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Britannica Concise Encyclopedia:
Walter Frederick Mondale |
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Oxford Dictionary of Political Biography:
Walter Frederic Mondale |
(b. Ceylon, Minnesota, 5 Jan. 1928) US; US Senator 1965 – 77, Vice-President 1977 – 81, Democratic presidential candidate 1984 Educated at the University of Minnesota, where he took a BA and LLB, Mondale practised law in Minneapolis. In 1960 he was elected Attorney-General of Minnesota. He was a protégé of Hubert Humphrey in the Democratic Party of Minnesota. In 1964, with Humphrey's election as Vice-President, Mondale was elected to the Senate seat from Minnesota which had been vacated by Humphrey when he became Vice-President of the United States. He supported the liberal measures of President Johnson on such issues as civil rights, anti-poverty, and the environment. He was re-elected for a second Senate term in 1970 and continued to work for liberal reforms, though with little success in the more conservative mood of America in the 1970s.
In 1976 he was chosen as vice-presidential candidate by Jimmy Carter. His selection was crucial to the victory by a very narrow margin of the Democratic ticket in the presidential election of 1976. As a liberal from a Northern state he balanced the ticket which was headed by Carter, a conservative Democrat from a Southern state. Moreover, he projected a very favourable image in the 1976 campaign, especially in the vice-presidential television debate with his Republic rival, Robert Dole. In office as Vice-President, he continued to project a favourable image and he was a very influential adviser within the Carter administration. He retained prestige and popularity while Carter steadily lost respect and popular approval. He was renominated as vice-presidential candidate in 1980, but despite an effective campaign and favourable comparison with his Republican rival, George Bush, the Carter-Mondale ticket lost heavily to the Republican ticket headed by Ronald Reagan.
In 1984 he successfully sought the Democratic nomination for President. The mood of public opinion had, however, moved in a conservative direction, and he was identified with a discredited liberal Democratic standpoint. Moreover, his Republican opponent, President Reagan, had won widespread popularity by boosting national morale, pursuing expansionist economic policies and strengthening national defence. As a result Mondale suffered humiliating defeat, winning only his home state of Minnesota. He returned to law practice in Minneapolis, though he continued to be a respected senior figure within the Democratic Party. With the election of a Democratic President in 1992, President Clinton appointed him as American ambassador to Japan.
Gale Encyclopedia of Biography:
Walter. F. Mondale |
Active in politics throughout his adult life, Walter F. (Fritz) Mondale (born 1928) served consecutively as Minnesota attorney general, U.S. senator, and U.S. vice president under Jimmy Carter. He lost the 1984 presidential election to incumbent Ronald Reagan, carrying only 13 electoral votes.
Born on January 5, 1928, in Ceylon, Minnesota, Walter Frederick Mondale was the second son of the marriage of Theodore and Claribel (Cowan) Mondale. A Methodist clergyman, the elder Mondale moved his family to a succession of small Minnesota towns before settling in 1937 in Elmore, near the Iowa border. The Mondales' home life was marked by strong moral and religious standards, but also by a tolerant and optimistic spirit.
In school Walter Mondale starred on the football, basketball, and track teams; was an accomplished debater and singer; and was president of his class. Upon graduation in 1946 he enrolled at Macalester College, working in summers as a farm laborer to help pay his tuition. In 1949, when his father died, he left school temporarily in order to earn enough to pay all the costs of his education.
Getting Started in Politics
While a college freshman Mondale became involved in the activities of Minnesota's prospering Democratic-Farmer-Labor (DFL) Party. He volunteered to help in the Minneapolis mayoral campaign of young Hubert Humphrey in 1947 and then, a year later, in Humphrey's successful Senate campaign. Having successfully organized a Macalester campus chapter of Students for Democratic Action (an affiliate of the strongly anti-Communist Americans for Democratic Action), Mondale in 1949 accepted a paying position as Washington-based executive director of SDA. He held that position until leaving in 1950 to resume his education at the University of Minnesota.
With a new sense of purpose, Mondale graduated cum laude from Minnesota in 1951; spent a two-year Army hitch at Fort Knox, Kentucky; and then enrolled in the University of Minnesota Law School. In 1956 he graduated in the top one-fourth of his class and was admitted to the Minnesota State Bar. Meanwhile, on December 27, 1955, Mondale married Joan Adams, a refined young woman with a strong interest in the arts. They were to have three children: Theodore Adams, Eleanore Jane, and William Hall.
On returning to Minnesota in 1950, Mondale had reentered DFL politics, helping in Orville Freeman's unsuccessful campaign for attorney general. After law school he was able to immerse himself in partisan activities. While engaged in establishing a new law firm with his friend Harry McLaughlin, Mondale served as de facto campaign manager for Freeman's gubernatorial re-election campaign in 1956 and then as official campaign manager for Freeman two years later. By the late 1950s Mondale was a respected party tactician and, as state finance director for the DFL, enjoyed extensive political contacts throughout the state.
