Byzantium under the Palaiologoi

The Byzantine Empire or Byzantium is the term conventionally used since the 19th century to describe the Greek-speaking Roman Empire of the Middle Ages, centered around its capital of Constantinople. As the direct continuation of the Roman Empire, Byzantium survived the fall of the Western Roman Empire during Late Antiquity, and continued to function until its conquest by the Ottoman Turks in 1453. During this time, many different imperial dynasties ruled over the empire; in the context of Byzantine history, the period c.1260 - c.1453AD was under the Palaiologoi dynasty, after Michael VIII Palaiologos who restored Greek rule to Constantinople, lasting until the Ottoman Conquest of Constantinople.

The Palaiologoi ruled a Byzantium in decline^[1]; her borders became increasingly indefensible, her population increasingly disloyal, her rule lacking authority beyond the capital and her attempts at staving of the Ottoman threat a miserable failure^[1].

Consequently Palaiologan politics became dominated by the need to deal with the threat of the Ottomans.

Background

After 1204, the Byzantine Empire was partitioned between various successor states, with the Latin Empire in control of Constantinople

Following the Fourth Crusade, the Byzantine Empire had fractured into Nicaea, Epirus and Trebizond with a Frankish Emperor acting as the head of the newly formed Latin Empire. Although Epirus was initially the strongest of the three^[2], the Nicaeans were the ones who succeeded in taking back the city of Constantinople in 1261 from the Latin Empire^[2]

The Nicaean Empire was successful in holding its own against its Latin and Seljuk opponents. At the Meander Valley, a Turkic force was repelled^[2] and an earlier assault on Nicaea led to the death of the Seljuk Sultan. In the west the Latins were unable to expand into Anatolia; consolidating Thrace against Bulgaria was a challenge that kept the Latins occupied for the duration of the Latin Empire.

In 1261 the Empire of Nicaea was ruled by John IV Doukas, a boy of ten years^[2]. However, it would not be John IV who would take the throne but Michael VIII Palaiologos who was a leading noble of military standing and the main figure of the regency of John IV. Later, Michael VIII was made co-emperor, thus setting the stage for him to become sole Emperor of the Byzantines.

Michael VIII Palaiologos, 1261 - 1282

Hyperpyron of Michael VIII

See also Michael VIII Palaiologos

In 1261, the majority of the Latin Empire's military forces were not present in Constantinople allowing the Byzantine General Alexios Strategopoulos to seize the city with few troops. Macedonia and Thessalonika had already been taken back by the Byzantines in 1246.^[2]

Following the capture of Constantinople, Michael ordered the blinding of John IV in December of that year to become sole emperor^[2]. Michael VIII began the task of rebuilding many monasteries, public buildings and defence works^[3]. The Hagia Sophia, horribly looted in the Crusade of 1204 was refurbished to Greek Orthodox tradition. The Kontoskelion harbour and the walls of Constantinople were all strengthened. Many hospitals, hospices, markets, baths, streets and churches were built, some with private patronage. Even a new Mosque was built to compensate for the one burnt during the Fourth Crusade.^[3] Nonetheless, the city grew new cultural and diplomatic contacts, notably with the Mamelukes. Both had common enemies; Latin aggression and later on, the Ottoman Turks.

Foreign Policy

The Sultanate of Rum was in chaos and decentralized ever since the Mongol invasions in c.1240^[4]. As a result, the greatest threat to Byzantium was not the Muslims but their Christian counter-parts in the West - Michael VIII had realized that the Venetians and the Franks would not doubt launch another attempt to establish Latin rule in Constantinople. The situation became worse when Charles of Anjou, brother of the King of France conquered Sicily from the Hohenstaufens in 1266^[5]. In 1267 the Pope Clement IV arranged a pact whereby Charles would receive land in the East in return for assisting a new military expedition to Constantinople^[5]. A delay on Charles' end meant that Michael VIII was given enough time to negotiate a union between the Church of Rome and that of Constantinople in 1274, thus removing Papal support for an invasion of Constantinople.

Unfortunately for Michael VIII, the new union was seen as a fake by the new Pope, Martin IV and the Greek Church was excommunicated, opening Constantinople to invasion^[6]. Despite this, Michael VIII was not out of Diplomatic genius and subsidized Peter III of Aragon's attempts to seize Sicily from Charles of Anjou. The subsidies ended up in the hands of the Sicilian Vespers, a revolt that overthrew the Angevin King of Sicily and placed Peter III of Aragon in 1281 as King of Sicily^[6].

For the remainder of his life, Michael campaigned to drive the Latins out of Greece and the Balkans. There was also the threat from the Bulgarians. What Michael did not see was the rise of a new Turkic threat, under Osman I who by 1263 had captured Sogut. No significant losses occurred in Asia Minor, but Michael's efforts in the West drew away vital troops needed to defend Asia Minor.

Middle East c. 1263^[7][8][9] KEY: Dark Green: Ottoman domain by 1300's, dotted line indicates conquests up to 1326 Purple: Byzantine Empire Light Green: Turkic lands Blue: Cilicia Red/Pink: Latin states

Domestic Policy

Michael VIII foreign policy relied heavily on diplomacy^[6]; nonetheless his construction projects and military campaigning against the remaining Latins were expensive; the Nicaean army was modeled around the Komnenian army and whilst it was not as effective it was just as burdensome on the treasury. The result was that heavy taxes were levied on the peasantry^[10], something that the Ottomans used to their advantage when winning over these poverty-stricken peasants.

