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Megawati Sukarnoputri

Megawati Sukarnoputri (born 1947) became vice president of Indonesia, the world's fourth-most-populous nation. This occurred in 1999, after a tumultuous time in her country's political affairs.

In 1998, Indonesians rioted and looted as they demanded new leadership. President Suharto had pilfered money from state coffers, placing him among the wealthiest people in the world. Suharto had originally risen to leadership in the late 1960s after Megawati's father, Sukarno, the first leader of independent Indonesia, was forced out. During this time, Suharto maintained a tight grip on power with his ruling party, Golkar. The citizenry did not rebel because he helped pull his nation out of poverty with oil sales. When the economy flagged in the 1980s and the Asian economic crisis hit in the 1990s, though, his days were numbered. After Suharto resigned, he named Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, a close ally for over three decades, as his successor. Amid further protests, Habibie agreed to hold open, multiparty elections in 1999.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Megawati had risen to become leader of the opposition party, the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). Her popularity, in addition to the financial situation, helped destabilized the Suharto regime. Entering politics in middle age, she was often described as "matronly," and many outside observers questioned her ability to become a world leader, especially since she lacked political experience. Her lack of outspokenness on issues and her quiet nature were sometimes read as serenity, but others saw these qualities as signs of being uneducated, unprepared, and uninteresting. By the mid-1990s, however, Megawati had garnered a great deal of support, enough to worry Suharto that her party could pose a serious threat to his control. He banished her from politics. After his downfall, however, she rose again and became the front-runner for the presidency. Although the office went to a rival party leader after a startling vote in the national assembly, parliament voted her in as vice president in October 1999.

Early Years

Megawati Sukarnoputri (pronounced meg-ah-WAH-tee soo-kar-no-POO-tree) was born in 1947, the second of five children of Sukarno, the founder and president of independent Indonesia, and his first wife, Fatmawati. (He had three other children by three more wives.) "Sukarnoputri," literally translated, means "daughter of Sukarno," but many Indonesians, including her, use only their first name. Sukarno led the drive to secure independence from the Netherlands and became Indonesia's first president under home rule in 1949. As such, Megawati grew up in the posh Merdeka Palace until her father's downfall. As the nation is composed of more than 13,000 islands, maintaining centralized control was difficult, so Sukarno imposed martial law. Famines, runaway inflation, and near-economic collapse marred his leadership. Following a coup attempt in 1965, Sukarno became even more unpopular, and the stage was set for his rival, General Suharto, to take power in 1967. Sukarno remained a heroic figure for his historical contributions, however, and there are still many signs of respect for him in the country.

Despite his political prominence, Sukarno left little wealth when he died in 1970. Megawati lived modestly throughout her life, adding to her image as a champion of the poor. Although she attended Padjadjaran University in Bandung, Indonesia, studying agriculture and psychology, she left without graduating after the coup attempt; a friend told Mark McDonald of the Knight-Ridder Tribune News Service, "No children of Sukarno were allowed to go to university. They had no money, no education, no jobs. The family was so poor then." Megawati settled into a middle-class lifestyle of marriage and children. She married an Indonesian Air Force pilot in the late 1960s and had two sons; she was pregnant with their daughter when her husband's plane crashed. She later married again, but was divorced quickly, and the relationship has remained a mystery.

Megawati's third husband, Taufiq Kiemas, owns and operates several gas stations in Jakarta, where they have a nice but not ostentatious home in a well-guarded area of the city. He ran for parliament from southern Sumatra, and encouraged his wife to become involved in politics as well. Though she and her siblings vowed not to seek office while Suharto was alive, Megawati's oldest brother, Guntur, a photographer, and younger brother, Guruh, a choreographer, both held seats in parliament briefly. Also, sisters Guruh and Rachmawati ran for parliament in 1999. Nevertheless, Megawati's brother Guntur told McDonald, "We are not cut out for politics. It's Mega who has staying power. She has guts."

Elected to Parliament

Still, nothing in Megawati's background demonstrated her readiness for the political arena. In 1979, she opened a flower shop with three friends, selling arrangements to upscale hotels and donating the proceeds to a foundation for poor children. Besides that, her background was as a homemaker. With encouragement from her husband, though, she won a seat in parliament in 1987, joining the original Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), a blending of nationalist and Christian parties. Though she was often criticized for her lack of participation, she was named leader of PDI in 1993.