From Attorney General to the Senate
Mondale's payoff came in May 1960. Having served since 1958 as a special assistant to the state attorney general, Miles Lord, Mondale was appointed to succeed Lord when the latter resigned. He made the most of this opportunity. Capitalizing on publicity resulting from a dramatic investigation of corruption in the Sister Elizabeth Kenny Foundation, he was easily elected attorney general in his own right in 1960. Two years later he was re-elected with one of the largest majorities in Minnesota history.
As attorney general Mondale demonstrated a commitment to the "underclasses" of society that was to mark his entire political career, initiating a number of anti-trust, civil rights, and consumer protection actions. Most dramatic was his drafting of a brief in the landmark Gideon case, then (1962) before the Supreme Court. This brief, supporting the right of indigent defendants to counsel, was eventually co-signed by the attorneys general of more than 20 other states.
Mondale's emergence as a leading figure in the Minnesota DFL, his legal expertise, and his consistent attachment to liberal principles won him a key role at the 1964 Democratic National Convention. A member of the convention credentials committee, he was selected to head a five-member mediating commission to determine the fate of a claim by the predominantly Black Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party that its delegates should be awarded the state's seats on the convention floor rather than the segregationist regular Democrats. Aware that his efforts would decide whether the vice presidential nomination would go to Hubert Humphrey (to whom President Lyndon Johnson had delegated the overall responsibility to resolve the dispute), Mondale brought the "no-win" situation to conclusion by clever maneuvering and eloquent argument.
The compromise - while it did not satisfy the principal antagonists - passed the test of political expediency: Johnson was pleased, Humphrey received the vice presidential nomination, and - after the Democratic ticket won in November - Mondale was appointed by Minnesota's Democratic governor to complete Humphrey's unexpired term. In January 1965 Mondale became a senator in the Eighty-ninth Congress, which was to become a virtual rubber stamp for Johnson's Great Society programs.
Looking toward the 1966 election, Mondale established himself as one of LBJ's most reliable supporters, amassing impeccable liberal credentials as measured by interest groups such as ADA and the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO). He strongly backed the 1965 Voting Rights Act and was among the strongest proponents of an anti-poll-tax amendment that nearly passed. He also quickly became identified with the cause of farmers, and, especially through co-sponsoring a 1966 law requiring automakers to notify consumers of defects in cars they had purchased, he won the reputation of an advocate for consumers. In November 1966, repeating the pattern of his experience as Minnesota attorney general, he won election in his own right, securing nearly 54 percent of the vote.
A Leading Liberal in the Senate
During the late 1960s - difficult years for the Democratic Party - Mondale enhanced his image as spokesperson for the "powerless" - especially minorities, the very young, and the elderly. He was instrumental in securing passage of an amended Open Housing Act in 1968 which capped off the legislative civil rights revolution of the decade and unsuccessfully backed a mortgage subsidy program for low-income citizens. On the crucially important Vietnam War issue, however, Mondale waffled, drawing criticism from the left. A loyal adherent of Johnson's Vietnam policy until the Tet offensive in early 1968, he kept his doubts about the war largely to himself through the tumultuous period preceding that year's Democratic convention, supporting his old friend Hubert Humphrey for the presidential nomination in opposition to many party liberals. Finally, in September 1968 - over a month before Humphrey did so - Mondale broke from LBJ's policies, calling publicly for an unconditional halt to bombing over North Vietnam. Thereafter he strongly opposed the war, as well as any other American intervention in Southeast Asia. He later claimed that supporting the war for so long was his worst political mistake.
After Richard Nixon's election in 1968 Mondale became less conciliatory, abandoning the tendency to compromise that had marked his earlier career. A harsh critic of both the war and Nixon's domestic policies, Mondale gained added stature and visibility through his work on the Special Senate Committee on Aging and the Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs. His primary legislative success - a comprehensive child-care measure passed by the Senate in 1971 - was vetoed by Nixon. Others of his efforts met with greater success.
By 1972 Mondale had emerged as a sufficiently significant figure in the party to be asked by George McGovern to be his running mate - an offer Mondale refused. Seeking reelection to the Senate instead, he won with 57 percent of the vote despite Nixon's landslide re-election.
With the benefit of more important and prestigious committee assignments (Finance, Budget, and the Select Committee on Intelligence), Mondale branched into new areas of concern in the mid-1970s. He championed tax reform and vigorously criticized abuses of power by the CIA and FBI. Appalled by the excesses of the Nixon administration, in 1975 he published an indictment of the "imperial" presidency, The Accountability of Power: Toward a More Responsive Presidency.
Meanwhile, Mondale had developed presidential aspirations of his own. In the fall of 1974 he launched a brief pre-campaign, dropping out within a few weeks because, he said, he lacked "the overwhelming desire to be President, which is essential for the kind of campaign that is required." The eventual winner of the 1976 Democratic nomination, Jimmy Carter, overlooked this seeming lack of commitment, however, selecting Mondale as his vice presidential running mate.
