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Maxim Litvinov

 
Political Biography: Maximilian Litvinov
 
(also known, in Russian, as Maksim Maksimovich)

(b. Bialystok 18 July 1876; d. Moscow, 31 Dec. 1951) Russian; Commissar of Foreign Affairs 1926 – 39Litvinov was born as Meier Wallakh into a poor Jewish family in Russian Poland. He joined the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) in 1898. He was imprisoned but escaped from Russia in 1902 and settled in France. Having joined the Bolsheviks under Lenin in 1903 he was deported from France in 1908 because of his revolutionary activities, which had involved smuggling arms into Russia. He then moved to London where he worked for a publisher and married an Englishwoman, Ivy Low, in 1916, and after the October Revolution became the Bolsheviks' first representative in Britain. The appointment was brief, for he was deported in September the next year. On his return to Russia he worked for the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, becoming Deputy Commissar (i.e. Deputy Foreign Minister) and represented the Soviet Union at several disarmament conferences in the 1920s including the KelloggBriand Pact. Effectively, Litvinov was in charge of the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs from 1926; officially he became Foreign Commissar in July 1930, replacing Chicherin, but did not enter the Politburo. Alarmed by the growth of German and Japanese power, Litvinov supported a policy of collective security and the League of Nations. He also sought better relations with the USSR's Western neighbours and was largely responsible for the Franco-Soviet Pact of mutual defence in 1935.

Stalin dismissed Litvinov in the May 1939, believing that as a Jew he would be unable to reach agreement with Nazi Germany. From December 1941 to July 1943 he was Soviet ambassador in Washington and then Deputy Commissar of Foreign Affairs from 1943 until his retirement in 1946.

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Biography: Maxim Maximovich Litvinov
 

The Soviet diplomat Maxim Maximovich Litvinov (1876-1951) was perhaps the best-known Bolshevik diplomat of his time and certainly the most successful in establishing cooperative efforts with the Western powers against the Nazi menace.

Maxim Litvinov, whose real name was Meyer Wallach, was born on July 17, 1876, to an impoverished Jewish family in Bialystok. Leaving Bialystok, he went to the Ukraine and in 1898 joined the newly founded Russian Social Democratic Labor party, spending most of his time recruiting supporters in the Kiev area. In 1903, when the party divided into Bolshevik and Menshevik factions, he opted for the Bolsheviks and established close ties with several Bolsheviks from the Caucasus area, notably Joseph Stalin.

For the next 15 years Litvinov roamed all over western Europe on various errands of daring for the Bolshevik cause, adopting all sorts of aliases to avoid police. At various times he was known as Kuznetsov, "Papasha" (literally, "Poppa"), Feliks, and various other code designations. In 1905 he was involved in a spectacular, if unsuccessful, attempt to smuggle guns to revolutionaries in Russia through the Black Sea. In 1907 he was arrested in Paris as he tried to change bank notes acquired in a bank holdup masterminded by Stalin. While he appears to have been singularly unsuccessful in his various exploits, his repeated efforts gave him a heroic reputation among revolutionaries.

After the Bolshevik Revolution of November 1917, Litvinov tried to muster support for the Bolshevik cause in London; however, his intense antiwar activity, as well as British unhappiness over the treatment of their Moscow agent Bruce Lockhart, led to Litvinov's expulsion from England. Back in Moscow, he was assigned to the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, where he carried out a number of important assignments, including an abortive approach to Woodrow Wilson and, more successfully, the resolution of Soviet-Estonian conflicts.

In 1921 Litvinov became deputy commissar of foreign affairs, serving under Georgi Chicherin for almost a decade. It was a strange collaboration, for Chicherin and Litvinov not only were completely different personally and in orientation but actively and openly disliked each other. However, it was also a strangely successful collaboration with Litvinov making his own mark, as in 1928, when he startled Western disarmament commissions by proposing total disarmament rather than formulas or ratios. In 1930, when Chicherin's ill health forced his retirement, Litvinov became commissar of foreign affairs.

