Argentina in World War II

Newspaper announcing the Argentine break of diplomatic relation with the Axis powers, 26 January 1944

Argentina stayed neutral during most of World War II, despite internal disputes and pressure of the United States to join the Allies.^[1] Argentina broke relations with the Axis powers on January 26, 1944,^[2] and declared war on March 27, 1945.^[3]

First years

Roberto María Ortiz was the president of Argentina at the beginning of WWII, in 1939. The country was in a period of political conservatism and economic crisis known as the Infamous Decade. The Concordancia was accused of electoral fraud and corruption. The Radical Civic Union was divided between FORJA, a line supporting the deposed radical president Hipólito Yrigoyen, and the official leadership of Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, close to the Concordancia. The Socialist Party and the Progresist Democracy were conservative as well. The Communist party was initially close to the unions, but gave priority to advance the Russian interests.^[4]

The Argentine army was highly Germanophile; this influence grew since 1904 and predates both world wars. It did not involve a rejection of democracy but an admiration of German military history. This, combined with an intense Argentine nationalism, influenced the main stance of the army towards the war: to stay neutral. The reasons for specific military peoples ranged from Argentine military tradition (Argentina was neutral during World War I and the War of the Pacific), the perception of the war as a conflict between foreign countries with no Argentine interests at stake, to Anglophobia or rejection of foreign attempts to force Argentina into joining the war. Only a handful of military took the Germanophilia to an actual support of Adolf Hitler.^[5]

The war resulted in a small boost to the Argentine economy, as trade with Britain was reduced. This began a process of import substitution industrialization, which had some antecedents with the earlier impact of the Great Depression. This industrialization began a process of internal migration as well, with people living in the countryside or in small villages moving to the urban centers.^[6]

Growing divisions

The reactions and stances towards the war became more complex as the conflict advanced. The main political parties, newspapers and intellectuals supported the Allies, but the vicepresident Ramón Castillo maintained the neutrality. Ortiz, who was ill of diabetes, was unable to serve as president, but did not resign; the stance of Argentina in the war generated disputes between them, with Castillo prevailing over Ortiz.^[7] The FORJA supported the neutrality, and considered it a chance to get rid of British meddling into the Argentine economy. Some Trotskyists promoted the fight against Nazism as an early step of an international class struggle. The army and some nationalists supported the industrialization, and promoted the neutrality as a way to oppose Britain. Finally, the newspaper "El Pampero", financed by the German embassy, supported Hitler.^[8]

As for the reasons of Castillo to stay neutral, there are several interpretations. One interpretation focus in the Argentine tradition of neutrality. Others saw Castillo as a nationalist, without influences from the power structures in Buenos Aires (as he was from Catamarca), so he could defy the pressure to join the allies with the support of the army. A similar perspective considers instead that Castillo simply had no power to go against the wishes of the army, and if declared war he would be deposed by a military coup. A third interpretation considers that only the United States wanted Argentina to declare war, whereas Britain was benefited with Argentine neutrality because the country was able to supply them with livestock. This interpretation, however, fails to acknowledge the constant requests to declare war from Anglophile factions.^[9] Most likely, it was a combination of the desires of the British diplomacy and the Argentine army, which prevailed over the pro-war factions.^[10]

The socialist deputy Enrique Dickmann created in the National Congress a commission to investigate a Nazi attempt to seize the Patagonia, and then conquer the rest of the country. The conservative deputy Videla Dorna claimed that the real risk was a similar Communist invasion, and FORJA criticised that a Nazi invasion was only a potential risk, whereas British dominance of the Argentine economy was real.^[11]

A diplomatic mission by Lord Willingdom arranged commercial treaties, so Argentina would send thousands of cattle to Britain for free, decorated with the Argentine colours and with the phrase "good luck" written on them. Alvear, El Pampero and FORJA criticised this; Arturo Jauretche pointed that there were Argentine provinces suffering malnutrition.^[12]

Pearl Harbor

The situation changed dramatically after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and the subsequent United States declaration of war upon Japan. The United States wanted every Latin American country to join the Allies, in order to generate a continent-wide resistance.^[13] The Argentine resistance to do so motivated an embargo and blockade against Argentina.^[14] Castillo declared the state of emergency in Argentina after the Japanese attack to the United States.^[15]