Vice President and After
In agreeing to join Carter on the 1976 ticket, Mondale made clear he would expect to be an "activist" vice president, serving as all-purpose adviser to the president. Beginning immediately after their narrow electoral victory in November, he worked closely with Carter in selecting the cabinet and setting policy priorities. Once in office, Mondale served as both general adviser and emissary for the president. During his four years as vice president, he handled 13 foreign assignments, including sensitive missions to Europe, the Middle East, the Far East, and Africa. Mondale frequently disagreed with Carter in private. Publicly, however, Mondale was unfailingly loyal to Carter. He played a significant role in winning support from Democratic interest groups and legislators for some of Carter's less orthodox measures. The Mondales were also the first family to reside in the new official home for the vice president on the grounds of the Naval Observatory.
After he and Carter were defeated for re-election in 1980 Mondale found himself out of public office for the first time in 20 years. He immediately signed on with the Washington office of Winston and Strawn, a prestigious Chicago law firm. From his law firm salary and numerous speaking honoraria he earned a substantial income for the first time: over $1.1 million within two years. By late 1981, however, he had decided to run for the presidency himself in 1984. Starting out behind Edward (Ted) Kennedy in the polls, he became the front-runner for the Democratic nomination when Kennedy announced in late 1982 that he would not run. After a marathon candidacy in which he was nearly derailed by Sen. Gary Hart, Mondale won the 1984 nomination, and, in a historic move, selected as his running mate the first female vice presidential candidate on a major party ticket, Geraldine Ferraro, a congresswoman from New York.
The Mondale-Ferraro ticket never really had a chance running against the popular incumbant, Ronald Reagan. After a desultory campaign in which Mondale was portrayed by his foes as an "old-style" tool of interest groups, Reagan scored an overwhelming triumph. Mondale received only 41 percent of the vote and 13 electoral votes, the fifth greatest landslide in American history. His presidential aspirations probably permanently dashed, Mondale decided to rejoin Winston and Strawn, at least temporarily, but in a short time was again speaking out against Reagan's policies. A relatively young man, Mondale seemed unlikely to depart altogether from the world of politics - a world in which he had lived since his early college days. He went back to work in a private law firm for a time, while assisting with Democratic party politics on the state level. In 1993 he was named U.S. ambassador to Japan by President Bill Clinton.
Further Reading
A full-scale biography on Mondale was written by Finlay Lewis, titled Mondale, published initially in 1980 and in revised form in 1984, in time for his run for the presidency. A shorter tract is Tom Schneider, Walter Mondale: Serving All the People (1984). Mondale's contributions as vice president are covered in the memoirs of several participants in the Carter administration, most notably Jimmy Carter's own Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President (1982) and Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power & Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Adviser, 1977-1981 (1983). Most useful on Mondale's unsuccessful presidential campaign against Ronald Reagan are Jules Witcover and Jack W. Germond, Wake Us When It's Over: Presidential Politics of 1984 (1985) and Peter Goldman and Tony Fuller, The Quest for the Presidency 1984 (1985). Mondale published a critique of the "imperial" presidency of the early 1970s, The Accountability of Power: Toward a Responsible Presidency (1975).
Oxford Guide to the US Government:
Walter F. Mondale, Vice President |
• Born: Jan. 5, 1928, Ceylon, Minn.
• Political party: Democrat
• Education: University of Minnesota, B.A., 1951; LL.B., 1956
• Military service: U.S. Army, 1951–53
• Previous government service: attorney general of Minnesota, 1960–64; U.S. Senate, 1964–77
• Vice President under Jimmy Carter, 1977–81
Walter (“Fritz”) Mondale rose through the ranks of the Minnesota Democratic Farmer Labor party (DFL), which is affiliated with the national Democratic party. The DFL supports small business owners, farmers, and union workers and is part of the liberal wing of the Democratic party.
Mondale was appointed attorney general of Minnesota in 1960, then appointed to the U.S. Senate in 1964 to fill the unexpired term of Hubert Humphrey. He was elected to the Senate in 1966 and reelected in 1972.
Throughout Mondale's career in state politics and the Senate, he was an effective advocate for liberal programs. In 1976 he was mentioned as a possible Presidential candidate but decided, in his words, that he did not have the “fire in the belly” to run for the Presidency. As a Northern liberal and Washington insider, he was a perfect balance on the 1976 ticket to Southern moderate and Washington outsider Jimmy Carter.
As Vice President, Mondale presided over the Senate, and during a debate on an energy bill made a number of important rulings that made it easier to shut off a filibuster. But his real influence was felt in the White House itself. He worked closely with Carter, who gave Mondale a White House office right next to his own, let him attend any high-level meetings he wished, and had a private lunch with him at least once a week.
Carter named Mondale a senior adviser, with concurrent authority over the entire White House staff. Key staffers such as Chief of Staff Hamilton Jordan and Press Secretary Jody Powell publicly termed themselves his subordinates.