Litvinov was perhaps the best-known and, by some criteria, the most successful diplomat in Soviet history. He was quick to perceive the importance of Hitler's accession to power in Germany in 1933 and to guide a reorientation of Soviet foreign policy to cope with the threat. Under his guidance the Soviet Union finally established diplomatic ties with the United States in 1933 and in the following year joined the League of Nations.

Proclaiming the mutual interest of all antifascist powers, capitalist or Communist, in containing fascism, Litvinov became world-famous for his policy of "collective security, " a policy that reached its heights with the conclusion of a mutual defense pact with France in 1935, followed by a qualified pact with Czechoslovakia. His long-established ties with Stalin protected him during the purges of the 1930s, and indeed he was one of the very few Jews to survive in a high post under Stalin. His jovial and rotund appearance belied his fundamental toughness, and he acquired a respect both inside and outside the Soviet Union that few Soviet diplomats ever enjoyed. However, in 1939, when Stalin developed his own doubts about "collective security, " he made overtures to Hitler by replacing Litvinov with Vyacheslav Molotov. When the change culminated in the Nazi-Soviet Pact of August 1939, Litvinov lapsed into semidisgrace and, early in 1941, was even relieved of the post he had held on the party's Central Committee since 1934.

However, when Hitler invaded the Soviet Union later in 1941, Litvinov was brought out of retirement and made ambassador to the United States as a renewed symbol of antifascism. He served in Washington until 1943, when he returned to the Soviet Union, carrying out various assignments in the Foreign Office until 1946. He then retired entirely from public life and lived in semiseclusion until his death on Dec. 13, 1951.

Further Reading

Depending on whether one accepts the claim of authorship, the most important book on Litvinov might be his purported diary, Notes for a Journal (1955). Scholars are divided on whether it is Litvinov's work, with the weight of opinion that it is not. A very sympathetic portrayal is Arthur U. Pope, Maxim Litvinoff (1943). Much more perceptive is the essay on Litvinov by Henry Roberts in Gordon A. Craig and Felix Gilbert, eds., The Diplomats, 1919-1939 (1953).

Additional Sources

Phillips, Hugh D., Between the revolution and the West: a political biography of Maxim M. Litvinov, Boulder: Westview Press, 1992.

 
Russian History Encyclopedia: Maxim Maximovich Litvinov
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(1876 - 1951), old Bolshevik, leading Soviet diplomat, and commissar for foreign affairs.

Maxim Maximovich Litvinov was born Meer Genokh Moisevich Vallakh in Bialystok, a small city in what is now Poland. He joined the socialist movement in the 1890s and sided with Vladimir Lenin when the Social Democratic Party split into Bolshevik and Menshevik factions. From 1898 to 1908, he smuggled guns and propaganda into the empire, but having achieved little, he emigrated to Britain. There he married an English woman and led a quiet, conventional life, even becoming a British subject. During the October Revolution, he served briefly as the Soviet representative to London but was expelled from Britain for "revolutionary activities" in October 1918. In Moscow he became a deputy commissar for foreign affairs and frequently negotiated with the Western powers for normal diplomatic relations, to little success. However, Litvinov did conclude a 1929 nonaggression pact with the USSR's western neighbors, including Poland and the Baltic states.

From 1930 to 1939 Litvinov served as commissar for foreign affairs. In 1931 he negotiated a nonaggression treaty with France, an extremely anti-Soviet state that had become worried about an increasingly unstable Germany. Soon after Adolf Hitler came to power, Litvinov initiated alliance talks with France, finding a partner in Louis Barthou, the foreign minister. In December 1933, the Soviet Communist Party leadership formally approved Litvinov's proposal both for a military alliance with France and for the Soviet Union's entrance into the League of Nations. Talks took a tortuous course, but in June 1934, Barthou and Litvinov agreed on a eastern pact of mutual assistance that would be guaranteed by a separate Franco-Soviet treaty of mutual assistance.

