The
Dresden Elbe Valley World Heritage
Site is according to the
UNESCO "an outstanding example of land use, representing an
exceptional development of a major Central-European city" having almost half a million inhabitants.
Cultural landscape is defined as the human-modified environment, including
fields, houses, churches, highways, planted forests, and mines, as well as weeds and
pollution.
A cultural landscape defined as:
- "a geographic area, including both cultural and natural resources and the wildlife or domestic animals therein, associated
with an historic event, activity, or person or exhibiting other cultural or aesthetic values."
History of the Cultural Landscape Idea
The geographer Otto Schluter is identified as having used the term “cultural landscape” in the early twentieth century (James
and Martin 1981:177). In 1908, Schluter argued that by defining geography as a Landschaftskunde (landscape science) this would
give geography a logical subject matter shared by no other discipline (Elkins 1989:27, James and Martin 1981:177). In approaching
landscapes Schluter used the historical geographic approach. He defined two forms of landscape: the Urlandschaft or landscape
that existed before major human induced changes and the Kulturlandschaft a landscape created by human culture. The major task of
geography was to trace the changes in these two landscapes.
Schluter looked to the impact of humans on the natural environment rather than determination of human activities by the
natural environment. The method used was morphological and based firmly on the fixed and movable forms of the landscape, ignoring
non-material aspects (such as social conditions) (James and Martin 1981:177).
Conzen’s review of historical geography suggests that by the mid-1920s geography had developed a distinct historical stream
with a heavy emphasis on environmental determinism. “The first quarter of the twentieth century had witnessed Promethean battles
over the scope and orientation of American geography, in which the historical perspective had played a critical role and produced
a literature of brash generalisation balanced precariously upon fragmentary research (Conzen 1993:25).
Enter Carl Sauer
It was in this context that Carl O. Sauer produced his paper on the Morphology of the
Landscape in which the concept of cultural landscape was introduced. Carl Sauer, who had been educated in Germany, was based at
the University of California at Berkeley. Sauer's paper "The Morphology of Landscape" (Sauer 1925) is probably the most
influential in developing ideas on cultural landscapes (see Baker 1992:6; Haggett 1965:11; James and Martin 1981: 321-324;
Jackson 1989; Leighly 1963:6; Meinig 1979:227; Price and Lewis 1993; Williams 1983) and it is still cited today. Ironically
however, Sauer's paper was really concerned about his own vision for geography, which was to establish the discipline on a
phenonomological basis rather than it being specifically concerned with cultural landscapes.
- “The cultural landscape is fashioned from a natural landscape by a cultural group. Culture is the agent, the natural are
the medium, the cultural landscape is the result. Under the influence of a given culture, itself changing through time, the
landscape undergoes development, passing through phases and probably reaching ultimately the end of its cycle of development.
With the introduction of a different, alien culture, a rejuvenation of the cultural landscape sets in, or a new landscape is
superimposed on remnants of the old one” (Sauer’s, 1925).
Sauer was explicitly concerned to counter an environmental determinism which had dominated the American geography of the
previous generation, within which human agency was given scant autonomy in the shaping of the visible landscape. Sauer believed,
and was determined to stress the agency of culture as a force in shaping the visible features of the Earth’s surface in delimited
areas. Within his definition, the physical environment retains a central significance, as the medium with and through which human
cultures act. Interestingly this results in elements of the physical environment, such as topography, soils, plants and animals
needing to be incorporated into studies of the cultural landscape; so far as they provoke human responses and adaptations, or
have themselves been altered by human activity (e.g. forest clearing and dams). Cronon (1995) believes that Sauer’s definition
cannot be upheld today since it is clear that there is no clear distinction between nature and culture, since both interlink and
should be regarded together as co-productions. Also, note the reference by Sauer of a different ‘alien culture’, which surely
symbolises the cultural impacts caused by Europeans during colonialism which resulted in the imposition of colonial cultures upon
pre-existing cultures.
The Myth of the Pristine Landscape
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With the arrival of Europeans to North and South America and their subsequent forays into the hearts of these continents,
explorers frequently encountered sparsely inhabited landscapes they thought was untouched wilderness, a belief which has
persisted into contemporary time. In a 1992 journal article, William M. Denevan closely examines this idea of "a world of barely
perceptible human disturbance" and instead argues for the alternative hypothesis in which the state of American landscapes as
they were in early post-contact times were largely shaped by anthropogenic processes such as deforestation and agricultural
burning. The indigenous people largely partook in these activities out of a need for survival. Weapons were needed to defend
themselves against rival tribes, and burning another tribe's land was a frequently used assault tactic. There is evidence that
massive wood and stone fortresses were built by the native peoples, and giant siege engines were made to attack these, resulting
in local habitat destruction. These extensive modifications done on the part of pre-contact peoples to their local ecosystems
effectvely transformed them into cultural and humanized landscapes. That indigenous peoples were capable of altering the
landscapes in which they lived assigns much more agency to them than was previously credited to them for the past several
centuries. It also refutes the notion of the 'noble savage' who lived in immaculate harmony with nature and left little to no
impact on his landscape. For an example of a landscape characteristic that is anthropogenic in origin, see the wikipedia article
on Terra Preta.
References
- Conzen, M. 1993, ‘The historical impulse in Geographical writing about the United States 1850 1990’, in Conzen, M., Rumney,
T. and Wynn, G. 1993, A Scholar's Guide to Geographical Writing on the American and Canadian Past, The University of
Chicago Press, Chicago, pp.3 90.
- Denevan William M. 1992, The Americas before and after 1492: Current Geographical Research, Annals of the Association of
American Geographers, Vol. 82, No. 3, pp. 369-385.
- Elkins, T. H. 1989. Human and Regional Geography in the German-speaking lands in the first forty years of the Twentieth
Century, in J. Nicholas Entrikin & Stanley D. Brunn (eds). Reflections on Richard Hartshorne's The nature of
geography, Occasional publications of the Association of the American Geographers, Washington DC. 17-34.
- James, P. E. and Martin, G. 1981, All Possible Worlds: A history of geographical ideas, John Wiley & Sons, New
York.
- Sauer, C. 1925, The Morphology of Landscape, University of California Publications in Geography, 22:19 53.
Academic studies of cultural landscapes
Any Cultural Landscape is a system of interaction between human activity and natural habitat. In a sense that is
broader than the definition of the UNESCO and that includes the mentalities, concepts and traditions of the people living in a
cultural landscape, the Universities of Naples, St.-Étienne, and Stuttgart offer the study of Master of Cultural
Landscapes (MaCLands), which will be graduated with a European Master diploma: (www.maclands.eu).
See also
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