Harry Elmer Barnes

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Harry Elmer Barnes (June 15, 1889 – August 25, 1968) was a prominent American historian in the 20th century. Associated for virtually his entire career with Columbia University, Barnes at one time was held in high academic esteem but later lost his credibility with legitimate historians by entering into the practice of historical revisionism, and specifically Holocaust denial.

Early career

Front cover of Harry Elmer Barnes, Learned Crusader, by Arthur Goddard (ed.)

In 1925 He edited A Manual of Universal History, a revision of William H. Tillinghast's A Handbook of Universal History. This work's organizational structure was the outline used in William L. Langer's An Encyclopedia of World History.

During World War I, Barnes had been a strong supporter of the war effort with the anti-German propaganda he had written being rejected by the National Board for Historical Service describing Barnes's writing as "too violent to be acceptable".^[1] After the war, Barnes views towards Germany underwent a volte-face with Barnes becoming as Germanophile as he previously had been Germanophobic.^[2] In the 1920s, Barnes was noted as a vehement advocate that Germany had borne no responsibility for the outbreak of war in 1914, and had instead been the victim of Allied aggression.^[2]

Barnes's research on the origins of World War I in the 1920s was generously funded by the German Foreign Ministry, which wished to prove that Germany had not started World War I as a way of undermining the Treaty of Versailles.^[3] In his articles on the causes of World War I in The Nation, Current History, Christian Century and above all in his 1927 book The Genesis of the World War Barnes portrayed France and Russia as the aggressors of the July Crisis of 1914, and Germany and Austria-Hungary as the victims of a Franco-Russian plot.^[3] After 1924, Barnes had a close relationship with the former völkisch activist Major Alfred von Wegerer's Centre for the Study of the Causes of the War, a pseudo-historical think-tank based in Berlin secretly funded by the German government, whose sole purpose was to prove Germany was the victim of aggression in 1914, and hence the alleged moral invalidity of the Versailles treaty.^[4] The Centre provided Barnes with research material, made funds available to him, translated his writings into other languages, and funded his trip to Germany in 1926.^[3] During Barnes's 1926 trip to Germany he received a most friendly welcome for his efforts as Barnes described it in "seeking to clear Germany of the dishonour and fraud of the war-guilt clause of the Treaty of Versailles".^[5] During his European trip, Barnes met with the former Emperor, Wilhelm II at his estate in the Netherlands who told Barnes that he "was happy to know that I did not blame him for starting the war in 1914", but that "He disagreed with my view that Russia and France were chiefly responsible. He held that the villains of 1914 were the international Jews and Free Masons, who, he alleged, desired to destroy national states and the Christian religion".^[5] Wilhelm's anti-Semitic remarks to Barnes about World War I as a result of a alleged Jewish conspiracy were to have a major influence on Barnes's understanding of international relations. To assist Barnes with his writings against the so-called Kriegschuldlüge ("war guilt lie"), the Germans put Barnes into contact with a disreputable former Serbian diplomat living in Berlin named Milos Boghitschewitsch, who in exchange for German gold provided false testimony about the actions of the Serbian government in 1914.^[6] The German government so liked Barnes's writings on the causes of World War I that it provided free copies of his articles to hand out at German embassies around the world.^[3] Through most German historians in the 1920s regarded Barnes merely as a propagandist whose work was mainly meant to appeal to a mass as opposed to an academic audience, the right-wing German historian Hans Herzfeld called Barnes's work "a document in the struggle for the war guilt thesis whose noble spirit cannot be appreciated enough".^[3] The German-Canadian historian Holger Herwig has commented that Barnes's work on the origins of World War I together with others of a similar bend did immense scholarly damage as generations of university students accepted Barnes' "apologias" for Germany as the truth.^[3]

Barnes's very public attacks on the idea of World War I as a just war, and his thesis that the United States should not have fought in the war won him the admiration and friendship in the 1920s of many people in the United States such Oswald Garrison Villard, the Socialist leader Norman Thomas, the critic H. L. Mencken, and the historian Charles Beard.^[1] Long regarded as a leader of the progressive intelligentsia, Barnes joined many of its intellectual leaders such as Charles Beard in opposing from the left the New Deal and, at the price of their reputations, American entry into World War II. In the years following the war, he argued that Adolf Hitler did not want to go to war with the United States and that President Roosevelt had deliberately provoked the attack on Pearl Harbor. He also contested many aspects of the Holocaust, claiming death figures were far lower,^[7] arguing that all sides were guilty of equally awful atrocities.