The Second Council of Lyons, the union of the two Churches did little to avert Catholic aggression yet the population saw Michael VIII as a traitor^[6]. His death in 1282 was seen as a relief to many and his body denied an Orthodox funeral^[6], something that many at the time would have seen as a testament to Michael's close association with Rome.

Legacy

Michael VIII had enlarged the Empire and had once again made Byzantium a military power in the region. His army was still small however and diplomacy was relied upon more than ever. An extortionate tax system supported his ambitious and successful foreign policies of expansion. However, his attempts to deal with the external threats of the Empire left it internally weak.

Andronikos II Palaiologos, 1282 - 1328

See also Andronikos II Palaiologos

Andronikos II was the son of Michael VIII. He ascended to the throne at the age of 24 in 1282. Unlike his father, Andronikos II recognized the gravity of the situation in Asia Minor^[11].

Foreign Policy

Andronikos II was tied down with events in the West and the East. The Serbians under King Stephen Uros had begun invading the Balkans and took Skople in 1282^[11]. Raids against Macedonia were launched throughout the 1290's. Byzantine counter-attacks failed to stop these attacks and as a result Andronikos was forced into diplomacy marrying his 5-year old daughter to the Serb King^[11] and conceding a number of forts from Orchid to Stip to Strumica as a "dowry". Nonetheless, the Serbs continued their expansion.

In the East Andronikos tried to drive out the Turks, utilizing a variety of methods. His first action was to move his court to Asia Minor, where he could better oversee the construction of fortifications and raise troop morale^[12]. His General, Alexios Philanthropenos was an able commander campaigning with some success against the Turks in the Meander Valley. Unfortunately Byzantium was robbed of his services when he staged an unsuccessful coup, leading to his blinding and the loss of his services^[12]. Next Andronikos sent his son, Michael IX and the General Mouzalon to attack the Turks who were laying siege to Nicomedia. They were beaten at Bapheus in 1302. Not giving up, Andronikos hired a 6,500 strong Catalan mercenary force. Originating from Spain, these hardy men were used to skirmishing against the Moors in Spain and now, for an extraordinary high price, they drove the Turks back from Asia Minor^[12]. Once again, these success were nullified when their leader, Roger, was assassinated on his way to meet the Byzantine Emperor and so the Catalans began pillaging and raiding cities in Thrace, leaving Asia Minor open to Turkish incursions.

After this, Andronikos turned to diplomacy, asking the Ilkhanids of Persia to send troops to attack the Turks. Negotiations for such an alliance failed^[12]

Domestic Policy

Andronikos II's debasement of the Byzantine currency along with his co-rule with his father, his son and his grandson as well as his own lone rule resulted in several different coins during his reign.

Andronikos II ordered the Union of the Orthodox and Catholic Churches to be cancelled, a move for which many were pleased. He ordered reductions in the Navy and the military^[11], something that his father had worked hard to build up. As a result, tax reductions throughout the Empire were possible^[11], earning greater popularity yet seriously undermining Byzantium's abilities to deal with her opponents. He debased the Hyperpyron currency^[11] and heavily taxed the military elite Pronioars, thereby further reducing Byzantium's military capability. Whilst these solved some problems that Michael VIII had left for his son, it unraveled his Father's attempts at restoring the power of the Byzantine Empire; where else Michael VIII was attempting to deal with problems outside the Empire, Andronikos aimed to solve the internal problems resulting from his father's reign.

Civil War and abdication

Andronikos II's policies were not successful in dealing with Byzantium's external problems; however it would be threats from within the Empire that led to his abdication - in 1320 Andronikos III, the young (in his twenties) grandson of Andronikos II was disinherited by the Emperor^[13]. Andronikos III's brother had been murdered and his Father (Michael IX), the son of Andronikos II died of shock. Andronikos III did not take his disinheritance lightly - organizing an armed opposition, he succeeded in drawing support with promises of generous tax cuts, even beyond those enacted by Andronikos II^[13]. Andronikos II was powerless to stop the young usurper; he granted him Thrace as an appage in 1321^[13], the title of co-emperor in 1322^[13] and after a small war whereby the Bulgarians and Serbians played the two sides, Andronikos III was forced to abdicate^[13].

In 1332, Andronikos II died as a monk.

Despite the calamities of the civil war, Andronikos III was about to revitalise the Empire^[13]. Though Asia Minor was at this point destined to fall to the Turks, it had been in a lower position in 1091 and yet still recovered by Byzantium.

Legacy

Andronikos II had attempted to solve Byzantium's internal problems more so than his Father had. The consequence was that his attempts at dealing with Byzantium's enemies from without proved fruitless; dissatisfaction from his failure, his old age and a "reckless grandson" ^[13] culminated in his abdication.

Andronikos III, 1328 - 1341

See also Andronikos III Palaiologos

Byzantium at the beginning of Andonrikos III's reign.

Foreign Policy

Andronikos III's rule is characterized as the last genuine attempt to restore Byzantine fortunes. His attempts came close to fruition when the many neighbors of Byzantium eventually took its toll on an Empire in decline.

His first concern was that of Asia Minor. Nicaea, once the capital of the Empire until 1261 was under siege by Ottoman Turks. In the summer of 1329, Andronikos III launched a relief attempt to break the siege. The relief failed at the Battle of Pelekanon on the 10th of June^[14]. In 1331, the city fell. Not wishing to see Nicomedia or the other few remaining forts in Asia Minor suffer the same fate, Andronikos III sought to pay of the Ottomans with tribute - the Ottomans did not stop at this and seized Nicomedia as well in 1337.