For several reasons, however, these treaties proved ineffectual. First of all, Barthou was assassinated in October 1934, and Pierre Laval, an advocate of good relations with Germany, replaced him. Moreover, the British were hostile to close relations with Moscow, and France was generally unwilling to act without London's support. Finally, in 1937, Stalin ordered the decimation of the Red Army's leadership at the same time he was terrorizing the entire nation. To the already suspicious West, it seemed clear that the USSR could not possibly be a reliable ally. Litvinov realized the damage the Great Terror wrought on Soviet foreign policy but was powerless in domestic politics. Ignored and rebuffed at virtually every turn by the West, Litvinov was replaced by Stalin's close associate, Vyacheslav Molotov, in May 1939, four months before the signing of the Nazi-Soviet Pact.

With the German invasion of the USSR in June 1941, Stalin appointed Litvinov ambassador to the United States. For the next two years, Litvinov constantly urged the West to open a second front in France. Angered at Litvinov's lack of success, Stalin recalled him in 1943. He served as a deputy commissar for foreign affairs, making many proposals to Stalin advocating Great Power cooperation after the war. This effort failed, and Litvinov eventually understood that Stalin saw security not in terms of cooperation with the West, but in the building of a bulwark of satellite states on the USSR's western border. Two months before his final dismissal in August 1946, Litvinov told the American journalist Richard C. Hottelet that it was pointless for the West to hope for good relations with Stalin. Perhaps the most remarkable and mysterious fact of Litvinov's long career is that he died a natural death.

Bibliography

Phillips, Hugh. (1992). Between the Revolution and the West: A Political Biography of Maxim M. Litvinov. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Sheinis, Zinovii. (1990). Maxim Litvinov. Moscow: Progress Publishers.

—HUGH PHILLIPS

 
Columbia Encyclopedia: Maxim Maximovich Litvinov
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Litvinov, Maxim Maximovich (məksyēm' mäksē'məvĭch lyĭtvē'nəf) , 1876–1951, Russian revolutionary and Soviet diplomat. A Jew, he changed his name from Wallach after joining the Social Democratic party. He became a member of the Bolshevik wing after the party split (1903). He took part in the Revolution of 1905 and subsequently spent years in exile in Great Britain and Switzerland. Imprisoned in England after the Bolshevik Revolution, he was released in exchange for the British consul general, Bruce Lockhart, who had been arrested in Moscow. As chief assistant to the commissar for foreign affairs, Chicherin, he assumed much of his superior's work, and in 1930 he succeeded Chicherin. He pursued a policy of collective security and cooperation with the great powers. In 1933 he obtained American recognition of the USSR, and in 1934, Russia entered the League of Nations, where Litvinov continued to promote a peace policy and called for joint action against the aggression of Germany, Italy, and Japan. His policy was abandoned by Stalin after the Munich Pact of 1938, when Great Britain and France capitulated to German demands in Czechoslovakia, and in May, 1939, he was replaced by Molotov as foreign commissar. In 1941, Litvinov was named ambassador to the United States, where he served until 1943.
 
Wikipedia: Maxim Litvinov
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Maxim Litvinov

Maxim Maximovich Litvinov (Russian: Макси́м Макси́мович Литви́нов; Russian pronunciation: [mɐˈksʲim mɐˈksʲiməvʲɪtɕ lʲɪˈtvʲinəf]) (July 17, 1876December 31, 1951) was a Russian-Jewish revolutionary and prominent Soviet diplomat.