Mondale headed several Vice Presidential task forces assigned to develop new programs for the administration, including a group dealing with long-range goals. He was a principal legislative tactician in dealings with Congress and an adviser on economic policy. He even helped Carter choose many of his cabinet secretaries.
Carter described his relationship with Mondale this way: “I see Fritz four to five hours a day. There is not a single aspect of my own responsibilities in which Fritz is not intimately associated. He is the only person that I have with both the substantive knowledge and political stature to whom I can turn over a major assignment.”
Mondale did not always succeed in pushing Carter in a liberal direction. He strongly supported a proposed tax rebate, but Carter withdrew his proposal when it appeared it would be defeated. Mondale favored higher minimum wages and higher government payments to farmers for surplus crops-positions Carter did not adopt. Mondale was more successful in national security matters, as when he convinced Carter to cancel the B-l bomber project.
Mondale was part of an informal group that Carter used to keep in contact with the “network”—the campaign workers who would be needed for the reelection effort of 1980—and he helped Carter defeat the strong challenge of Senator Edward Kennedy for the Democratic Presidential nomination in 1980.
“I have been closer to a President than maybe any Vice President in history,” Mondale concluded at the end of his term. He might have added that he also played a major part in the transformation of the Vice Presidency from a ceremonial and constitutional position to one with important functions within the executive branch.
See also Vice President
Sources
Columbia Encyclopedia:
Walter Frederick Mondale |
Quotes By:
Walter F. Mondale |
Quotes:
"Political image is like mixing cement. When it's wet, you can move it around and shape it, but at some point it hardens and there's almost nothing you can do to reshape it."
Wikipedia on Answers.com:
Walter Mondale |
| Walter Mondale | |
|---|---|
| 42nd Vice President of the United States | |
| In office January 20, 1977 – January 20, 1981 |
|
| President | Jimmy Carter |
| Preceded by | Nelson Rockefeller |
| Succeeded by | George H. W. Bush |
| United States Senator from Minnesota |
|
| In office December 30, 1964 – December 30, 1976 |
|
| Preceded by | Hubert Humphrey |
| Succeeded by | Wendell Anderson |
| 24th United States Ambassador to Japan | |
| In office September 21, 1993 – December 15, 1996 |
|
| President | Bill Clinton |
| Preceded by | Michael Armacost |
| Succeeded by | Tom Foley |
| 23rd Attorney General of Minnesota | |
| In office 1960–1964 |
|
| Governor | Orville Freeman Elmer Andersen Karl Rolvaag |
| Preceded by | Miles Lord |
| Succeeded by | Robert Mattson |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Walter Frederick Mondale January 5, 1928 Ceylon, Minnesota, U.S. |
| Political party | Democratic |
| Spouse(s) | Joan Adams |
| Children | Theodore A. Mondale Eleanor Mondale (deceased) William Mondale |
| Alma mater | Macalester College University of Minnesota University of Minnesota Law School |
| Religion | Presbyterian |
| Signature | |
| Military service | |
| Service/branch | United States Army |
| Years of service | 1951–1953 |
| Rank | Corporal |
| Unit | Fort Knox |
Walter Frederick "Fritz" Mondale (born January 5, 1928) is an American Democratic Party politician who served as the 42nd Vice President of the United States (1977–1981) under President Jimmy Carter, and as a United States Senator from Minnesota (1964–1976). He was the Democratic Party's presidential candidate in the United States presidential election of 1984.
Mondale was born in Ceylon, Minnesota and graduated from the University of Minnesota in 1951. He then served in the US Army in the Korean War before earning a law degree in 1956. He married Joan Adams in 1955. Working as a lawyer in Minneapolis, Mondale was elected to the position of attorney general in 1960. He was appointed US Senator in late 1964 as a member of the Democratic Party upon the resignation of Hubert Humphrey, and held that post until 1976. In the Senate, he supported fair housing, tax reform and the desegregation of schools.[not verified in body] He opposed United States involvement in the Vietnam War.[not verified in body]
In 1976, Carter, the Democratic presidential nominee, chose Mondale as his vice presidential running mate in the forthcoming election. The Carter/Mondale ticket defeated incumbent president Gerald Ford. Carter and Mondale's time in office was marred by a worsening economy, and although both were renominated by the Democratic Party, they lost the 1980 election to Republican Ronald Reagan.
In 1984, Mondale won the Democratic presidential nomination and campaigned for a nuclear freeze, the Equal Rights Amendment and a reduction of US public debt. In the election, Mondale was defeated in a landslide by President Reagan, gaining electoral votes from only his home state of Minnesota and the District of Columbia.
After the election, Mondale joined the Minnesota-based law firm of Dorsey & Whitney and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (1986–93), and was credited with successes in Poland and Hungary. President Bill Clinton appointed Mondale United States Ambassador to Japan in 1993; he retired in 1996. Since then, Mondale has returned to working at the law firm of Dorsey & Whitney and remains active in the Democratic Party.