Despite this, Andronikos III scored a few success in Asia Minor - in 1329 Chios was recovered^[14]. In 1335 Andronikos arranged an alliance involving financial indemnities with the Turkic Bey of Aydin, Umur and with it Lesbos was also recovered^[14].

In Europe, Andronikos III had mixed results; Thessaly returned to Imperial rule in 1333. However, Serbia once again began expanding south taking five key forts from Byzantium in 1334 and forcing her to recognize the borders of an enlarged Serbia^[14]. Andronikos then turned to Byzantium's greatest political art; diplomacy - Epirus was recovered under Byzantium in 1341^[14]. The result was that whilst the Empire was reduced to its European territories, it had succeeded in bringing much of Greece under her control. Unfortunately for the newly expanded Byzantium, Stephen Dusan (ruling Serbia from 1331) decided to take these lands as well from Byzantium. The death of Andronikos III and the resulting chaos left the Empire in no position to fight back^[14].

Legacy

Though unsuccessful, Byzantium had seen worse Emperors under the Angeloi. Andronikos III's efforts were not half-hearted or poorly conceived. The Empire's position was becoming increasingly precarious. Diplomacy became less useful, as Byzantium's enemies realized that the Emperor had not the military or even economic might to back his word. Whilst there was a general decline in the Empire's fortunes, Andronikos III's death would be the coup de grace for the Empire - his 10 year old son was led by a regency torn with dynastic rivalry that would lead to a civil war from which Byzantium would never recover^[14].

Second Palaiologan Civil War, 1341 - 1371/2

See also John V Palaiologos, Matthew Kantakouzenos

By 1350, the territorial extent of the Byzantine Empire (light blue) had been reduced to Thrace, the Morea, and the cities of Thessaloniki and Constantinople.

The Byzantine Empire entered into a new era of total decay in 1341. The Empire was ravaged by every possible disaster^[15] - Bubonic plague swept through her diminished lands in 1347. Between 1360's and 1420's, eight outbreaks of plague are recorded. Cities were full of social unrest between the corrupt wealthy (who had been exploiting the tax system for their own benefit) and the countless landless peasants burdened by the demands of the government^[15]. Religious controversy, the cancer of Byzantium in the 7th and 8th centuries once again emerged in the form of the Hesychasm Heresy^[15], eventually succeeding in crushing her sceptics. There were numerous earthquakes, destroying Byzantium's infrastructure - the fortress of Gallipoli was destroyed in 1354 by such an earthquake^[15] and the Ottoman Turks lost no time in conquering Thrace. Meanwhile, the Serbs continued pressing south, removing any nominal Imperial control in Epirus. The Empire shrunk in size and when the civil war ended, Byzantium would be a petty city state, hanging on to life through the respites of her foes, and soon to-be protectors. The Empire's very survival was one of the few remarkable achievements obtained in her darkest hour yet.

1341-1347

John V, ten years at his ascension, was guided by a regency consisting of his mother, Anna of Savoy, John VI Kantakouzenos and the Patriarch of Constantinople (John XIV Kalekas).^[15]

John XIV sparked the civil conflict when he convinced the Empress that John V's rule was threatened by the ambitions of Kantakouzenos. In September of 1341, whilst Kantakouzenos was in Thrace, Kalekas declared himself as regent and launched a vicious attack on Kantakouzenos, his supporters & family^[15]. In October Anna ordered Kantakouzenos to resign his command^[16]. Kantakouzenos not only refused, he declared himself Emperor at Didymoteichon, allegedly to protect John V's rule from Kalekas. Whether or not Kantakouzenos wished to be Emperor is not known, but the provocative actions of the Patriarch forced Kantakouzenos to fight to retain his power and start the civil war.

There were not nearly enough troops to defend Byzantium's borders at the time and there certainly was not enough for the two factions to split - consequently, more foreigners would flood the Empire into a state of chaos - Kantakouzenos hired Turks and Serbs - his main supply of Turkish mercenaries came from the Umur of Aydin^[17], a nominal ally established by Andronikos III. The Regency of John V relied on Turkish mercenaries as well^[17]. However, Kantakouzenos began to draw support from the Ottoman Sultan Orkhan, who wed Kantakouzenos' daughter in 1345^[17]. By 1347, Kantakouzenos had triumphed and entered Constantinople. However, in his hour of victory, he came to an accord with Anna and her son, John V. John V (now 15 years of age) and Kantakouzenos would rule as co-emperors, though John V would be the junior in this relationship^[17]. The unlikely peace would not last long.

2nd Phase; John's assumption to power 1347 - 1357

Byzantine coins showing John V and his co-emperor & guide Kantakouzenos during their peaceful co-existance

Kantakouzenos had a son, Matthew Kantakouzenos - and any hope of keeping peace between John V and Matthew became more remote as the two grew older and more independent. John V wed Kantakouzenos' daughter, so becoming his son in law^[17], in order to heal any breaches between the two.