Nazi sympathizer

In the late 1930s, Barnes emerged as a leading isolationist and German apologist who defended German foreign policy as a legitimate effort to overthrow the Treaty of Versailles, which Barnes regarded as monstrously unfair to Germany.^[8] After World War II, Barnes continued to expound his pre-war views of European diplomacy. In 1939, Barnes published an article that claimed that the British diplomat Robert Vansittart with scheming to commit aggression against Germany in the late 1930s.^[9] As a result, Vansittart sued Barnes for libel.^[9] In a letter to his friend Oswald Villard, Barnes called Vansittart's libel suit a "plot of the Jews and the Anti-Defamation League to intimidate any American historians who propose to tell the truth about the causes of the war".^[9] Barnes called Louis Nizer, Vansittart's lawyer an "Anti-Defamation League stooge" who Barnes alleged had "needled Vansittart into action".^[10] Barnes wrote:

If I could raise money enough for a real defense we could make this an international cause celebre, but I cannot fight the thirty million dollars now in the coffers of the Anti-Defamation League to be used for character assassination on empty pockets. If we let them get away with this, we are licked from the start.^[11]

The American historian Deborah Lipstadt has pointed out that the Anti-Defamation League had nothing to do with Vansittart or his libel suit against Barnes, and has argued that Barnes's claims otherwise were a sign of his anti-Semitism.^[11] In 1940, the New York World-Telegram newspaper dropped Barnes's weekly column, which led Barnes to claim that this was a result of a conspiracy involving MI6, the House of Morgan, and all of the Jewish department store owners in New York City, whom Barnes had alleged threatened the publisher of the New York World-Telegram with the "loss of all advertising if he kept me on any longer".^[11]

In a 1947 pamphlet, The Struggle Against The Historical Blackout, Barnes claimed a massive "blackout" had been committed with regard to the history of the outbreak of war in 1939 with "court historians" alleged to have suppressed that Hitler was the most "reasonable" leader in the world in 1939, and that France's Premier Édouard Daladier wanted to commit aggression against Germany aided and abetted by a scheming and dishonest British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and the U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt.^[12] In the same pamphlet, Barnes claimed that as part of the alleged smear campaign that had been committed against Germany, Allied governments had falsely charged Germany with responsibility for crimes that she did not commit.^[13] In a letter to his friend Oswald Villard in 1948, Barnes stated that it was Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt "backed by certain pressure groups" who caused the outbreak of war in 1939.^[14] Later in 1948, Barnes wrote up a statement that announced France was repeatedly committed aggression against Germany, and that "Offhand I cannot recall a really unprovoked German invasion of France in modern times".^[14] Barnes's statement contained a list of every French invasion of Germany starting in 1552 and ended with: "1918 French invade Germany with American aid. 1944–45 French again ride into Germany on the backs of the Americans".^[14] Deborah Lipstadt has commented that in the last two cases, Barnes appeared unaware that Germany started both world wars.^[14] In a letter to his friend Charles Tansill in 1950, Barnes described German foreign policy in 1939 as the "most reasonable of them all".^[8] Barnes wrote it was Britain that "almost solely responsible for the outbreak of war on both the Eastern and Western fronts".^[13] In Barnes's view, Germany did not "precipitously launch" an invasion of Poland in 1939, but was instead "forced" into war by British "acts of economic strangulation".^[12]