Contents

Early life and first exile

Born Meir Henoch Mojszewicz Wallach-Finkelstein (simplified into Max Wallach, Russian: Макс Ва́ллах) into a wealthy Jewish banking family in Białystok in Podlasie Region of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, at that time part of the Russian Empire (северо-западный край) (some sources say a poor Jewish family, [1]), the son of Moses and Anna Wallach, he joined the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP) in 1898. The party was an illegal organization, and it was customary for its members to use pseudonyms. He changed his name to Maxim Litvinov, but was also known as Papasha and Maximovich. Litvinov also wrote articles under the names M.G. Harrison and David Mordecai Finkelstein [2] His early responsibilities included carrying propaganda work in Chernigiv region. In 1900 Litvinov became a member of Kiev party committee, but the entire committee was arrested in 1901. After 18 months of captivity, he led an escape of 11 inmates from Lukyanovskaya prison and lived in exile in Switzerland, where he was an editor for the revolutionary newspaper Iskra. In 1903, he joined the Bolshevik faction and returned to Russia. After the 1905 Revolution he became editor of the SDLP's first legal newspaper, Novaya Zhizn (New Life) in St. Petersburg.

Second emigration

When the Russian government began arresting Bolsheviks in 1906, Litvinov left the country and spent the next ten years living in London, where he was active in the International Socialist Bureau. In early 1918, he was frequently reported in the British and American press as the foreign representative of the Bolsheviks in the UK,[3] a claim given some substance by R. H. Bruce Lockhart, a British agent in Moscow at the time.[4] In England he met and married Ivy Lowe, daughter of one of the most distinguished Jewish families in Britain. Miss Lowe’s ancestors emigrated from Hungary to England following the unsuccessful 1848 revolution. Her father, Walter Lowe, was a prominent writer and a close friend of H.G. Wells. They enjoyed fre­quent exchanges, Lowe espousing the Jewish point of view, and Wells a secular philosophy.

For a while Litvinov also lived in North Belfast in Northern Ireland.[citation needed]

Maxim Litvinov

After the October Revolution

After the October Revolution of 1917, Litvinov was appointed by Vladimir Lenin as the Soviet government's representative in Britain.[citation needed] His accreditation was never officially formalised, and his position as an unofficial diplomatic contact was analogous to that of Robert Lockhart.[5] In 1918, Litvinov was arrested by the British government and held until exchanged for Lockhart, who had been imprisoned in Russia. The following year he published the English tract The Bolshevik Revolution: Its Rise and Meaning, distributed by the British Socialist Party.

Litvinov was then employed as the Soviet government's roaming ambassador. It was largely through his efforts that Britain agreed to end its economic blockade of the Soviet Union. Litvinov also negotiated several trade agreements with European countries. In February 1929 he concluded the Litvinov's Pact in Moscow, signed by the Soviet Union, Poland, Romania, Latvia and Estonia, in which those countries promised not to use force to settle their disputes (this was seen as an 'Eastern Kellogg-Briand Pact').

In 1930, Joseph Stalin appointed Litvinov as Narkom (Minister) of Foreign Affairs. A firm believer in collective security, Litvinov worked very hard to form a closer relationship with France and Britain. In 1933 he successfully persuaded the United States to officially recognize the Soviet government. Franklin D. Roosevelt sent comedian Harpo Marx to the Soviet Union as a good-will ambassador, and Litvinov and Marx became friends and even performed a routine on stage together [6]. Litvinov also actively facilitated the acceptance of the USSR into the League of Nations where he represented his country in 1934—1938.

Negotiations regarding Germany and dismissal

After the Munich Agreement between Britain, France and Germany in September 1938 and Western inaction after Germany's occupation of what remained of Czechoslovakia in March 1939 had clearly demonstrated the unwillingness of the Western Powers to participate in collective security against the Axis Powers together with the Soviet Union, Soviet foreign policy was adjusted to face the new realities. In addition, German media derided Litvinov about his Jewish ancestry, referring to him as "Finkelstein-Litvinov." [7][8]

On May 3, Stalin replaced Litinov with Vyacheslav Molotov.[9] That night, NKVD troops surrounded the offices of the commissariat of foreign affairs.[9] The phone at Litvinov's dacha was disconnected and, the following morning, Molotov, Georgii Malenkov, and Lavrenty Beria arrived at the commissariat to inform Litvinov of his dismissal.[9] After Litvinov's dismissal, many of his aides were arrested and beaten, evidently in an attempt to extract compromising information.[9]