In 1353, Kantakouzenos was still hopeful that the peace would remain. However, John V launched a military attack on Matthew^[17][18], thereby re-igniting the civil war that had been started by his regency. John V was demoted to be exiled to the Island of Tenedos, one of the few Islands in the Aegean still under Byzantine control^[18]. Kantakouzenos now declared himself as Byzantine Emperor and made his son Matthew co-emperor. John V would not give up so easy however, and in 1354 Ottomans began crossing over into Thrace. The citizens of Constantinople became gripped with fear and in November of that same year, John V launched a successful coup with Genoan aid^[18]. Kantakouzenos now abdicated and retired as a monk, where he would write his memoirs and thoughts until his death in 1383^[18].

Matthew Kantakouzenos, no doubt disappointed with his Father's failure continued to resist John V. Since the Ottoman Sultan Orkhan was his brother-in-law, he was able to obtain troops from him and began his campaign when he was captured in the summer of 1356, forced to renounce his claims in 1357 and driven to Morea sometime between 1361 and 1383^[18], though other sources indicate 1391 a possible date. At 25 years, John V had managed to establish himself as Emperor of Byzantium and with no resources to spare.

Turkish immigration

The lands ravaged and depopulated by the civil war were filled up by arriving Turks who colonised the land through a mixture of conquest and trade^[18]. The result was that Byzantium's power was undermined beyond all recognition - two hundred years ago Byzantium could rely on the people living in the lands of Anatolia, Greece, Macedonia and several other notable Islands like Cyprus and Crete. Now the population under her control was limited to the few remaining cities in Byzantine possession, namely Thessalonica, Constantinople, Morea and the surrounding countryside not yet heavily raided by her innumerable opponents. The immigration of Turks would be decisive in the survival of the Empire as it gave her most dire enemy, the Ottomans, a new power base not in Asia but now in Europe.

John V, 1354 - 1391

John V now had to come to face that Byzantium was in serious danger of collapsing to the Ottomans. In the 1360's, the Turks continued to drive through Thrace, taking both Byzantine, Bulgarian and Serbian settlements.

Papal plea

John V now turned to the Pope and the promise of a Union of the two Churches^[19]. John V offered his son Manuel as a guarantee of compliance. In the past, Byzantium's cry for assistance were answered with mixed results - pillaging Crusaders would sack both friend and foe but the First Crusade was largely beneficial and no doubt John V envisioned a repeat of such a Crusade^[19]. The Papacy was unmoved by the calamity facing the Byzantine Empire^[19].

Fortunately for John V, he had other European connections - his mother was Anna of Savoy and her nephew (being John V's cousin) was concerned for the safety of his Greek counter-part^[19]. Sailing from Venice in June 1366 with dreams of initiating yet another Crusade, Amadeo VI of Savoy arrived at and seized the fortress of Gallipoli from the Ottomans and handed it back to the Byzantines, in order to cease the waves of Turks moving in and eroding Byzantium^[19]. However, the Turks by now had firmly established themselves in Thrace. Amadeo and John spent much time between 1367 and 1369 thinking of ways to stave of defeat. Amadeo returned to Europe by Rome and brought with him Byzantine envoys. The Pope again was uninterested but called for John V to visit him^[19]. In 1369 the Ottomans finally captured Adrianople (though some sources indicate 1365^[19]. John V rushed to Rome and confessed his Catholic faith both privately and before a public spectacle^[19].

In 1371, John V returned empty handed, having humiliated himself and done nothing to improve the deteriorating situation in the Balkans.

Vassalage of John V

In 1371, the Serbs mustered their strength and prepared to launch an attack to drive back the Turks from Thrace. In a crushing victory the Ottomans annihilated the Serbian army^[19]. Many surviving Lords submitted to the Ottoman Sultan Murad I. Byzantium was in no better position and after taking Serres from the defeated Serbs, John V swore allegiance as a vassal to Murad^{[19] [20]}.

Third Palaiologoi Civil War 1371 - 1394

John V's rule was an unhappy one with his vassalage to Murad I. However, it must have been all the more worse when his eldest son and heir to the throne Andronikos IV Palaiologos rebelled against his father in 1373^[20]. Curiously, this rebellion coincided with the rebellion of Murad I's son, Savci Celebi^[20] and the two worked towards fermenting revolution in their ranks. Consequently, both the Byzantine and Ottoman rulers were facing their sons and as a result, coordinated efforts were made to bring both to defeat^[20]. John V had his eldest son Andronikos IV along with Andronikos IV's son John VII partially blinded. Murad I defeated his son Savci and had him executed^[21]. Manuel, the second son of John V was made co-emperor and heir to the throne.

Unfortunately for John V, Andronikos IV and his son John VII escaped. With Genoan and Turkish aid, they returned to Constantinople and succeeded in overthrowing John V, imprisoning him and his second son Manuel^[21]. In order to receive Ottoman aid, Andronikos IV handed the fortress of Gallipoli to the Ottomans, thus rendering the only genuine European aid of Amadeo of Savoy useless. Again, prison break became the next event with John V and his second son Manuel escaping Constantinople, offering the Ottoman Sultan higher tribute than normally paid and in return for help in taking over Constantinople (re-taking it) ^[21]. Andronikos IV having been beaten yet again, evaded capture and slipped into the Capital's district in Galata with his families and hostages. John V was only interested in securing his throne and stability so came to a pact with Andronikos IV in 1381 - grantig him the right as heir whilst his son John VII would be the next in line^[21], thus removing Manuel from inheriting the crown

Naturally Manuel felt betrayed by this, which demoted him from co-emperor. Returning to Thessalonika in 1382, he began a rebellious campaign of establishing his rule over Thessaly and Eprius, thus "expanding" the Empire, at least nominally and thereby catching the Ottoman Sultan's attention^[21]. Murad I besieged Thessalonika in 1383, with Thessalonika holding out for another four years until 1387. Meanwhile Andronikos IV died and his son John VII began quarrelling with his grandfather John V.