Holocaust denial

In 1955, Barnes first met David Hoggan, and played a key role in helping Hoggan turn his 1948 PhD dissertation The Breakdown of German-Polish Relations in 1939: The Conflict Between the German New Order and the Polish Idea of Central Eastern Europe into his 1961 book, Der erzwungene Kreig (The Forced War), in which Hoggan blamed Britain and Poland for World War II.^[15] In his 1962 pamphlet, Revisionism and Brainwashing, Barnes claimed that there a "lack of any serious opposition or concerted challenge to the atrocity stories and other modes of defamation of German national character and conduct".^[16] Barnes went to write that in his view there was "a failure to point out the atrocities of the Allies were more brutal, painful, mortal and numerous than the most extreme allegations made against the Germans".^[17] Starting at this time, Barnes started to cite the French Holocaust denier Paul Rassinier, whom Barnes called a "distinguished French historian" whom Barnes claimed had exposed the "exaggerations of the atrocity stories".^[17] In an article entitled "Zionist Fraud" published in The American Mercury, Barnes wrote that:

The courageous author [Rassinier] lays the chief blame for misrepresentation on those whom we must call the swindlers of the crematoria, the Israeli politicians who derive billions of marks from nonexistent, mythical and imaginary cadavers, whose numbers have been reckoned in an unusually distorted and dishonest manner.^[18]

Using Rassinier as a his source, Barnes claimed that Germany was the victim of aggression in both 1914 and 1939, and the Holocaust was just propaganda to justify a war of aggression against Germany.^[17] Barnes took the view that World War II had ended in disaster for the West with Germany divided and the United States locked into the Cold War, made the all worse in Barnes's eyes, as his view Germany never wanted war.^[19] Barnes claimed that in order to justify the "horrors and evils of the Second World War", required that the Allies make the Nazis the "scapegoat" for their own misdeeds.^[19] Barnes claimed there were two false claims made about World War II, namely that Germany started the war in 1939, and the Holocaust, which Barnes denied.^[19] In Barnes's opinion: "Hitler setting off the war was also deemed responsible for the wholesale extermination of the Jews, for it was admitted that this did not begin until a considerable time after war broke out."^[19] Barnes went to claim: "The size of the German reparations to Israel has been based on the theory that vast numbers of Jews were exterminated at the express order of Hitler, some six million being the most usually accepted number."^[19] In his article, "Revisionism: A Key to Peace", Barnes wrote:

"Even if one were to accept the most extreme and exaggerated indictment of Hitler and the National Socialists for their activities after 1939 made by anybody fit to remain outside a mental hospital, it is most alarmingly easy to demontrate that the atrocities of the Allies in the same period were more numerous as to victims and were carried out for the most part by methods more brutal and painful that alleged extermination in gas ovens. [Emphaisis in the original.]^[20]

In 1967 pamphlet, "The Public Stake in Revisionism", Barnes claimed that the alleged historical "blackout" with regards to World War II had now become a "smotherout" as a result of the trial of Adolf Eichmann.^[21] Writing about the Eichmann trial of 1961, Barnes claimed that the trial showed "an almost adolescent gullibility and excitability on the part of Americans relative to German wartime crimes, real or alleged."^[20] Barnes claimed that the charges against Eichmann rested on "fundamental but unproved assumptions that what Hitler and the National Socialists did in the years after Britain and the United States entered the war revealed that were ... vile, debased, brutal and bloodthirsty gangsters" [Emphasis in the original.]^[20] Barnes accused the American media of publishing "sensational articles" about "exaggerated National Socialist savagery".^[20] Barnes described the expulsion of Germans from Eastern Europe as the "final solution" for the German people, and writing of the expulsion of the ethnic Germans from the Sudetenland region of Czechoslovakia in 1945–46 claimed that "at least four million of them perished in the process from butchery, starvation and disease".^[20] Barnes wrote in his view that the Anglo-American bombing offensive together with the expulsions of the ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe were far worse then anything the Nazis were alleged to have done.^[20] In "The Public Stake in Revisionisim", Barnes wrote that "The number of civilians exterminated by the Allies, before, during, and after the Second World War, equaled, if it did not far exceed those liquidated by the Germans and the Allied liquidation program was often carried out by methods which were far more brutal and painful that whatever extermination actually took place in German gas ovens".^[22] Barnes claimed that certain unnamed historians were guilty of ensuring that Allied war crimes were never "cogently and frankly placed over against the doings, real or alleged, at Auschwitz".^[23] Barnes admitted to the existence of concentration camps in Nazi Germany, but denied there were ever death camps.^[23] Barnes charged that when "court historians" were forced by "revisionists" to admit there were no death camps that the evidence for gas chambers at the death camps was manufactured.^[23] Barnes claimed that:

What is deemed important today is not whether Hitler started war in 1939 or whether Roosevelt was responsible for Pearl Harbour, but the number of prisoners were were allegedly done to death in the concentration camps operated by Germany during the war. These camps were first presented as those in Germany, such as Dachau, Belsen, Buchenwald, Sachsenhausen, and Dora, but it was demonstrated that there had been no systematic extermination in those camps. Attention was then moved on to Auschwitz, Treblinka, Belzec, Chelmno, Jonoska, Tarnow, Ravensbrück, Mauthausen, Breznia and Birkenau, which does not exhaust the list that appears to have been extended as needed. [Deborah Lipstadt notes here that Barnes was so clueless about the Holocaust that he did not know that Birkenau and Breznia were the same camp; Breznia being merely the Polish name for Birkenau.]^[23]

Barnes claimed that "court historians" to keep the public from getting "bored", manufactured stories about German crimes against hummanity that were "made more unceasing, exaggerated and inflammatory".^[24] In response to Barnes's claims, in 1962 Martin Broszat wrote a letter arguing for the differences between concentration and death camps.^[24] In his letter to the Die Zeit newspaper, Broszat wrote that he wanted to "hammer home, once more, the persistently ignored or denied difference between concentration and extermination camps".^[25] In his letter, Broszat claimed this was not an "admission" that there was no Holocaust, but rather an attempt to "set the record straight" about the differences between concentration and death camps.^[25] Broszat noted the differences between concentration camps, which were places where the inmates were consistently mistreated, but were not the subject of annihilation, and death camps, which existed solely for the purpose of exterminating their inmates. Broszat denied there was a functioning gas chamber at the Dachau concentration camp (though he noted that one was built shortly before the end of the war as part of the effort to convert Dachau into a death camp, but was never used). Broszat commented that though there were many concentration camps in Germany, all of the German death camps for the genocide of the European Jews were located in Nazi-occupied Poland.^[25] Broszat argued that this confusion between in the public's mind between concentration and death camps, and the tendency to erroneously describe Dachau as a death camp was aiding the early Holocaust deniers like Paul Rassinier, David Hoggan, and Barnes who were making much of the fact that there was no functioning gas chamber at Dachau.^[25] In the same way, Barnes denied that the Einsatzgruppen murdered millions of Jews in the occupied Soviet Union, and instead claimed that the Einsatzgruppen were merely "battling guerilla warfare behind the lines".^[26]

Barnes often attacked West Germany for apologizing to the Jews for the Holocaust.^[24] Barnes wrote that the West German government should challenge the "unfair" verdict and "false dogmas" of World War II, which he claimed prevented "the restoration of Germany to its proper position of unity, power and respect among the nations of the world".^[24] Barnes drew unfavorable contrasts between the Weimar Republic, which had in the 1920s vigorously fought the so-called Kriegschuldlüge ("war guilt lie") that Germany started the First World War in 1914 with the "masochistic" behavior of the government of Konrad Adenauer in the 1950s.^[24] Barnes accused Adenauer of having "brainwashed" and "indoctrinated" the German people into believing an "indictment of German responsibility for the war".^[24] Barnes went on to accuse Adenauer of "opposing the discovery and publication of the truth".^[24] Barnes professed to be "deeply puzzled" that the West German government was willing to accept responsibility for the Holocaust and its "downright disinclination to seek to refute the most outrageous charges of cruelty and barbarism leveled against Germany by conscienceless atrocity mongers and the continuation to this very day of not-so-little Nuremberg trials".^[24] In 1962, Barnes attacked the West German president Heinrich Lübke for asking for a speech in Israel for forgiveness for the German people for the Holocaust.^[27] Barnes called the speech "almost incredible grovelling" and "subserviency" to the Jews.^[27] Barnes often claimed that Jews had promoted the view, which he considered false ,that Jews had been the victims of anti-Semitism throughout the ages.^[28] Barnes claimed that those questioned this view were unjustly labeled anti-Semitic.^[29] According to Barnes, those behind the "smotherout" about Nazi Germany believed that "it was far worse to exterminate Jews, even at the ratio of two Gentiles to one Jew, than to liquidate Gentiles".^[29]