The replacement of Litvinov with Molotov significantly increased Stalin's freedom to maneuver in foreign policy.[10] The dismissal of Litvinov, whose Jewish ethnicity was viewed disfavorably by Nazi Germany, removed an obstacle to negotiations with Germany.[11][12][13][14][15][16][17] Stalin immediately directed Molotov to "purge the ministry of Jews."[18][19][20] Recalling Stalin’ s order, Molotov commented: `Thank God for these words! Jews formed an absolute majority in the leadership and among the ambassadors. It wasn’t good."[18]

Given Litvinov's prior attempts to create of an anti-fascist coalition, association with the doctrine of collective security with France and Britain, and pro-Western orientation[21] by Kremlin standards, his dismissal indicated the existence of a Soviet option of rapprochement with Germany.[22][23] Likewise, Molotov's appointment was a signal to Germany that the USSR was open to offers.[22] The dismissal also signaled to France and Britain the existence of a potential negotiation option with Germany.[24][25] One British official wrote that Litvinov's disappearance also meant the loss of an admirable technician or shock-absorber, while Molotov's "modus operandi" was "more truly Bolshevik than diplomatic or cosmopolitan."[26]

With regard to the signing of a German-Soviet nonaggression pact with secret protocols dividing eastern Europe three months later, Hitler remarked to military commanders that "Litvinov's replacement was decisive."[12] A German official told the Soviet Ambassador that Hitler was also pleased that Litvinov's replacement, Molotov, was not Jewish.[27] Hitler also wrote to Mussolini that Litvinov's dismissal demonstrated that Kremlin's readiness to alter relations with Berlin, which lead to "the most extensive nonaggression pact in existence."[28] When Litvinov was later asked about the reasons for his dismissal, he stated "Do you really think that I was the right person to sign a treaty with Hitler." [29]

Maxim Litvinov

Litvinov, like Churchill, had misgivings about Munich. Following the invasion of the U.S.S.R. on June 22, 1941, Litvinov said on a radio broadcast to Britain and the U.S., "We always realized the danger which a Hitler victory in the West could constitute for us," which one commentator described as, "in the tactful language which underlings must apply to dictators... tantamount to 'I told you so.'" [30]. With the Soviet Union embroiled in the Great Patriotic War, Joseph Stalin appointed Litvinov as Deputy Commissar of Foreign Affairs. Litvinov also served as Ambassador to the United States from 1941 to 1943 and significantly contributed to the lend lease agreement signed in 1941.

Legacy

Perhaps more than anyone else, the businesslike diplomat helped to bring the Soviet Union out of its post-revolutionary isolation; however, Litvinov bluntly condemned Stalin's policies during and after the war with Germany[citation needed], although he was supportive of the general Soviet policy during the Great Ukrainian Famine of 1932-33 as evidenced by Welsh journalist Gareth Jones who interviewed him while in Moscow.

After Litvinov's death his wife returned to live in Britain. His last words, directed at his wife, were "Englishwoman go home".