With Thessalonika surrendering in 1387 and seeing his position rather hopeless, Manuel returned to John V and with the Sultan's go-ahead began reconciling with his father^[22]. John V realized that accepting his second son would cause his grandson to rebel. Therefore, John V did not know what to make of Manuel and simply kept him in exile in Lemnos^[22]. Eventually John VII did rebel against his grandfather - news of Manuel's arrival at Constantinople and John V's reconciliation talks with him prompted John VII to head to Genoa where he received aid & then to the new Ottoman Sultan Bayezid the Thunderbolt to receive aid there as well and topple John V.

John VII's rebellion succeeded initially, taking Constantinople from John V^[22]. Manuel countered by arousing the rest of the city and her few remaining military assets and turned them against John VII. Manuel also received aid from the Knights of St. John stationed at Rhodes Island, where he "donated" religious relics made of precious metals to them for their support^[22].

Manuel II Palaiologos, 1391 - 1420

For more details on this topic, see Manuel II Palaiologos.

Byzantium in 1389^[23]. Thrace was lost in the previous three decades.

Manuel II's reign saw another temporary respite for the Byzantines. For an Empire in such trouble, he succeeded in retaking some territory and held it to the end of his reign. His limited success largely came through the resurrection of Mongol Power in the East and the great friendship achieved between Manuel II and Mehmed I. However, he lived long enough to see his son undo much of his achievements.

Vassalage to 1394

Manuel II's first priority was to establish an agreement with Bayezid the Thunderbolt. John VII was a favorite of Bayezid so Manuel II was in a dangerous position. He eventually sealed an agreement. However, the Ottoman Sultan became infuriated by Manuel II's attempts to reconcile his nephew John VII^[24]. Manuel was concerned that John VII might once again launch a coup against him so wished to end the threat diplomatically. Bayezid ordered Manuel's execution, but then reduced his furious response and instead demanded that Constantinople build another Mosque and that a colony of Turks be established^[24].

Rebellion; Byzantium survives, 1394 - 1402

Manuel's next steps were bold and seemingly foolish - not only did he refuse to pay the Sultan tribute, he refused to answer the Sultan's messages and Bayezid set about laying siege to Constantinople^[24]. In 1394 his siege began and would continue for 8 years. Manuel II realized that whilst the City could endure a half-hearted blockade, it did not have the military assets to man the walls of Constantinople. At first the situation was not so dire - a massive counter-attack by the West was to be launched as the Crusade of Nicopolis^[25]. In a titanic battle, Bayezid forced marched his army to a stunning yet costly victory. Thousands were killed but now Bayezid was able to turn his armies fully against Constantinople.

The situation was dire; so much so that John VII, Manuel' dire opponent was left in charge of Constantinople. He made one grand tour of Europe in 1399, stopping at Venice, Padua, Milan, Paris and London where he met the English King Henry IV; in England he was well-received^[25] and treated to a jousting tournament. However, Manuel was unable to muster help from Western Christendom.

In the end it would be Eastern Islam that would come to Constantinople's aid - Timur, the Khan of the Chagatai Mongols led his army deep into Anatolia, decisively defeating Bayezid and his exhausted army in 1402 near Ankara. The defeat caused a panic amongst the Turks in Anatolia who franticly began crossing over to Europe, albeit with paid Byzantine ships.

Manuel, who was still in Europe, arrived in 1403 to a welcoming site - Constantinople free from Ottoman siege. John VII remained loyal, handing back the Capital and even acquiring Thessalonika back from the Ottomans.

Ottoman Interregnum, 1402 - 1413

Manuel II lived to 75 years of age

The defeat of the Ottomans considerably changed the mood within Constantinople. The rewards reaped by the Empire were outstanding considering that only a short time had passed since the city (and possibly the Empire itself) stood on the brink of destruction. John VII appeared to have achieved numerous other benefits for Byzantium. The first was a non-aggression treaty between the local Christian powers (who were also free from Ottoman servitude), meaning that the disasters of Andronikos III's later rule would not be repeated. Next were a treaty between Byzantium and the successor of Bayezid, Suleyman who was in Asia Minor, confirming Byzantium's freedom from paying tribute. The Empire also gained Mount Athos and coastal land of the Black Sea from Constantinople to Varna. As an added bonus, Imperial authority was asserted over a number of Aegean Islands. The importance of the latter should not be underestimated as these would serve in the future as refuge for any seeking to escape Ottoman expansion, even if only as a temporary refuge.

Bayezid's sons lost no time fighting each other for their Father's shattered realm. By 1413, Mehmed I had emerged as the victor. However the Byzantines had made sure as to support the victor and Mehmed I did not forget the kindness of the Byzantines and was able to "control" his Turk subjects from expanding into Byzantine territory.

Resumption of Hostilities

Manuel II Palaiologos was 70 years of age in 1421 and believed that the time had come for him to retire and give his eldest son John VIII the opportunity to rule with a more aggressive manner than he had done so. At the same time, a far less restrained Murad II, son of Mehmed I came to the Ottoman throne on May of that year. With two un-diplomatic men on thrones of Byzantium and the Ottoman Sultnate, war was inevitable.

