(b. Somerset, 7 Mar. 1881; d. 14 Apr. 1951) British; Foreign Secretary 1945 – 51 The illegitimate son of a midwife, Bevin left school at 11, working first as a farm boy and later as a tramdriver.
Bevin had two careers. In his first, he became the most powerful trade unionist of his generation. Starting as chairman of a branch of the Dockers' Union in 1910, he became its assistant general secretary in 1920. He then organized an amalgamation of unions to form the Transport and General Workers' Union, becoming its first general secretary. He was a member of the TUC General Council from 1925 to 1940.
Prominence in the industrial labour movement gave Bevin influence in the Labour Party. He was offered (but declined) the offer of a peerage during the second Labour administration, 1929 – 31. In the 1930s he advocated Labour support for rearmament to counter the threat from Nazism's rise in Germany. However, it was not until 1940, at the age of 59, that Bevin began his second — ministerial — career when Churchill appointed him Minister of Labour and National Service. He held the post until 1945.
Bevin was one of the most powerful members of the small War Cabinet. He was also one of the most successful, mobilizing the workforce with a minimum of industrial strife and establishing a framework for consultation between government and industry which persisted after the war. He also participated actively in the post-war reconstruction planning which led to the establishment of the welfare state.
When the post-war Labour government (1945 – 51) was formed, Bevin expected to be made Chancellor of the Exchequer; but, in a last-minute change of plan, Clement Attlee sent him to the Foreign Office. Although Britain emerged from the war no longer a world power to rank with the USA and the USSR, he was one of the most influential figures in the immediate post-war world. He took the initiative, in 1947, in the formation of the Organization of European Economic Co-operation and he was one of the prime movers behind the creation of NATO. In these areas his policies received widespread support, but his stance on the Middle East and especially Palestine (then a British protectorate) was more controversial. For this he came under sustained criticism (and even accusations of anti-Semitism), particularly from the left wing of the Labour Party.
Bevin's health deteriorated in the latter part of the government's term and Attlee was eventually reluctantly compelled to move him from the Foreign Office. He spent the last weeks of his life as Lord Privy Seal.
At the peak of his powers, Bevin had immense energy and a forceful personality. He was generally intolerant of criticism. Entering the Commons only in 1940, he was never an accomplished parliamentarian. In Cabinet, however, he was extremely effective and his loyalty to Attlee, with whom he worked very closely, was legendary. Indeed, he shielded the Prime Minister from at least one attempt to oust him.
Ernest Bevin
| Political Biography: Ernest Bevin |
| 5min Related Video: Ernest Bevin |
| Biography: Ernest Bevin |
The career of Ernest Bevin (1881-1951), English trade union leader and Labour politician, is often taken to symbolize the political rise of sections of the working class in 20th-century Britain.
Ernest Bevin was born on March 9, 1881, in Bristol, the son of poor, working-class parents. After finishing elementary school in Bristol, Bevin earned a precarious living in various manual jobs and was introduced to politics via the Social Democratic Federation (SDF), the Marxist party. He organized the dockers and transport workers and from 1910 to 1921 led the Dockers Union. Through his union activities Bevin became involved in national politics; his brilliant advocacy at a commission of inquiry on dock conditions in 1920 led to greatly improved conditions for the dockers and national recognition for Bevin.
The noted historian A. J. P. Taylor has bracketed Bevin at this stage of his career with J. H. Thomas, the leader of the National Union of Railwaymen. They were both outstanding union leaders of a new type. Though aggressively working-class in character, they were no longer willing merely to resist. Nor would they put off improvement till the distant dawn of socialism. They bargained with the employers as equals, displaying equal or greater skill, and they never forgot that compromise was their ultimate aim, whether with a strike or preferably without.
Bevin's most important contribution to modern Britain was as creator and general secretary of the Transport and General Workers Union from 1921 to 1940. Forging a national force out of scattered, locally organized, occupationally divided workers was a major achievement; in time, the T&GWU became the largest union in Britain.