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Walter Frederick Mondale was born in Ceylon, Minnesota, the son of Claribel Hope (née Cowan), a part-time music teacher, and Theodore Sigvaard Mondale, a Methodist minister.[1][2][3] His father's family was Norwegian American,[4] and his mother, the daughter of an immigrant from Ontario, was of Scottish and English descent.[5] The surname "Mondale" comes from Mundal by Fjærland, in the Sogndal Commune of Norway. He attended public schools. His half-brother Lester Mondale was a Unitarian minister.
Mondale was educated at Macalester College in St. Paul and the University of Minnesota, where he earned his B.A. in Political Science, graduating in 1951.[6] He did not have enough money to attend law school. He enlisted in the U.S. Army and served for two years at Fort Knox during the Korean War, reaching the rank of corporal. Through the support of the G.I. Bill, he was able to attend law school, and graduated from the University of Minnesota Law School in 1956. While at law school he served on the Minnesota Law Review and as a law clerk in the Minnesota Supreme Court under Justice Thomas F. Gallagher. He began practicing law in Minneapolis, and continued to do so for four years before entering the political arena.[7]
Mondale became involved in national politics in the 1940s. At the age of 20, he was visible in Minnesota politics by helping organize Hubert Humphrey's successful Senate campaign in 1948. Minnesota Governor Orville Freeman appointed Mondale in the race for Minnesota Attorney General in 1960, filling the vacancy left by Miles Lord, who was appointed to be U.S. Attorney for the District of Minnesota by President John F. Kennedy. Mondale had just managed Freeman's successful gubernatorial campaign. Mondale was 32, and four years out of law school when he became attorney general of Minnesota. During his tenure as Minnesota Attorney General, the case Gideon v. Wainwright (which ultimately established the right of defendants in state courts to have a lawyer) was being heard by the U.S. Supreme Court. When those saying that a lawyer wasn't required organized a Friend of the Court brief from some state Attorneys General for that position, Mondale organized a countering Friend of the Court brief from many more state Attorneys General, arguing that defendants must be allowed a lawyer. He served for two terms as attorney general. He also served as a member of the President’s Consumer Advisory Council from 1960 to 1964. At the 1964 Democratic National Convention, Mondale played a major role in the proposed but ultimately unsuccessful compromise by which the national Democratic Party offered the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party two at-large seats.
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This article is missing information about Mondale's stance on tax reform, school desegregation and the Viet Nam War, as given in the introduction. Please expand the primary text and the lead to include this information. (March 2011) |
On December 30, 1964, Mondale was appointed by Minnesota Governor Karl Rolvaag to the United States Senate to fill the vacancy caused by Hubert Humphrey's resignation after being elected Vice President of the United States. Mondale was elected to the Senate for the first time in 1966, defeating Republican candidate Robert A. Forsythe, by 53.9% to 45.2%.
In 1972, Democratic presidential candidate George McGovern offered Mondale an opportunity to be his vice presidential running mate, which he declined.[citation needed] That year, Mondale won reelection to the Senate with over 57% of the vote, even as President Nixon carried Minnesota. He served in the 88th, 89th, 90th, 91st, 92nd, 93rd, and 94th congresses.
Mondale worked hard to build up the center of the party on economic and social issues. Unlike his own father, a fervent liberal, he was not a crusader for the New Deal. Instead he realized the Democratic base (especially ethnic blue collar workers) was gradually moving to the right and he worked to keep their support.[8] Mondale showed little or no interest in foreign policy until about 1974, when he realized that some knowledge was necessary if he had loftier aspirations than the Senate. He developed a centrist position, avoiding alignment with either the party's hawks (such as Henry M. Jackson) or its doves (such as George McGovern).[9] He took a liberal position on civil rights issues, which proved acceptable in Minnesota, a state with "a miniscule black population."[10] Mondale was a chief sponsor of the federal Fair Housing Act, which prohibits discrimination in housing and created HUD's Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity as the primary enforcer of the law.[citation needed]
Mondale rotated on and off numerous committees, including the Aeronautical and Space Sciences Committee; the Finance Committee; the Labor and Public Welfare Committee; the Budget Committee; and the Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee. He also served as chairman of the Select Committee on Equal Education Opportunity and as chairman of the Intelligence Committee's Domestic Task Force. He additionally served as chairman of the Labor and Public Welfare Committee's subcommittee on Children and Youth, as well as chairman of the Senate subcommittee on social security financing.[11]
In 1967, Mondale served on the Aeronautical and Space Sciences Committee, then chaired by Clinton P. Anderson, when astronauts Virgil "Gus" Grissom, Edward H. White, and Roger Chaffee were killed in a fire on January 27 while testing the Apollo 204 spacecraft. NASA Administrator James E. Webb secured the approval of President Lyndon B. Johnson for NASA to internally investigate the cause of the accident according to its established procedures, subject to Congressional oversight. NASA's procedure called for the Deputy Administrator (and de facto general manager), Dr. Robert C. Seamans, to appoint and oversee an investigative panel.