The Byzantines were the first to make a move when John VIII and his advisors made a risky decision by inciting a rebellion within the Ottoman Empire. In August of 1421 they backed a man named Mustafa who claimed to be a long lost son of Bayezid the Thunderbolt. In Europe, Mustafa's rebellion worked well and he gathered some support. However in August of 1422 Murad II had this rebellion crushed and Mustafa received the traditional execution (hanging) shortly after, something any rebel would have expected. Murad II was enraged and had an army sent to Constantinople and to Thessalonika, the latter falling in 1430. Murad II was unable to take Constantinople by force. Nonetheless the situation in the Capital was dire enough for Manuel II to come out of retirement and incite yet another rebellion in Asia Minor under Murad II's brother, Kucuk Mustafa. Initial rebel success, including a siege of Brusa was too much for Murad II to ignore so the siege of Constantinople was lifted to deal with this threat, and to the Byzantines' greatest despair, dealt with it indeed.

Manuel II was now out of tricks to save the erroneous rule of his son John VIII. In September of 1423 Thessalonika was surrendered to the Venetians, no doubt hoping to draw in the Western Powers into Crusading mode and if not at least their wealth would enable them to defend it better. In February of 1424 Manuel II Palaiologos re-established Byzantium as a vassal of the Ottomans - 300,000 Silver coins were to be paid to the Sultan on annual basis. That the Empire managed to accomplish this at its lowest ebb is remarkable. Nonetheless until c. 1450, the Ottomans would not make any concerted efforts to overcome the walls of Constantinople; the city retained a tenuous security for the next two decades.

John VIII takes over

For more details on this topic, see John VIII Palaiologos.

A coin with John VIII. Such coins would have been paid to the Ottoman Sultan as tribute

Manuel II's final years saw his gains wasted and the Empire status quo ante 1391. John VIII was still hopeful that he could emulate his Father's success and more. Like his predecessors, his attempts were in vain. And just like his predecessors, he relied too heavily on a Pope not willingly to give, only take; take that is, the Church of a wretched state surrounded by the Ottomans, soon-to-be Christendom's direst foe.

Union with Rome

Uniting the Church of Byzantium with that of Rome was a simple matter, since all the bargaining chips were in the hands of the Catholic West. John VIII, as the de facto head of the Byzantine Church ordered the Byzantine Church to accept Papal primacy and that the filloque dispute arose from semantic confusion. Few on Byzantium's side were impressed with the Union between 1438 and 1439 held in Ferrara and Florence not only at the terms at which the Byzantine Church had to stoop to but also at the non-existent aid that continued to flow into Byzantium. One can safely say that the most notable effect of the Union was the increased resentment between Byzantium's populace and the Imperial government.

Wasted Opportunity; Varna

In the late 1440s, the Ottomans experienced difficulty in bringing their Christian vassals in the Balkans into line. Hungary began launching successful campaigns against the Turks in Serbia, leading to the Serbian Despot and the Albanian resistance leader Georgios Kastriotes into direct opposition with their former masters. This led to one of the last great Crusades of a united Western Christendom - Varna. Murad II was in no position to stop these troublesome westerners since he was overwhelmed with problems by easterners in Anatolia, the core of the Ottoman realm. Therefore, Murad hastily concluded a peace treaty in the Balkans. The Hungarians soon broke the treaty, but at Varna a hastily assembled Ottoman army crushed the Crusaders and left the Balkans at the mercy of Ottoman vengeance.

John VIII died in 1448. His reign lasted two decades. His achievement was the continued survival of the Empire. Yet Byzantium was now hanging by a thread. With insufficient military manpower for its own defence, an economy ruined by years of warfare, a depopulated capital, and insufficient territory to provide a basis for recovery, the Empire's position was becoming untennable. John was severely constrained by his circumstances, and proved unable to improve the fortunes of the state. He was succeeded by his brother Constantine XI. The new emperor would be Byzantium's last sovereign ruler.

Constantine XI

For more details on this topic, see Constantine XI.

Constantine's reign is short; from 1448 (some source say 1449) until 1453. Constantine XI, like many of his predecessors who took the Union between Eastern and Western Christendom seriously, lived as a Catholic. Not much is known of his reign, except that he died with his soldiers in the final fight for Constantinople.

Defiance, defence and defeat

Constantine XI depicted in semi-classical armour.

Constantine XI was the Despotate of Morea before his ascension to the throne. His father and his brother's attempts to be aggressive with the Ottomans must have greatly inspired his character since he would not let Byzantium humiliate herself for the sake of the Ottomans, even if it would cost Constantinople. Mehmed II succeeded his Father the Ottoman Sultan Murad II in 1451. Upon his succession to the throne, he received a demand by Constantine XI for subsidies and threatened to rebel if these were not met. Mehmed II responded with these bold declarations by building a fortress on the European side of the Bosporus in an attempt to block Constantinople from European aid, which, considering that 2000 mercenaries and 3 Papal transports managed to participate shows that it was not the decisive factor in the Siege that most of the defenders would have no doubt have feared it to be.

Mehmed II assembled a huge army to assail Constantinople's walls - some sources suggest 80,000 soldiers, whilst others suggest figures as high as 100,000 or even 200,000 including camp followers.