In the late 1930s Bevin opposed George Lansbury and other pacifists in the Labour party and argued in favor of rearmament. When he entered Parliament in 1940, Bevin became a key figure in the wartime coalition as minister of labor and national service (1940-1945). Without him the Churchill government could not have achieved the levels of wartime production necessary to continue the war.
After the war Bevin served as secretary of state for foreign affairs (1945-1951) and was lord privy seal for a brief period in 1951. In spite of his controversial handling of the Palestine situation, he is generally regarded as a great foreign secretary. Perhaps this accolade springs from surprise that Bevin, a Labour minister, did not depart radically from traditional British policies in foreign affairs. He died in 1951.
Further Reading
The best source for Bevin's career is the uncompleted biography by Alan Bullock, The Life and Times of Ernest Bevin (1960). The two volumes so far published not only deal comprehensively with Bevin but also set him in the context of changing British society. Bullock's work is a fundamental source of 20th-century British social history. There is a useful biography by Francis Williams, Ernest Bevin: Portrait of a Great Englishman (1952). See also Sir Trevor Evans, Bevin of Britain (1946). To get the feel of Bevin's almost brutal power of argument and his handling of Labour party audiences, one should look at the Report of the Annual Conference of the Labour Party in 1931. A man like Bevin, whose strength lay in negotiation, organization, and domination of audiences in the labor movement rather than in originality of ideas, is best studied through others' reactions to him rather than through his own speeches and writings.
Additional Sources
Bullock, Alan, Ernest Bevin, foreign secretary, 1945-1951, Oxford Oxfordshire; New York: Oxford University Press, 1985, 1983.
Stephens, Mark, Ernest Bevin, unskilled labourer and world statesman, 1881-1951, Stevenage, Herts: SPA Books, 1985.
Weiler, Peter, Ernest Bevin, Manchester, UK; New York: Manchester University Press; distributed exclusively in the USA and Canada by St. Martin's Press, 1993.
| Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: Ernest Bevin |
For more information on Ernest Bevin, visit Britannica.com.
| British History: Ernest Bevin |
Bevin, Ernest (1881-1951). Trade unionist and Labour politician. The illegitimate son of a village midwife, Bevin left school at 11. He became a full-time official of the Dockers' Union in 1911, and by 1920 was assistant general secretary. Bevin gained national attention in the immediate post-war years through his evidence to the Shaw Inquiry in 1920 on dock labour. He master-minded the amalgamation of eighteen unions into the Transport and General Workers' Union, of which he became the first general secretary in 1922. The failure of the General Strike of 1926 underlined his belief that unions should negotiate from strength.
The collapse of the Labour government of 1929-31 compelled Bevin further into the political arena and he played a major role during the 1930s in committing Labour to realistic policies on the economy and rearmament. A devastating speech at the 1935 party conference helped remove the pacifist George Lansbury from the leadership. By 1937 Bevin was chairman of the TUC and one of the most influential figures in the Labour movement.
When Labour joined Churchill's wartime coalition in May 1940, the prime minister made the surprise but inspired appointment of Bevin to the Ministry of Labour. At the age of 59 he entered Parliament. Probably no other figure could have secured the same level of co-operation from the work-force.
With the election of a majority Labour government in 1945 Bevin went to the Foreign Office. Here he laid the foundation stones of British foreign policy for the next 40 years. To the approval of the Conservative opposition, Bevin took a consistently strong line towards the Soviet Union. Under Bevin's influence the government went ahead with the construction of a British atomic bomb, and played a leading role in the creation of NATO in 1949.
Bevin had been in poor health since the 1930s. After the 1950 general election he was no longer capable of fulfilling his duties, and he died within a month of leaving office. He was a man of great intelligence, despite his lack of formal education.
| Columbia Encyclopedia: Ernest Bevin |
Bibliography
See biography by A. Bullock (3 vol., 1960-83).
| Mideast & N. Africa Encyclopedia: Ernest Bevin |
1881 - 1951
Foreign secretary of Great Britain (1945 - 1951).
Ernest Bevin was associated with the Bevin - Bidault agreement of December 1945, which provided for the evacuation of Britain's and France's troops from Syria and Lebanon. He was also responsible for the abortive Bevin - Sidqi agreement, signed between Britain and Egypt in October 1946, and the equally unsuccessful 1949 Bevin - Sforza Plan concerning Libya.