In February, a reporter passed a leak to Mondale, of the existence of an internal NASA report issued in 1965 by Apollo program director Samuel C. Phillips, detailing management, cost, delivery and quality problems of the Apollo prime contractor North American Aviation. In the February 27 hearing, Mondale asked Webb if he knew of such a report. Webb had not yet seen the December 1965 written report, so he responded in the negative. Seamans had passed along to Webb, neither the written report, nor the briefing presentation made to him in January 1966 by Phillips and Phillips' boss, Manned Space Flight Administrator George Mueller.[12]
Both Seamans and Mueller had also been called to testify at this session. Mueller denied the report's existence, even though he must have been well aware of it, as he had appended his own strongly-worded letter to the copy sent to North American president Lee Atwood.[13]
But Seamans was afraid Mondale might somehow be in possession of a copy (which he was not), so he admitted that NASA often reviewed its contractors' performance, with both positive and negative results, but that this was nothing extraordinary. Under repeated questioning from Mondale, Webb promised that he would investigate whether this "Phillips Report" existed, and if so, to see if a controlled release could be made to the Congress. Immediately after the hearing, Webb saw the Phillips report for the first time.[12]
The controversy spread to both houses of Congress, and grew (through the efforts of three of Mondale's fellow committee members, Republicans Margaret Chase Smith, Edward Brooke and Charles H. Percy) to include the second-guessing of NASA's original selection in 1961 of North American as the prime Apollo spacecraft contractor, which Webb became forced to defend. The House NASA oversight committee, which was conducting its own hearings and had picked up on the controversy, was ultimately given a copy of the Phillips report.
While the Committee as a whole, believed that NASA should have informed Congress of the Phillips review results in 1966, its final report issued on January 30, 1968, concluded (as had NASA's own accident investigation completed on April 5, 1967), that "the findings of the [Phillips] task force had no effect on the accident, did not lead to the accident, and were not related to the accident." Yet Mondale wrote a minority opinion accusing NASA of "evasiveness, ... lack of candor, ... patronizing attitude exhibited toward Congress, ... refusal to respond fully and forthrightly to legitimate congressional inquiries, and ... solicitous concern for corporate sensitivities at a time of national tragedy".[14]
Mondale explained his actions in a 2001 interview: "... I think that by forcing a public confrontation about these heretofore secret and deep concerns about the safety and the management of the program, it forced NASA to restructure and reorganize the program in a way that was much safer."[12]
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In 1975 Mondale served on Frank Church's Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, which investigated alleged abuses by the Central Intelligence Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
When Jimmy Carter won the Democratic nomination for president in 1976, he chose Mondale as his running mate. The ticket was narrowly elected on November 2, 1976, and Mondale was inaugurated as Vice President of the United States on January 20, 1977. He became the fourth vice president in eight years, the other three being: Spiro Agnew (1969–73), Gerald Ford (1973-1974), and Nelson Rockefeller (1974–77).
Under Carter, Mondale traveled extensively throughout the nation and the world advocating the administration's foreign policy. Mondale was the first vice president to have an office in the White House, and established the concept of "activist Vice President". Mondale established the tradition of weekly lunches with the president, which continues to this day. More important, he expanded the vice president's role from that of figurehead to presidential advisor, full-time participant, and troubleshooter for the administration. Subsequent vice presidents have followed this model in the administrations in which they serve.[15]
Carter and Mondale were renominated at the 1980 Democratic National Convention, but soundly lost to the Republican ticket of Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush. That year, Mondale opened the XIII Olympic Winter Games in Lake Placid, New York.
Carter and Walter Mondale are the longest-living post-presidential team in American history. On December 11, 2007, they had been out of office for 26 years and 325 days, surpassing the former record established by President John Adams and Vice President Thomas Jefferson, who both died on July 4, 1826.
After losing the 1980 election, Mondale returned briefly to the practice of law at Winston and Strawn, a large Chicago-based law firm, but he had no intention of staying out of politics for long.
Mondale ran for the Democratic presidential nomination in the 1984 election, and from the early going, he was the frontrunner. His opposition included Rev. Jesse Jackson and Senator Gary Hart of Colorado. Hart pulled an upset by winning the New Hampshire primary in March, but Mondale had a large portion of the party leadership behind him. To great effect, Mondale used the Wendy's slogan "Where's the beef?" to describe Hart's policies as lacking depth. Jackson, widely regarded as the first serious African-American candidate for President, held on longer, but Mondale clinched the nomination with the majority of delegates on the first ballot.