Constantine XI made the decision not to hire Urban, a Hungarian engineer whose skills were used by the Ottomans to make large Cannons. The Large Cannons failed to create a decisive break through and so Constantine XI put his city's finances into better use by hiring every mercenary he could afford. All the defenders were well-armed with both faith and fine weaponry. The siege began on April 2 1453, with Ottoman Cannon firing from April 6. On the 29th of May 1453, Constantine XI charged at the oncoming Ottoman army; at this point the city was overwhelmed and the organized defence was collapsing. The last Emperor of Byzantium died fighting and since his body was never recognized, is assumed to have been buried in a mass grave. The possibility of Constantine XI being thrown into the Sea must not be overlooked either, since countless corpses of the Turks and the Christian defenders were seen.

Conclusion

Constantine's rule is hard to asses due to his short reign. His death in battle has made him a saint in the eyes of many of the adherents to the Greek Orthodox Church despite his Catholic Confession. His demands to the Ottoman Sultan sealed the fate of the city but the demands of a powerless Emperor cannot be the only cause of the siege of 1453. There is no doubt that the Ottomans would have wanted to take the city eventually since its position was of immense strategic value and whilst this was not of much benefit to Byzantium, in the next couple of centuries the Ottomans utilized their new forward base to facilitate European conquests.

As the Despotate of Morea Constantine XI was able to achieve limited success. His attacks against the Latin kingdoms in Athens and Thebes were successful, driving the last of these Western traitors out of Greece. These gains naturally alarmed the Turks who drove Constantine XI back to Morea with ease.

What is certain is his bravery in Battle and his continued veneration by the Greeks as an unofficial saint, including Legends of survival, of resurrection and of bringing Constantinople back to Christendom.

Learning under the Palaiologan

For more details on this topic, see Renaissance.

Despite much chaos in the Empire, the Byzantines experienced a revival in culture and art within their domain. Towards the 14th century, as the Empire entered into a phase of terminal crisis, such achievements became less valued. All was not lost for these seemingly rejected scholars - many in Italy who had been opened up to Byzantium by the maritime expansions of Genoa and Venice came to appreciate their achievements, facilitating the Renaissance. As such these scholars found themselves in Italian institutions, expressing their Greco-Roman culture for pay. Immigration to Italy was made less attractive by the idea of abandoning the Orthodox faith to practice Catholicism. Nonetheless a significant and increasing number of Greeks began travelling to Italy, first temporarily to Italian colonies such as Crete or Cyprus before returning to Byzantium, then as the Empire began to fail horribly, in more permanent manner. The Fall of Constantinople was marked by large amounts of Greek refugees escaping Turkic rule into Europe via Italy and thus accelerating the Renaissance.

Restoration of the Classics

Classical literature that was studied included mythical figures such as Dionysus.

The Fourth Crusade saw the destruction of many homes in Constantinople and much of the city on fire. It is difficult to determine what books were burned in the libraries of Constantinople though one can only imagine that few would be available today were it not for the works of Demetrius Triklinion, Manuel Moschopoulos, Thomas Magister and Maximos Planudes. New editions of poets such as Hesiod and Pindar were made and their metric systems were reconstructed with competence. They wrote about such works as Scholia and Pindar. Countless works are also included such as the tragedians of Sophocles and Euripides, Ptolemy's Geography, Nonnus of Panaopolis' Dionysiaca, edits & "rediscoveries" on Plutarch and the Greek Anthology of epigrams. Works assembled by Theodore Metochites at the Monastery of Chora can be found in the libraries of Istanbul, Oxford, the Vatican and even Paris.

Greek Byzantium

In the past, the Byzantine Empire was composed of many territories, stretching from modern-day Iraq to modern-day Spain. As the Empire's borders shrunk, so too did the cultural diversity. By the late 13th century, the Empire consisted almost exclusively of traditionally Greek territory (inhabited by Greeks since Antiquity). Consequently this Greek culture soon came to dominate the Empire and the works of the Classical age such as those of Sophocles and Theocritus were meticulously copied and annotated.

Notable Philosophers include Planudes who characterized the interest in Science and Math at the time. Astronomy was also a field of interest, as Nikephoros Gregoras illustrates with his proposal to modify the calendar before changes were put in place by the Gregorian reform.

Arabian Science enters, c. 1300

At the time, Astrologists had to rely on Ptolemy's tables for calculations. However, these proved to be no good when compared to Arabic Astronomy. As a result, Persian tables were used more often, even if in conjunction with Ptolemy's. The acceptance of Arab Astronomy was made harder by the fact that it had to be translated and only entered through "lowlier social channels", namely by men who travelled between Constantinople and Trebizond. Such men include Gregory Chioniades who later with his follower George Chrysokokkes acquainted themselves with this oriental science. By the mid 14th century, when Byzantium was overwhelmed with troubles, the tables of Ptolemy were deemed by Professionals as inadequate and slowly abandoned for Persian tables.

Despite this Arab works such as those on astrolabe were translated into Greek as early as 1309. In 1352 Theodore Meliteniotes published his thoughts using Persian and Ptolemaic tables. Further works were translated; Six wings, a Hebrew text believed to have originated from southern France was translated into Greek.

Such works, whilst being non-Christian and in many cases non-Hellenistic were cultivated by the Greek Orthodox ecclesiastics; George Chioniades and Theodre Meliteniotes both found themselves positions in the Greek Orthodox Church; the former becoming Bishop of Tabriz and the latter the head of the Patriarchal school.