Authors such as Deborah Lipstadt have argued that Barnes was a key figure in pioneering modern conspiracy theory and Holocaust denial, and have noted Barnes's close association with David L. Hoggan and his praise for Hoggan's 1961 book Der Erzwungene Krieg as the definitive account of how World War II started.^[30]

Work

• A History of the Penal, Reformatory and Correctional Institutions of the State of New Jersey, MacCrellish, 1918.
• History, Its Rise and Development: A Survey of the Progress of Historical Writing From its Origins to the Present Day, Encyclopedia Americana Corp., 1919, first published in 1919 edition of Encyclopedia Americana; The Social History of the Western World, Appleton, 1921
• The Social History of the Western World, an Outline Syllabus, New York, D. Appleton, 1921.
• Sociology and Political Theory, a consideration of the sociological basis of politics, New York, Knopf, 1925, 1924.
• Co-written with Karl Worth Bigelow, and Jean Brunhes The History and Prospects of the Social Sciences, New York, A. A. Knopf, 1925
• Psychology and History, Century, 1925.
• The New History and the Social Studies, New York, The Century co., 1925
• Ploetz's Epitome of History, New York: Blue Ribbon, 1925
• The Repression of Crime; Studies in Historical Penology, Montclair, N.J., P. Smith, 1969, 1926
• History and Social Intelligence, New York: A. A. Knopf, 1926.
• The Evolution of Penology in Pennsylvania; a study in American social history, Montclair, N.J., Patterson Smith, 1968, 1927.
• Co-written with Melvin M. Knight & Felix Fluegel Economic History of Europe, Boston, New York : Houghton Mifflin, 1928.
• Living in the Twentieth Century; a Consideration of How We Go This Way, Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill 1928
• In Quest of Truth and Justice; Debunking the War Guilt Myth, Chicago, National Historical Society, 1928.
• The Genesis of the World War; an Introduction to the Problem of War Guilt, New York, Knopf, 1929.
• (With Elisabeth A. Dexter and Mabel Walker) The Making of a Nation, Knopf, 1929.
• World Politics in Modern Civilization: The Contributions of Nationalism, Capitalism, Imperialism and Militarism to Human Culture and International Anarchy, Knopf, 1930.
• The Story of Punishment: A Record of Man's Inhumanity to Man, Stratford, C., c. 1930, 2nd edition, 1972.
• Battling the Crime Wave: Applying Sense and Science to the Repression of Crime, Boston, Mass. : Stratford, 1931.
• Can Man Be Civilized?, New York, Brentano's 1932.
• Prohibition Versus Civilization: Analyzing the Dry Psychosis, Viking, 1932.
• Money Changers vs. the New Deal; a Candid Analysis of the Inflation Controversy, New York, R. Long & R. R. Smith, 1934.
• The History of Western Civilization, New York: Harcourt, Brace and company 1935
• Famous New Deals of History, W.H. Wise & Co., New York, NY 1935.
• An Economic History of the Western World, New York, Harcourt, Brace, 1937
• Co-written with Bernard Myers, Walter B. Scott, Edward Hubler & Martin Bernstein An Intellectual and Cultural History of the Western World, New York: Random House, 1937, 1941, 1965.
• A History of Historical Writing, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1938 revised edition New York : Dover Publications, 1963.
• (With Howard Beck and others) Social Thought From Lore to Science, two volumes, Heath, c.1938, 3rd edition published in three volumes, Dover, 1961.
• Social Institutions In an Era of World Upheaval, New York, Prentice-Hall, , 1942.
• Co-written with Negley K. Teeters New Horizons in Criminology; the American Crime Problem, New Tork, Prentice-Hall Inc, 1943; revised edition Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall, 1961, 1959
• Pennsylvania Penology: 1944, Pennsylvania Municipal Publications Service, 1944.
• A Survey of Western Civilization, Crowell, 1947.
• Historical Sociology: Its Origins and Development; Theories of Social Evolution From Cave Life to Atomic bombing, New York : Philosophical Library, 1948
• Co-Edited with Howard Becker & Frances Bennett Becker Contemporary Social Theory, New York: Russell & Russell, 1971, 1948.
• An Introduction to the History of Sociology, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948.
• Co-written with Oreen M. Ruedi The American Way of Life; an Introduction to the Study of Contemporary Society, New York, Prentice-Hall, 1950.
• The Struggle Against the Historical Blackout, 1949, 9th edition, 1952. Author of booklets in his field.
• Society in Transition, New York, Greenwood Press, 1968
• Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace: A Critical Examination of the Foreign Policy of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and its Aftermath, New York: Greenwood Press, 1969, 1953. Available online.
• Blasting the Historical Blackout in Britain: Professor A. J. P. Taylor's "The Origins of the Second World War"; its Nature, Reliability, Shortcomings and Implications, 1963.
• (With Nathan F. Leopold, Jr. and others) The Future of Imprisonment in a Free Society, St. Leonard's House, 1965.
• Pearl Harbor after a Quarter of a Century, New York : Arno Press, 1972 ISBN 0-405-00413-3.
• Selected Revisionist Pamphlets, New York : Arno Press, 1972
• The Chickens of the Interventionist Liberals Have Come Home To Roost; the Bitter Fruits Of Globaloney, New York, Revisionist Press, 1973 ISBN 0-87700-194-4.