Military plots

Castillo's term was due to end in 1944. Initially, it was arranged that Agustín Pedro Justo would run for the presidency a second time, but after his unexpected death in 1943 Castillo had to seek another candidate to propose. As a result, he supported Robustiano Patrón Costas to run for the presidency.^[15] The army was not willing to support the electoral fraud that would be employed to secure Costas' victory, neither to continue the conservative policies. They also feared that Costas might attempt to break the neutrality kept so far. A group of generals then created a secret organization, the United Officers' Group (GOU), in order to oust Castillo from power. Juan Perón was part of this group, but did not support a rushed coup, asking instead to make it once they had a plan to make the reforms needed. The coup would have been made close to the elections, if the electoral fraud was confirmed, but it was actioned earlier, after rumors of the possible replacement of the minister of war, Pedro Pablo Ramírez.^[16]

It is unknown whether Costas would have maintained neutrality or not. As he was proposed by Castillo, who stayed neutral, Costas may had been neutral as well. Some weak declarations of support to Britain and his ties with pro-allied factions may suggest instead that he would have declared war if he became president.^[17]

The military coup that deposed Castillo took place on June 4, 1943. It is considered the end of the Infamous Decade and the starting point of the Revolution of '43. Arturo Rawson took the power as de facto president. The nature of the coup was confusing during its first days: the German embassy thought it was a pro-allied coup and burned their documentation, while the US embassy thought it was a pro-nazi coup.^[18][19]

Rawson met a delegate from the British embassy on June 5, and promised that in three days he would break relations with the Axis powers and declare war against them. This enraged the GOU, as did his choices for his cabinet. A new coup took place, replacing Rawson with Pedro Pablo Ramírez.^[20] Thus Rawson ruled for just three days, the shortest period for a non-interim president in Argentina.^[21]

Revolution of '43

Newspapers announcing the beginning of the Revolution of '43.

The new government proceeded with both progressive and reactionary policies. It set maximum prices for popular products, reduced rents, annulled the privileges of the Chadopyff factory, made hospitals free, etc.; but it also intervened in unions, closed the communist newspaper La Hora, and imposed religious education at schools. Juan Perón and Edelmiro Julián Farrell, from the ministry of war, fostered relations with the unions.^[22]

The Communist party managed local politics in line with the diplomatic alignments of the Soviet Union. As a result, they supported neutrality and opposed the British influence in Argentina during the early stages of the war, in line with the Treaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the Soviet Union. The launching of the German invasion of the Soviet Union, and the subsequent Soviet entry to the war on the Allied side, changed this. With the Soviet Union allied with Britain, they became pro-war, and did not support further labour strikes against British factories located in Argentina. This reduced the workers' support for the Communist party, and they began to support Perón and the new government instead.^[23]

As a result, the Communist party opposed the government, rejecting it as pro-Nazi. Perón refuted the communist complaints, saying that "The excuses they seek are very well known. They say that we are 'nazis', I declare we are as far from Nazism as from any other foreign ideology. We are only Argentines and want, above all, the common good for Argentines. We do not want any more [electoral] fraud, nor more lies. We do not want that those who do not work live from those who do".^[24]

The government had diplomatic discussions with Cordell Hull, Secretary of State of the United States. Argentina requested planes, fuel, ships and military hardware. Storni argued that, although Argentina did not join the war, it was closer to the allies, sending them food, and so far the Axis powers had not taken action against the country to justify a declaration of war. Hull replied that Argentina was the only Latin American country not to have broken relations with the Axis, that Argentine food was sold at very lucrative prices, and that the military hardware was destined for countries already at war, some of which faced more severe fuel shortages than Argentina. Storni, the Argentine chancellor, resigned after this rejection.^[25]

The United States took further measures to increase pressure on Argentina. All Argentine companies suspected of having ties with the Axis powers were blacklisted, and the supply of newsprint was limited to pro-allied newspapers. There were also boycotts. American exports of electronic appliances, chemical substances and oil production infrastructure were halted. The properties of 44 Argentine companies were seized, and scheduled loans were halted. Hull wanted to weaken the Argentine government, or force its resignation. Torn between diplomatic and economic pressure as opposed to an open declaration of war against Argentina, he opted for the former way, to avoid disrupting the supply of food to Britain. Nevertheless, he also saw the situation as a chance for the US to have a greater influence over Argentina than Britain.^[26]

The United States also threatened to accuse Argentina of being involved with the coup of Gualberto Villarroel in Bolivia, and a plot to receive weapons from Germany, after the allied refusal, to face the possible threat of either the United States itself or Brazil acting on their behalf. However, it would be unlikely that Germany would provide such weapons, given their fragile situation as of 1944. Ramírez called a new meeting of the GOU, and it was agreed to break diplomatic relations with the Axis powers (albeit without yet a declaration of war) on January 26, 1944.^[2]