Plethon's final resting place was moved to this Church by his Italian disciples

Not all thinkers were welcome in Byzantium and naturally some of those who opened their minds to other beliefs would have strayed from the "one true Religion", as the Byzantines would have undoubtedly seen it. One such example is that of Plethon. His works on computational astronomy utilizing Hebrew and Persian tables are overshadowed by his neo-pagan beliefs that he adopted in his old age. He proclaimed his belief in the "Seven Wise Men", the message of Zoroaster and Fatalism. Consequently, his work on a modified Greek Pantheon, The Laws was burnt by the Patriarch of Constantinople and his ashes repose in what is sometimes stated as the most Pagan Renaissance Church - Tempio Malatestiano of Rimini.

Others went so far as to suggest that Byzantium would not live forever - a fundamental belief for every subject of the Byzantine Orthodox Church. Metochites did not see Byzantine civilization as superior to others and even considered the "infidel" Tartars as more noble in some aspects, such as morality, than his Christian comrades.

Patronage

Philosophers, like all men at the time had to make ways of bringing food to the table. The most common occupation in the Byzantine Empire would have either been agriculturally based or earlier on in the Empire, trade based so this came about naturally through their own work. However Philosophers needed Patronage in order to live. The most important came from the Imperial court, especially before the destructive civil wars that were characterized by Andronikos III and his son John V. Other sources were from minor courts, from the rich and from the Church, if not from individual Church clergy. Of course, only Bishops had such resources. As the Empire descended into Chaos, it could not spare any finances in its efforts to defend her borders and so the need to study in the fields of Science and mathematics would have naturally disappeared from the minds of those whose lands were raided and seized. It would be this lack of Patronage that led to many of these scholars fleeing to the West. Remarkable travels were recorded by John Argyropoulos, Constance, Manuel Chrysoloras who between them all had travelled to Florence, Pavia, Rome, Padua and Milan. It could be said that the end of the Byzantine Empire coincided with the beginning of the Renaissance - what little influence the Byzantine Church had over Rome was more than made up for by their philological preaching and mass conversion to humanism.

Conclusion

The end of the Byzantine Empire did not seem inevitable to contemporaries. As late as 1444, a mere 9 years before the Fall of Constantinople, there were high hopes that the Turks would be driven out of Europe. The Byzantines that pinned their dreams of restoration on the West had hoped that they could reap the benefits of another "First Crusade" that would cut a swathe through Asia Minor and allow Byzantine troops to re-occupy the empire's ancient heartlands. However, by the late 14th century the Byzantine Empire did not posess sufficient resources for the task, and in any case such Western undertakings would have required Byzantium to submit to Rome. If the price for political freedom was religious freedom, certain emperors such as Michael VIII were willing to pay it. In the long run though the Byzantines were not prepared to surrender their ancient customs and beliefs willingly.

The proximate cause of the problem lay in Byzantium's numerous enemies, who combined during the course of the 14th century to overwhelm what remained of the empire's core territories. With each passing decade, the Byzantine Empire became weaker and lost more land. There were fewer resources available to deal with the Empire's opponents. Her power base was consequently ruined. Whilst the empire had experienced difficulties before (in the 8th century much of Byzantium's lands were occupied by Avars and Arabs), by the later 14th century the empire no longer possessed any significant territories (such as Asia Minor) to form the basis of a recovery. As a result, many attempts at driving back the Ottomans and Bulgarians failed, while the lack of territory, revenue and manpower meant that Byzantium's armies became increasingly obsolete and outnumbered.

However, the most serious problems arose from the internal political and military organisation of the empire. The empire's political system, based as it was around an autocratic and semi-divine emperor who exercised absolute power, had become obsolete, while the civil wars the system produced severely weakened the empire from within, leaving it disastrously exposed to outside attack. Furthermore, the empire's military system had become increasingly disorganised and chaotic, following the demise of the theme system in the 11th-13th centuries. The result was persistent failure and defeat on every frontier.

Byzantium could only lose and decline for so long before it destroyed her; by the late 14th century the situation had become so severe that Byzantium surrendered her political independence. By the mid 15th century restoring both the religious and the political freedom of Byzantium was ultimately an impossible cause.

Notes

References

• Philip Sherrard, Great Ages of Man Byzantium, Time-Life Books, 1975
• Madden, Thomas F. Crusades the Illustrated History. 1st ed. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan P, 2005
• Parker, Geoffrey. Compact History of the World. 4th ed. London: Times Books, 2005
• Mango, Cyril. The Oxford History of Byzantium. 1st ed. New York: Oxford UP, 2002
• Grant, R G. Battle a Visual Journey Through 5000 Years of Combat. London: Dorling Kindersley, 2005
• Turnbull, Stephen. The Ottoman Empire 1326 - 1699. New York: Osprey, 2003.
• Haldon, John. Byzantium at War 600 - 1453. New York: Osprey, 2000.
• Healy, Mark. The Ancient Assyrians. New York: Osprey, 1991.
• Bentley, Jerry H., and Herb F. Ziegler. Traditions & Encounters a Global Prespective on the Past. 3rd ed. Vol. 1. New York: McGraw-Hil, 2006.
• Lowe, Steven, and Martin Baker. "Seljuks of Rum." 21 Feb. 1992. 29 May 2007 <http://www.geocities.com/egfroth1/Seljuqs.htm>.

See also

• Byzantium under the Heraclian
• Byzantium under the Isaurians
• Byzantium under the Macedonians
• Byzantium under the Komnenoi
• Nicaean Empire
• Epirus
• Empire of Trebizond

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