Reference

• Herwig, Holger "Clio Deceived Patriotic Self-Censorship in Germany after the Great War" pages 5–44 from International Security, Volume 12, Issue 2, Fall 1987.
• Goddard, Arthur (ed.) Harry Elmer Barnes, Learned Crusader: The New History In Action New York: Ralph Myles Publishing, 1968.

References

1. ^ ^{a b} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 67.
2. ^ ^{a b} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 67.
3. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Herwig, Holger "Clio Deceived" pages 5-44 from International Security, Volume 12, Issue 2, Fall 1987 page 26.
4. ^ Herwig, Holger "Clio Deceived" pages 5-44 from International Security, Volume 12, Issue 2, Fall 1987 pages 22-23 & 26.
5. ^ ^{a b} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 68.
6. ^ Herwig, Holger “Clio Deceived” pages 5-44 from International Security, Volume 12, Issue 2, Fall 1987 pages 23 & 26.
7. ^ "Zionist Fraud" by Harry Elmer Barnes.
8. ^ ^{a b} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 68.
9. ^ ^{a b c} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 80.
10. ^ Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 pages 80-81.
11. ^ ^{a b c} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 81.
12. ^ ^{a b} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 pages 68-69.
13. ^ ^{a b} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 69.
14. ^ ^{a b c d} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 70.
15. ^ Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 71.
16. ^ Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 pages 73-74.
17. ^ ^{a b c} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 74.
18. ^ Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 74.
19. ^ ^{a b c d e} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 75
20. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 76
21. ^ Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 76.
22. ^ Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 pages 76-77
23. ^ ^{a b c d} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 77
24. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 78
25. ^ ^{a b c d} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 78
26. ^ Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 pages 78-79
27. ^ ^{a b} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 79
28. ^ Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 pages 81-82.
29. ^ ^{a b} Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 page 82.
30. ^ Lipstadt, Deborah Denying the Holocaust, Free Press: New York, 1993 pages 71-73.

External links

• Pearl Harbor after a Quarter Century by Harry Elmer Barnes
• Obituary for Barnes by Murray Rothbard which appeared, along with the previous essay, in Left and Right, Volume 4, Number 1; 1968.
• Harry Elmer Barnes as Revisionist of the Cold War by Murray Rothbard, a reprint of an article which first appeared in Arthur Goddard, ed., Harry Elmer Barnes: Learned Crusader (Colorado Springs: Ralph Myles, Publisher, Inc., 1968).
• A Brief History of Holocaust Denial by Ben Austin