The break in relations generated unrest within the military, and Ramírez considered removing the influential Farrell and Perón from the government. However, their faction discovered Ramírez's plan. They broke up the GOU, to avoid letting the military loyal to Ramírez know they were aware of his plot, and then initiated a coup against him. Edelmiro Julián Farrell became then the new president of Argentina, on February 24.^[27]

The United States denied recognition to Farrell, as he would keep the neutralist policy. Farrell confirmed it on March 2, and the United States broke relations with Argentina two days later. Winston Churchill complained about the harsh policy of the United States against Argentina, pointing out that Argentine supplies were vital to the British, and that by removing their diplomatic presence from the country they would even force Argentina to seek German protection. British diplomacy sought to guarantee the supply of Argentine food by signing a treaty covering it, while US diplomatic policy sought to prevent such a treaty. Hull ordered the confiscation of Argentine goods, cessation of foreign trade with her, avoidance of any of US ships landing at Argentine ports, and he denounced Argentina as the "nazi headquarters in the occidental hemisphere".^[28]

By this time, the United States considered the option of supporting Brazil in an attack against Argentina, rather than attacking Argentina themselves. The Brazilian ambassador in Washington pointed out that Buenos Aires could be completely destroyed by the Brazilian air force. This would have allowed Argentina to be dominated without the open intervention of the United States, who would support Brazil by providing ships and bombs.^[29]

End of the war

The Liberation of Paris in August 1944, which would lead to the complete liberation of France, gave new hopes to the pro-allies factions in Argentina, who saw it as an omen of the possible fall of the Argentine government, and calls for new elections. The demonstrations in support of Paris soon turned into demonstrations against the government, leading to incidents with the police.^[30]

It was rumored that some Argentine politicians in Uruguay would create a government in exile, but the project never worked. Franklin D. Roosevelt supported Hull's claims about Argentina, saying similar things against the country. He also cited Churchill when he stated that history would judge all nations for their role in the war, both belligerents and neutrals.^[31]

By early 1945, World War II was nearing its end. The Soviets had liberated Warsaw, they were closing on the German border. Berlin itself was under attack; allied victory was inevitable. Perón, the strong man of the Argentine government, foresaw that the Allies would dominate international politics for decades, and although Argentina had successfully resisted the pressure to force her to join the war, remaining neutral until the war's end would force the country into isolationism at best or, worse, face military attack. Negotiations were eased by the departure of Hull as Secretary of State, replaced by Edward Stettinius, Jr.. The demands to Argentina were: the calling of elections, declaration of war to the Axis powers, eradication of any Nazi presence in the country, and complete cooperation with international organizations. Perón agreed: German organizations were curtailed, pro-nazi manifestations were banned, and German goods were seized. The Argentine merchant navy was instructed to ignore the German blockade.^[32]

Those measures eased relations with the United States. When the Allies advanced into Frankfurt, Argentina finally formalized the negotiations. On March 27, with the decree 6945, Argentina declared war on Japan, and on Germany as an ally of Japan. FORJA distanced itself from the government because of this, but Arturo Jauretche would understand the reasons year later. Jauretche reasoned that the United States opposed Argentina because of its perceived nazism by refusing to declare war, while neutrality was based instead in the Argentine interests; interests that were no longer at stake with a declaration of war at a point when the country would not actually join the conflict. Jauretche admitted that Perón's pragmatism was better for the country than his own idealistic perspective of keeping a neutral stance to the end of the war.^[3]

A few days later, on April 10, Britain, France, the United States and the other Latin American countries restored diplomatic relations with Argentina. Still, the diplomatic hostility against Argentina from the United States resurfaced after the unexpected death of Franklin D. Roosevelt, who was succeeded by Harry S. Truman. The ambassador Spruille Braden would organize opposition to the government of Farrell and Perón.^[33]

The final Nazi defeat in the European Theatre of World War II took place a month later, greeted with demonstrations of joy in Buenos Aires.^[34] Similar demonstrations took place in August, after the surrender of Japan, bringing World War II to its final end.^[35] Farrell lifted the state of emergency, declared by Castillo after the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor.^[36]

Bibliography

• Galasso, Norberto (2006). Perón: Formación, ascenso y caída (1893-1955). Buenos Aires: Colihue. ISBN 950-581-399-6. 
• Mendelevich, Pablo (2010). El Final. Buenos Aires: Ediciones B. ISBN 978-987-627-166-0. 

References

	World War II portal
	Argentina portal