It was Bevin's involvement with the Palestine problem for which he is best known. When the affairs of the Palestine mandate came under the jurisdiction of the Foreign Office, Bevin took an active role in the formulation of British policy during the crucial years of the Arab - Jewish struggle for Palestine. In November 1945, Bevin announced the formation of the Anglo - American Committee of Inquiry on Palestine. Although he desired the United States to become involved in the resolution of the Palestine problem, he envisaged a dominant role for Britain in the Middle East.
Although Bevin pursued a policy that closely followed the aims of the British white paper of 1939 - which restricted the number of Jewish immigrants from Europe to Palestine - it became clear that Britain could not resolve the differences between the Zionists and the Palestinians. In April 1947, Bevin decided to pass the Palestine problem to the United Nations. When the United Nations recommended partitioning Palestine into Arab and Jewish states, he refused to allow the British mandate authorities to participate in the implementation of the agreement. Instead, he ordered them to dismantle their administration and withdraw British forces by May 1948.
Many Zionists suspected Bevin opposed the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine, but recent revisionist scholarship has shown that he tacitly cooperated in implementing the partition plan. According to new accounts based on declassified documents from Israel's archives, Bevin met secretly with Transjordan officials in London and privately sanctioned King Abdullah ibn Hussein's plans to seize the West Bank. This plan had been arranged by Abdullah and Golda Meir, a prominent Zionist leader.
Bibliography
Shimoni, Yaacov. Political Dictionary of the Arab World. New York: Macmillan, 1987.
Shlaim, Avi. The Politics of Partition: King Abdullah, the Zionists and Palestine, 1921 - 1951. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990.
— LAWRENCE TAL
| Quotes By: Ernest Bevin |
Quotes:
"Unintelligent people always look for a scapegoat."
"The most conservative man in the world is the British Trade Unionist when you want to change him."
| Wikipedia: Ernest Bevin |
| The Right Honourable Ernest Bevin |
|
 |
|
|
|
|
| In office 27 July 1945 – 9 March 1951 |
|
| Prime Minister | Clement Attlee |
|---|---|
| Preceded by | Anthony Eden |
| Succeeded by | Herbert Morrison |
|
|
|
| In office 13 May 1940 – 23 May 1945 |
|
| Prime Minister | Winston Churchill |
| Preceded by | Ernest Brown |
| Succeeded by | Rab Butler |
|
|
|
| In office 1 January 1922 – 27 July 1945 |
|
| Preceded by | Office Created |
| Succeeded by | Arthur Deakin |
|
|
|
| Born | 9 March 1881 Winsford, England |
| Died | April 14, 1951 (aged 70) London, England |
| Nationality | British |
| Political party | Labour |
Ernest Bevin (9 March 1881 – 14 April 1951) was a British Labour politician, best known for his time as Minister of Labour in the war-time coalition government, and as Foreign Secretary in the post-war Labour Government.
Contents |
Early life
Bevin was born in the small village of Winsford in Somerset, England to Diana Bevin who, since 1877, had described herself as a widow. His father is unknown. After his mother's death in 1889 the young Bevin lived with his half-sister's family, moving to Morchard Bishop in Devon. Compared to most politicians he had little formal education, briefly attending two village schools before gaining a place at Hayward's School, Crediton in 1890, leaving in 1892[1]. He later recalled being asked as a child to read the newspaper aloud for the benefit of adults in his family who were illiterate. At the age of eleven he went to work as a labourer, then as a truck driver in Bristol, where he joined the Bristol Socialist Society. In 1910 he became secretary of the Bristol branch of the Dockers' Union, and in 1914 he became a national organiser for the union.
Bevin was a physically huge man, strong and by the time of his political prominence very heavy. He spoke with a strong West Country accent, so much so that on one occasion listeners at Cabinet had difficulty in deciding whether he was talking about "Hugh and Nye (Gaitskell and Bevan)" or "you and I". He had developed his oratorical skills from his time as a Baptist laypreacher, which he had given up as a profession to become a full-time labour activist.