His grandson Pavel Litvinov is a Russian physicist, writer and a Soviet-era dissident.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Current Biography 1941, p518
  2. ^ Id., p518
  3. ^ Litvinoff, Ambassador to England, Hopes They Will Compel 'a Democratic Peace.'
  4. ^ Memoirs of a British Agent p201
  5. ^ Memoirs of a British Agent p203
  6. ^ Current Biography 1941, pp518-20.
  7. ^ Herf 2006, p. 97-98
  8. ^ Levin, Nora, The Jews in the Soviet Union Since 1917: Paradox of Survival, NYU Press, 1988, ISBN 0814750516, page 330. Litvniov "was referred to by the German radio as 'Litvinov-Finkelstein'-- was dropped in favor of Vyascheslav Molotov. 'The emininent Jew', as Churchill put it, 'the target of German antagonism was flung aside . . . like a broken tool . . . The Jew Litvinov was gone and Hitler's dominant prejudice placated.'"
  9. ^ a b c d Nekrich, Ulam & Freeze 1997, p. 109
  10. ^ Resis 2000, p. 47
  11. ^ Israeli 2003, p. 10
  12. ^ a b Nekrich, Ulam & Freeze 1997, p. 110
  13. ^ Shirer 1990, p. 480-1
  14. ^ Ulam 1989, p. 508
  15. ^ Herf 2006, p. 56
  16. ^ Osborn, Patrick R., Operation Pike: Britain Versus the Soviet Union, 1939-1941, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2000, ISBN 0313313687, page xix
  17. ^ In an introduction to a 1992 paper, Geoffrey Roberts writes: "Perhaps the only thing that can be salvaged from the wreckage of the orthodox interpretation of Litvinov's dismissal is some notion that, by appointing Molotov foreign minister, Stalin was preparing for the contingency of a possible deal with Hitler. In view of Litvinov's Jewish heritage and his militant anti-nazism, that is not an unreasonable supposition. But it is a hypothesis for which there is as yet no evidence. Moreover, we shall see that what evidence there is suggests that Stalin's decision was determined by a quite different set of circumstances and calculations", Geoffrey Roberts. The Fall of Litvinov: A Revisionist View Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 27, No. 4 (Oct., 1992), pp. 639-657 Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/260946
  18. ^ a b Resis 2000, p. 35
  19. ^ Moss, Walter, A History of Russia: Since 1855, Anthem Press, 2005, ISBN 1843310341, page 283
  20. ^ Herf 2006, p. 97-98
  21. ^ Gorodetsky, Gabriel, Soviet Foreign Policy, 1917-1991: A Retrospective, Routledge, 1994, ISBN 0714645060, page 55
  22. ^ a b Resis 2000, p. 51
  23. ^ According to Paul Flewers, Stalin’s address to the eighteenth congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on March 10, 1939 discounted any idea of German designs on the Soviet Union. Stalin had intended: "To be cautious and not allow our country to be drawn into conflicts by warmongers who are accustomed to have others pull the chestnuts out of the fire for them." This was intended to warn the Western powers that they could not necessarily rely upon the support of the Soviet Union. As Flewers put it, “Stalin was publicly making the none-too-subtle implication that some form of deal between the Soviet Union and Germany could not be ruled out.” From the Red Flag to the Union Jack: The Rise of Domestic Patriotism in the Communist Party of Great Britain 1995
  24. ^ Watson 2000, p. 698
  25. ^ Resis 2000, p. 33-56
  26. ^ Watson 2000, p. 699
  27. ^ Brackman, Roman, The Secret File of Joseph Stalin: A Hidden Life, London and Portland, Frank Cass Publishers, 2001, ISBN 0714650501, page 333-4
  28. ^ Nekrich, Ulam & Freeze 1997, p. 119
  29. ^ Israeli 2003, p. 110
  30. ^ Harpo Speaks"

References

External links

  • (Russian) Biography six versions from various resources

Bibliography

  • Marx, H. Barber, R. Harpo Speaks. 1974. Freeway Press. pp 326-328.
Political offices
Preceded by
Georgy Chicherin
People's Comissar for Foreign Affairs
1930–1939
Succeeded by
Vyacheslav Molotov

 
 

 

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Political Biography. A Dictionary of Political Biography. Copyright © 1998, 2003 by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.  Read more
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Russian History Encyclopedia. Encyclopedia of Russian History. Copyright © 2004 by The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved.  Read more
Columbia Encyclopedia. The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition Copyright © 2003, Columbia University Press. Licensed from Columbia University Press. All rights reserved. www.cc.columbia.edu/cu/cup/  Read more
Wikipedia. This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "Maxim Litvinov" Read more