At the Democratic Convention, Mondale chose U.S. Representative Geraldine A. Ferraro of New York as his running mate, making her the first woman nominated for that position by a major party. Aides later said that Mondale was determined to establish a precedent with his vice presidential candidate, considering San Francisco Mayor Dianne Feinstein, also a female, Los Angeles Mayor Tom Bradley, an African American, and San Antonio Mayor Henry Cisneros, a Mexican American, as other finalists for the nomination.[16] Others preferred Senator Lloyd Bentsen because he would appeal to the Deep South, or even nomination rival Gary Hart. Ferraro, as a Catholic, came under fire from some Catholic Church leaders for being pro-choice. Much more controversy erupted over her changing positions regarding the release of her husband's tax returns, and her own ethics record in the House. Ferraro was on the defensive throughout much of the campaign, largely negating her breakthrough as the first woman on a major national ticket, and the first Italian American to reach that level in American politics.
When he made his acceptance speech at the Democratic Convention, Mondale said: "By the end of my first term, I will reduce the Reagan budget deficit by two-thirds. Let's tell the truth. It must be done, it must be done. Mr. Reagan will raise taxes, and so will I. He won't tell you. I just did."[17] While this was meant to show that Mondale would be honest with voters, it was largely interpreted as a campaign pledge to raise taxes to spend on domestic programs, which was unappealing to many voters.
Mondale ran a liberal campaign, supporting a nuclear freeze and the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). He spoke against Reagan's economic policies and in support of reducing federal budget deficits. However, he was going up against a popular incumbent and his campaign was widely considered ineffective. Also, he was perceived as supporting the poor at the expense of the middle class. Southern whites and northern blue collar workers who usually voted Democratic switched their support to Reagan because they credited him with the economic boom and saw him as strong on national security issues.
In the first televised debate, Mondale performed unexpectedly well, questioning Reagan's age and capacity to endure the grueling demands of the presidency (Reagan was the oldest person to serve as president—73 at the time—while Mondale was 56). In the next debate on October 21, 1984, Reagan deflected the issue by quipping, "I will not make age an issue of this campaign. I am not going to exploit, for political purposes, my opponent's youth and inexperience."
In the election, Mondale was defeated in a landslide, winning only the District of Columbia and his home state of Minnesota and even there his margin of victory was fewer than 3,800 votes,[18] securing only 13 electoral votes to Reagan's 525. The result was the worst electoral college defeat for any Democratic Party candidate in history, and the worst for any major-party candidate since Alf Landon's loss to Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1936.
Mondale received 37,577,352 votes—a total of 40.6% of the popular vote in the election. Mondale received 40-49% in California, Hawaii, Illinois, Iowa, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, and Wisconsin.
Following the election, Mondale returned to private law practice, with Dorsey & Whitney in Minnesota in 1987. From 1986 to 1993, Mondale was chairman of the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs. During the presidency of Bill Clinton, he was U.S. Ambassador to Japan from 1993 to 1996, chaired a bipartisan group to study campaign finance reform, and was Clinton's special envoy to Indonesia in 1998.
Until his appointment as U.S. Ambassador to Japan, Mondale was a Distinguished University Fellow in Law and Public Affairs at the Hubert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs, at the University of Minnesota. In 1990, Mondale established the Mondale Policy Forum at the Humphrey Institute. The forum has brought together leading scholars and policymakers for annual conferences on domestic and international issues. He also served on nonprofit boards of directors for the Guthrie Theatre Foundation, Mayo Foundation, National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, Diogenes Institute of Higher Learning, Prince Hall Masonic Temple, RAND Corporation and the University of Minnesota Foundation. His corporate board memberships included BlackRock Advantage Term Trust and other BlackRock Mutual Funds, Cargill Incorporated, CNA Financial Corporation, the Encyclopædia Britannica, First Financial Fund and other Prudential Mutual Funds, Northwest Airlines and United HealthCare Corporation.
Mondale spoke before the Senate on September 4, 2002, when he delivered a lecture on his service, with commentary on the transformation of the office of the Vice President during the Carter administration, the Senate cloture rule for ending debate, and his view on the future of the Senate in U.S. political history. The lecture was a part of a continuing Senate "Leaders Lecture Series" that ran from 1998 to 2002.[19]
In 2002, Democratic US Senator Paul Wellstone of Minnesota, who was running for re-election, died in a plane crash just 11 days before the November 5 election. At the age of 74, Mondale replaced Wellstone on the ballot, at the urging of Wellstone's relatives. This Senate seat was the one that Mondale himself had held, before resigning to become Vice President in 1977.
During his debate with the Republican nominee, former St. Paul Mayor Norm Coleman, Mondale emphasized his own experience in foreign affairs while painting Coleman as a finger-in-the-wind opportunist. "We've seen you shift around, Norman," Mondale said, alluding to Coleman's past as an anti-war college activist and, more recently, as a Democrat who had changed his party allegiance to the GOP while serving as mayor of St. Paul.