Bevin was married and had a daughter.
Transport and General Workers Union
In 1922 Bevin was one of the founding leaders of the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU), which soon became Britain's largest trade union. Upon his election as the union's general secretary, he became one of country's leading labour leaders, and their strongest advocate within the Labour Party. Politically, he was on the right-wing of the Labour Party, strongly opposed to communism and direct action - allegedly due to his anti-Semitic paranoia, seeing communism as a 'Jewish plot' against Britain.[2] He took part in the British General Strike in 1926, but without enthusiasm.
Bevin had no great faith in parliamentary politics, but had nevertheless been a member of the Labour Party from the time of its formation. He had poor relations with the first Labour Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald, and was not surprised when MacDonald defected and allied with the Conservatives during the economic crisis of 1931. Bevin was a pragmatic trade unionist who believed in getting material benefits for his members through direct negotiations, with strike action to be used as a last resort.
Foreign policy interests
During the 1930s, with the Labour Party split and weakened, Bevin co-operated with the Conservative-dominated government on practical issues. But during this period he became increasingly involved in foreign policy. He was a firm opponent of fascism and of British appeasement of the fascist powers. In 1935, arguing that Italy should be punished by sanctions for her recent invasion of Abyssinia, he made a blistering attack on the pacifists in the Labour Party, accusing the Labour leader George Lansbury at the Party Conference of "hawking his conscience around" asking to be told what to do with it.
Lansbury resigned and was replaced as leader by his deputy Clement Attlee, who along with Lansbury and Stafford Cripps had been one of only three Labour Cabinet Ministers to be re-elected at the General Election in 1931. After the November 1935 General Election Herbert Morrison, newly returned to Parliament, challenged Attlee for the leadership but was defeated. In later years Bevin gave Attlee (whom he privately referred to as "little Clem") staunch support, especially in 1947 when Herbert Morrison and Stafford Cripps led further intrigue against Attlee.
Ministerial office
In 1940 Winston Churchill formed an all-party coalition government to defend the country in the crisis of World War II. As part of this he appointed Bevin to the position of Minister for Labour and National Service. He was determined to make his mark in office and quipped "They say Gladstone was at the Treasury from 1860 until 1930. I'm going to be at the Ministry of Labour from 1940 until 1990." In this post he became the director of Britain's wartime domestic economy.
The Emergency Powers (Defence) Act gave him complete control over the labour force and the allocation of manpower. During this period Bevin was responsible for diverting nearly 48,000 military conscripts to work in the coal industry. These workers became known as the Bevin Boys. Shortly after his appointment Bevin was elected unopposed to the House of Commons for the London constituency of Wandsworth Central. Bevin remained Minister of Labour until 1945 when Labour left the Coalition government. On V-E Day he stood next to Churchill looking down on the crowd on Whitehall.
Foreign Secretary
After the 1945 general election, Attlee had it in mind to appoint Bevin as Chancellor and Hugh Dalton as Foreign Secretary, but ultimately changed his mind and swapped them round. Some claim that he was persuaded by King George VI to do so; but others note that whoever was Chancellor would have to work with Herbert Morrison, with whom Bevin did not get on. Indeed, it was once noted that Bevin, on overhearing a (supposed) private conversation in which somebody commented "the trouble with Herbert [Morrison] is that he is his own worst enemy", immediately responded with a booming "Not while I'm alive he ain't!" (Some sources say this was about Nye Bevan, who he also disliked)
One anecdote from the period after Labour's 1945 landslide election victory was that, late on a Friday afternoon, he was left a number of red ministerial boxes, with a note inviting him to take the boxes home to read over the weekend if he so desired. On the following Monday morning the civil servants found the boxes as they had left them on the previous Friday with the note amended with the words "a kind thought, but sadly mistaken". At that time most diplomats were recruited from public schools, and it was said of Bevin - as a compliment to the respect which he had earned - that it was hard to imagine him filling any other job in the Foreign Office except perhaps that of an old and truculent lift attendant.
