement (MRS) | 7,665 | 00.44% |
| Francisco José Mayorga Balladares | Bread and Strength Alliance (Pan y Fuerza) = National Action Party (PAN) / Republican Strength 96 Alliance (ASR) | 7,102 | 00.40% |
| Francisco José Duarte Tapia | National Conservative Action (ACN) | 6,178 | 00.35% |
| Edgar Enrique Quiñónez Tuckler | Nicaraguan Resistance Party (PRN) | 5,813 | 00.33% |
| Andrés Abelino Robles Pérez | Nicaraguan Workers, Peasants and Professionals Unity Party (PUNOCP) | 5,789 | 00.33% |
| Virgilio Godoy | Independent Liberal Party (PLI) | 5,692 | 00.32% |
| Jorge Alberto Díaz Cruz | National Justice Party (PJN) | 5,582 | 00.32% |
| Alejandro Serrano Caldera | Unity Alliance (AU) = Social Christian Party (PCS) / Revolutionary Unity Movement (MUR) / Social Democratic Party (PSD) | 4,873 | 00.28% |
| Elí Altamirano Pérez | Communist Party of Nicaragua (PC de N) | 4,802 | 00.27% |
| Miriam Auxiliadora Argüello Morales | Popular Conservative Alliance (APC) | 4,632 | 00.26% |
| Ausberto Narváez Argüello | Liberal Unity Party (PUL) | 3,887 | 00.22% |
| Alfredo César Aguirre | National Opposition Union 96(UNO 96) = National Democratic Party (PND) / Conservative Action Movement (MAC) / Nicaraguan Democratic Movement (MDN) | 3,664 | 00.21% |
| Allan Antonio Tefel Alba | National Renovation Movement (MORENA) | 2,641 | 00.15% |
| James Odnith Webster Pitts | Democratic Action Party (PAD) | 1,895 | 00.11% |
| Sergio Abilio Mendieta Castillo | Central American Integrationist Party (PIAC) | 1,653 | 00.09% |
| Moises Hassán Morales | Renovating Action Movement (MAR) | 1,393 | 00.08% |
| Gustavo Ernesto Tablada Zelaya | Nicaraguan Socialist Party (PSN) | 1,352 | 00.08% |
| Roberto Urcuyo Muñoz | Nicaraguan Democratic Party (PADENIC) | 890 | 00.05% |
| Total valid votes | 1,757,775 | 100% | |
| Spoilt and invalid votes | 91,587 | 04.95% | |
| Total votes/Turnout | 1,849,362 | 76.39% | |
| Registered voters | 2,421,067 | – | |
| Population | 4,706,000 | – | |
| Candidate | Party/Alliance | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|---|
| Enrique Bolaños Geyer | Constitutionalist Liberal Party (PLC) | 1,228,412 | 56.31% |
| José Daniel Ortega Saavedra | Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) | 922,436 | 42.28% |
| Alberto Saborío | Conservative Party of Nicaragua (PC) | 30,670 | 01.41% |
| Total valid votes | 2,181,518 | 100% | |
| Candidate | Party/Alliance | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|---|
| José Daniel Ortega Saavedra | Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) | 930,862 | 38.00% |
| Eduardo Montealegre | Nicaraguan Liberal Alliance (ALN) | 693,391 | 28.30% |
| José Rizo Castellón | Constitutionalist Liberal Party (PLC) | 664,225 | 27.11% |
| Edmundo Jarquín | Sandinista Renovation Movement (MRS) | 154,224 | 06.30% |
| Edén Pastora Gómez | Alternative for Change (AC) | 7,200 | 0.29% |
| Total valid votes | 2,449,902 | 100% | |
| Candidate | Party/Alliance | Votes | % |
|---|---|---|---|
| José Daniel Ortega Saavedra | Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) | 1,569,287 | 62.46% |
| Fabio Gadea Mantilla | Independent Liberal Party (PLI) | 778,889 | 31.00% |
| José Arnoldo Alemán Lacayo | Constitutionalist Liberal Party (PLC) | 148,507 | 05.91% |
| Edgar Enrique Quiñónez Tuckler | Nicaraguan Liberal Alliance (MRS) | 10,003 | 00.40% |
| Miguel Angel García | Alliance for the Republic (APRE) | 5,898 | 0.23% |
| Total valid votes | 2,512,584 | 100% | |
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| Wikinews has related news: Nicaragua's Ortega visits Imam Khamenei in Iran |
| Political offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by Francisco Urcuyo as Acting President of Nicaragua |
Coordinator of the Junta of National Reconstruction of Nicaragua 1979–1985 |
Succeeded by Himself as President of Nicaragua |
| Preceded by Himself as Coordinator of the Junta of National Reconstruction of Nicaragua |
President of Nicaragua 1985–1990 |
Succeeded by Violeta Chamorro |
| Preceded by Enrique Bolaños |
President of Nicaragua 2007–present |
Incumbent |
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