In a major upset, Mondale narrowly lost the election, finishing with 1,067,246 votes (47.34%) to Coleman's 1,116,697 (49.53%) out of 2,254,639 votes cast, earning him the unique distinction of having lost a statewide election in all 50 states as the nominee of a major party (he lost the other 49 in the 1984 Presidential Election).
The election was also marked by the controversy surrounding Wellstone's memorial event, which many critics, including then Minnesota Governor Jesse Ventura, considered to have been overly partisan.
Upon conceding defeat, Mondale stated: "At the end of what will be my last campaign, I want to say to Minnesota, you always treated me well, you always listened to me."[20]
In 2004 Mondale became co-chairman of the Constitution Project's bipartisan Right to Counsel Committee.[21] He endorsed Senator Hillary Clinton (D-NY) for the Presidency of the United States and supported her campaign for the White House in 2008.[22] On June 3, 2008, following the final primary contests, Mondale switched his endorsement to Senator Barack Obama (D-Ill.), who had clinched the nomination the previous evening.
Following the U.S. Presidential election of 2004 and the mid-term elections of 2006, Mondale is seen talking with Al Franken about the possibility of the latter running for Norm Coleman's U.S. Senate seat in 2008 in the documentary Al Franken: God Spoke.[23] In the film, Mondale encourages Franken to run, but cautions him, saying that Coleman's allies and the Republican Party were going to look for anything they could use against him. Franken ultimately ran and won the 2008 Senate election by 312 votes after the election results had been contested in court by Coleman until June 30, 2009.[24]
His wife, Joan Mondale, is a national advocate for the arts and was the Honorary Chairman of the Federal Council on the Arts and Humanities during the Carter Administration.
The Mondales' eldest son, Theodore A. "Ted" Mondale, is an entrepreneur and the CEO of Nazca Solutions, a technology fulfillment venture. He is also a former Minnesota state senator. In 1998, Mondale sought the Democratic primary nomination for Minnesota governor. Mondale, a fiscal moderate who had distanced himself from labor, lost in the primary.
The Mondales' daughter, Eleanor, was a television personality. She also had radio talk shows in Chicago, and a long running program on WCCO (AM) in Minneapolis. She died of brain cancer at her home in Minnesota on September 17, 2011, at the age of 51.[25]
Walter Mondale continues to maintain a residence near Lake of the Isles in Minneapolis. Mondale is a Presbyterian. He enjoys fishing, reading Shakespeare and historical accounts, barbecuing, skiing, watching Monty Python, and playing tennis.[26]
Mondale has maintained strong ties to the University of Minnesota Law School, which named its new residence on the West Bank of the Mississippi "Mondale Hall". He contributes cameo appearances to the Law School's annual T.O.R.T. ("Theater of the Relatively Talentless") presentations, and has allowed his name to be used as the nickname of the school's hockey team: "The Fighting Mondales."
The Good Fight: A Life in Liberal Politics, Mondale's memoir, was published in 2010; Twelve Years and Thirteen Days: Remembering Paul and Sheila Wellstone, co-written with Terry Gydesen, was published in 2003; Crisis and Opportunity in a Changing Japan, co-written with William Regis Farrell, was published in 1999; and The Accountability of Power: Toward a Responsible Presidency, was written in 1976.
Mondale has always maintained strong ties to his ancestral Norway. His family surname was originally Mundal and it originated in Mundal, Fjærland.[27] Upon entering the Senate in 1964 he took over the seat of vice president Hubert Humphrey, another Norwegian-American. In later years Mondale has served on the executive committee of the Peace Prize Forum, an annual conference co-sponsored by the Norwegian Nobel Institute and five Midwestern colleges of Norwegian heritage. During Norway's Centennial Celebration in 2005, he chaired the committee to promote and develop cultural activities between Norway and Norwegian-American organizations.
While he was in office, Twin Cities Public Television produced a documentary about him entitled Walter Mondale: There's a Fjord in Your Past, a play on the well-known advertising slogan, "There's a Ford in Your Future."
On December 5, 2007, Norwegian minister of foreign affairs Jonas Gahr Støre announced that Walter Mondale would be named Honorary Consul-General of Norway, representing the Norwegian state in Minnesota.[28]
In the Walter F. Mondale Papers at the Minnesota Historical Society, digital content is available for researcher use.[29] Researchers will find content that includes, but is not limited to: speech files, handwritten notes, memoranda, annotated briefings, schedules, correspondence, and visual materials. The entire Walter F. Mondale collection includes senatorial, vice presidential, ambassadorial, political papers and campaign files, and personal papers of the United States Senator from Minnesota (1964–1976), Vice President of the United States (1977–1981), Ambassador to Japan (1993–1996), and Special Envoy to Indonesia (1998), documenting most aspects of Mondale's six-decade career, including all of his public offices, campaigns, and Democratic Party and other non-official activities. Digital selections from this manuscript collection were made based on user and researcher interest, historic significance, and copyright status.
This project was made possible with the generous help of the National Endowment for the Humanities We the People grant.
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