Bevin became Foreign Secretary at a time when Britain was almost bankrupt as a result of the war and yet was still maintaining a huge air force and conscript army, in an attempt to remain a global power. The effort of paying for all this - and for the US loans - required austerity at home in order to maximise export earnings, while Britain's colonies and other client states were required to keep their reserves in pounds as "sterling balances". Britain was still closely allied to France - with whom the Dunkirk Treaty was signed in 1950 - and both countries continued to be treated as major partners at international summits alongside the USA and USSR until Paris in 1960. Broadly speaking, all this remained Britain's foreign policy until the late 1950s, when the humiliation of the 1956 Suez Crisis and the economic revival of continental Europe, now united as the "Common Market", caused a reappraisal.
Bevin was unsentimental about the British Empire in places where the growth of nationalism had made direct rule no longer practical, and was part of the Cabinet which approved a speedy British withdrawal from India in 1947, and from other territories. Yet at this stage Britain still maintained a network of client states in the Middle East (Egypt until the early 1950s, Iraq and Jordan until the late 1950s), major bases in such places as Cyprus and Suez (until 1954) and expected to remain in control of chunks of Africa for many more decades, Bevin approving the construction of a huge new base in East Africa.
Bevin, a determined anti-Communist, was a strong supporter of the United States in the early years of the Cold War and a leading advocate for British involvement in the Korean War. Two of the key institutions of the post-war world, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the Marshall Plan for aid to post-war Europe, were in considerable part the result of Bevin's efforts during these years. This policy, little different from that of the Conservatives ("Hasn't Anthony Eden grown fat?" as wags had it), was a source of frustration to some backbench Labour MPs, who early in the 1945 Parliament formed a "Keep Left" group to push for a more Left-Wing foreign policy.
In 1945, Bevin advocated the creation of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, saying in the House of Commons that "There should be a study of a house directly elected by the people of the world to whom the nations are accountable." He also made a crucial intervention in the cabinet committee GEN 75, insisting that the United Kingdom should commit to developing an atomic bomb whatever the cost, because of the effect on Britain's international standing; Bevin's support was said to have swung the meeting.[3]
Bevin was said to have defined his foreign policy as "to be able to take a ticket at Victoria station and go anywhere I damn well please!"[4]
Bevin, Palestine and Israel
 |
This article contains weasel words, vague phrasing that often accompanies biased or unverifiable information. Such statements should be clarified or removed. (January 2008) |
As Foreign Secretary, Bevin failed to secure British objectives in the British Mandated Territory of Palestine. Personally, Bevin was opposed to the plans of the Zionist movement to create a Jewish state, and supported the creation of a unitary and exclusively Arab-ruled state in western Palestine. Bevin negotiated "the Portsmouth Treaty" with Iraq (signed on January 15, 1948), which was accompanied by British undertaking to withdraw from Palestine in such a fashion as to provide for swift Arab occupation of all its territory. According to then-Iraqi foreign minister Muhammad Fadhel al-Jamali,
" It was agreed that Iraq would buy for the Iraqi police force 50,000 tommy-guns. We intended to hand them over to the Palestine army volunteers for self-defence. Great British was ready to provide the Iraqi army with arms and ammunition as set forth in a list prepared by the Iraqi General Staff. The British undertook to withdraw from Palestine gradually, so that Arab forces could enter every area evacuated by the British in order that the whole of Palestine should be in Arab bands after the British withdrawal. The meeting ended and we were all optimistic about the future of Palestine."[1]
Regarding Bevin's handling of the Middle East situation, at least one commentator, David Leitch, has suggested that Bevin lacked diplomatic finesse.[5] Leitch argues that Bevin tended to make a bad situation worse by making ill-chosen abrasive remarks. He also argues that Zionists were angered by Bevin's obstinate adherence to policies that limited Jewish immigration into Palestine. Bevin was infuriated by the refusal of the USA to open its doors to more Jewish displaced persons.[citation needed]
Bevin was also infuriated by attacks on British troops by militant Zionist groups, particularly those made by Menachem Begin's Irgun and Avraham Stern's Lehi. However, Britain's economic weakness, and its dependence on the financial support of the United States (Britain had received a large American loan in 1946, and mid-1947 was to see the launching of the Marshall Plan), left him little alternative but to yield to American pressure and allow the United Nations to determine Palestine's future, a decision formalised by the Attlee government's public declaration in February 1947 that Britain's Mandate in Palestine had become "unworkable." On Britain's withdrawal, Arab states immediately intervened, leading to the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. The army of Jordan, a British client state since the 1920s, was commanded by a British General, Sir John Glubb. This war ended in an Israeli victory, and the displacement of thousands of Arab civilians - the very opposite of what Bevin seems to have wanted.
Bevin was undeniably a plain-spoken man, some of whose remarks struck many as insensitive, but his biographer Alan Bullock rejects suggestions that he was motivated by personal anti-Semitism. The historian Howard Sachar cites a source which suggests otherwise. Sachar quotes a remark by an American, Richard Grossman, who met Bevin on August 4 1947. Sachar claims that Grossman described Bevin's outlook as:
'corresponding roughly with the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a notorious anti-Semitic canard of the 1920s[6]. The main points of Bevin's discourse were ... that the Jews had successfully organised a worldwide conspiracy against Britain and against him personally.'[7]
One of Bevin's last comments on the topic was: "The majority proposal is so manifestly unjust to the Arabs that it is difficult to see how we could reconcile it with our conscience."[8]
Later life
His health failing, Bevin reluctantly allowed himself to be moved to become Lord Privy Seal in March 1951. 'I am neither a Lord, nor a Privy, nor a Seal', he is said to have commented.[9] He died the following month, still holding the key to his red box. He was buried in Westminster Abbey.
When on Stafford Cripps death in 1952 Atlee, by then former Prime Minister, was invited to broadcast a tribute by the BBC he was looked after by announcer Frank Phillips. After the broadcast Phillips took him to the hospitality room for a drink and in order to make conversation said:
‘I suppose you will miss Sir Stafford, sir’.
Atlee fixed him with his eye: ’Did you know Ernie Bevin?'
‘I have met him sir’
‘There’s the man I miss’.
A statue commemorating Bevin stands opposite Devon Mansions and the former St Olave's Grammar School in Tooley Street, South London.
Legacy
Bevin in office showed the same pragmatic stubbornness that had characterised his years as a trade union leader, and as one of the integral organisers of the Labour Party. Like Churchill, he was an old fashioned English (as opposed to British) patriot, which was why the two leaders worked well together. But he was also an internationalist, a supporter of the American alliance and of European unity. He saw clearly that Britain's days of imperial greatness were over, something he did not regret for, in his view, the working class had never benefited from the Empire.
For his critics, his most lasting legacy remains the failure of his Palestine policy.
See also
 |
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Ernest Bevin |
References
- ^ 'From the hedgerows of Devon to the Foreign Office' - Roger Steer. Devon Life Magazine, July 2002.
- ^ Peter Weiler, Ernest Bevin (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), 170-171
- ^ Peter Hennessy, "Cabinets and the Bomb", The British Academy/Oxford University Press, 2007, p. 48.
- ^ See Spectator, 20 April 1951.
- ^ Leitch, David (1963), "Explosion at the King David Hotel", in Sissons, Michael; French, Philip, Age of Austerity 1945-51, Harmondsworth: Penguin, p. 81
- ^ Note. This slip, uncorrected by an historian of Sachar's stature, is odd. The Protocols date back to 1903. The text may allude to the diffusion in the 1920s of the English translation by Victor Marsden in 1920.
- ^ Howard Sachar (1996): A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time, 2nd Ed. Knopf. p.296. Richard Crossman, who had worked with Bevin, expressed a similar opinion in 1960: "he [Bevin] had become convinced that the Jews were organising a world conspiracy against poor old Britain and, in particular, against poor old Ernie." Crossman, R.H.S., A Nation Reborn, London, Hamish Hamilton, 1960, p.69
- ^ British Cabinet Minutes CP47/259 18Sep47 p4
- ^ Francis Beckett, Clem Attlee (London: Richard Cohen Books, 1997), p. 285
Further reading
- Alan Bullock's magisterial three-volume biography Life and Times of Ernest Bevin was re-published in a single-volume abridged version by Politicos Publising in 2002.
- Denis MacShane contributed an essay on Bevin to the Dictionary of Labour Biography, Greg Rosen (ed), Politicos Publishing, 2001.
External links
- Chanter, Alan; Peter Chen (2007). "WW2DB: Ernest Bevin". http://ww2db.com/person_bio.php?person_id=420. Retrieved 2007-11-04.
- Peter Day. Jewish terrorists plotted to assassinate Ernest Bevin in 1946, The Sunday Times, March 5, 2006.
- British Security Service files on Jewish terrorist activities, The National Archives, released through Freedom of information legislation in March 2006.
- From the hedgerows of Devon to the Foreign Office - Roger Steer.
| Parliament of the United Kingdom | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by Harry Nathan |
Member of Parliament for Wandsworth Central 1940–1950 |
Constituency abolished |
| Preceded by George Hicks |
Member of Parliament for Woolwich East 1950–1951 |
Succeeded by Christopher Mayhew |
| Political offices | ||
| New title | General Secretary of the Transport and General Workers Union 1922–1945 |
Succeeded by Arthur Deakin |
| Preceded by A. A. H. Findlay |
President of the Trades Union Congress 1937 |
Succeeded by H. H. Elvin |
| Preceded by Ernest Brown |
Minister of Labour and National Service 1940–1945 |
Succeeded by Rab Butler |
| Preceded by Anthony Eden |
Foreign Secretary 1945–1951 |
Succeeded by Herbert Stanley Morrison |
| Preceded by The Viscount Addison |
Lord Privy Seal 1951 |
Succeeded by Richard Stokes |
|
||||||||||
This entry is from Wikipedia, the leading user-contributed encyclopedia. It may not have been reviewed by professional editors (see full disclaimer)
 | Abdullah I Ibn Hussein |
| Bevin–sforza Plan |
| Meir, Golda |
 | Who is Ernest Rutherford? Read answer... |
| Who is ernest green? Read answer... |
| What is Ernest Shackleton? Read answer... |
 | Bevin - Sforza Plan about Somaliland? |
| How do you get from Nantes airport to St Bevin l Ocean FRANCE by bus? |
| How many Bevin Boys died in the mines? |
Copyrights:
 |
 | Political Biography. A Dictionary of Political Biography. Copyright © 1998, 2003 by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. Read more |
 |
| Biography. © 2006 through a partnership of Answers Corporation. All rights reserved. Read more |
 |
| Britannica Concise Encyclopedia. Britannica Concise Encyclopedia. © 2006 Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. All rights reserved. Read more |
|
| British History. A Dictionary of British History. Copyright © 2001, 2004 by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. Read more |
 |
| Columbia Encyclopedia. The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition Copyright © 2003, Columbia University Press. Licensed from Columbia University Press. All rights reserved. www.cc.columbia.edu/cu/cup/. Read more |
|
| Mideast & N. Africa Encyclopedia. Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East and North Africa. Copyright © 2004 by The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved. Read more |
 |
| Quotes By. Copyright © 2008 QuotationsBook.com. All rights reserved. Read more |
 |
| Wikipedia. This article is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution/Share-Alike License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "Ernest Bevin". Read more |
- What was Ernest Bevin position during Marshall plan?
- Who is dakota bevins?
- History of the Bevin boys in World War 2?
- Who is Ernest Shackleton?
- What was Ernest Bevin's job?
- Living condisons of the bevin boys?
- What do bevin bos have to eat for lunch?
- How much money did a bevin boy get?
Mentioned in
- Great Britain Foreign Office
- Georges Augustin Bidault (French politician)
- Edward Hugh John Neale Dalton (British politician)
- Anglo - American Committee of Inquiry (1946)
- Herbert Morrison (British politician)
- Bec School
- Labour party (organization, United Kingdom – in politics)
- Bill Morris, Sir
- Sir Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill
- Hillcroft School