While Megawati at that point denied any interest in challenging Suharto's power structure, many in her country as well as international observers saw her as having the potential to shake up the regime. Suharto only allowed two opposition parties to exist-the PDI and the Muslim-based United Development Party (PPP)-in order to give a slight nod toward democracy so as to appease the masses. Even then, they were forbidden from campaigning outside towns. Under Megawati, though, the PDI began to show an unprecedented increase in support as she spoke out against nepotism and the growing schism between the working class and ultra-wealthy. Thus, the Suharto government orchestrated a coup within her party in June 1996 that placed a former Golkar member, Sujadi, in her place.

That same month, a demonstration in favor of Megawati ended in violence as protestors chanting "Mega! Mega! Mega!" clashed with government troops. Many PDI regional offices continued to support Megawati, but the government cracked down on them, too, forcing out her supporters at PDI headquarters in July 1996. This caused more riots. Four people were killed, and the government reported that 171 were arrested, though Megawati claimed the number was closer to 250. Meanwhile, she denounced the violence, and staunchly insisted she had no intentions of challenging Suharto's leadership. Some predicted that, since his five-year term in office would end in 1998, and because his health seemed to decline after the unexpected death of his wife in 1996, Megawati would try to assume the presidency. However, she was only eligible to run as chair of one of the three major parties. By deposing her, the government ended her chances as a possible candidate. Despite her vocal statements against seeking the country's highest office, she did go to court to seek reinstatement in her position as PDI chair. She was becoming an icon for those dissatisfied with the current system.

Observers assumed that Suharto would find a way to transfer power to his family or a strong nationalist figure from the military if he stepped down. Democracy was still just an empty concept in a land where gatherings of more than five people for the purpose of discussing political issues were banned, and where the press was highly censored. Others mused that Megawati might not be able to muster enough support from the fledgling middle class even if running for president did become viable. Yet many Indonesians began comparing her to the Philippines' Corazon Aquino, who led the "People Power" effort to force Ferdinand Marcos out of power. They also compared her to Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma and Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan.

Suharto continued to harass Megawati. Her name was left off the list of parliamentary candidates up for election in 1997. When she tried to get back on the election list by offering her name, as well as names of supporters, on a separate "Megawati slate," she was denied. Undaunted, she expected that popular protest would help her return to parliament. If not, she remained a rallying point for those calling for change. As she noted to Keith B. Richburg in the Washington Post, "In our culture, there is not only a formal leader. There is also an informal leader. Sometimes the informal leader can be more powerful than the formal leader. You can see how my father, even though he has already passed away, in spirit still lives inside the Indonesian people."

In May 1997, the Golkar captured the majority of votes. Suharto was reelected and Megawati was excluded from elections. This only served to strengthen her position, and by 1998, she was calling for the president to step down. Further rioting, looting, and deadly violence led Golkar to vote Suharto out of office. After his resignation in May 1998, his political ally, Habibie took the office of president but promised free elections in 1999. Subsequently, Megawati formed a new branch of the PDI called the PDI-P, or Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle.

Presidential Candidate

In June 1999, elections were held for the Indonesian legislators, and candidates for president were in place. They included Megawati, Habibie, Rais, and Wahid. Megawati was undoubtedly popular, yet widely criticized for her soft-spoken manner. Habibie tried to distance himself from his predecessor, Suharto. Amien Rais of the National Mandate Party (PAN), was a charismatic supporter of student protests. Abdurrahman Wahid, also known as Gus Dur, was the driving force behind the National Awakening Party (PKB) and a leader of the largest Muslim group in Indonesia.

Despite Megawati's high profile, her bid for the presidency came under fire because of her gender. In the largest Islamic nation in the world-90 percent of Indonesia's 200 million inhabitants are Muslim-her opponents claimed that she should not be elected because of her gender. Although Islamic law does not prohibit a woman from leading the country, and religion is not seen as having nearly as much clout as politics in the nation, some were trying to stir public sentiment against the concept. Although Megawati was a practicing Muslim, some were suspicious of how much of an adherent she was, due to her wide support from non-Muslims. Other issues included her three marriages and her lack of a formal degree.

In June elections, the PDI-P party garnered 153 of the 462 seats (out of a total of 700), a good deal more than Golkar's 120 positions. Megawati thus seemed assured of the presidency. However, an electoral college from the House of Representatives, selects the president, and Megawati needed a coalition to ensure her seat. From June to October she seemed unwilling to forge integral ties with rival parties. A former cabinet minister, Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, told Seth Mydans of the New York Times that if Megawati lost the election, "the country [would] be thrown into total chaos-total civil chaos." By this time, she not only had the backing of the poor, but also the elite classes, who saw her as being good for the business climate. And as Mydans reported in another New York Times article, "Many people have made their voices heard in continuing mass rallies and in outbursts of violence."

Hours before the assembly vote was scheduled in October 1999, the Golkar party humiliated Habibie by replacing him as a presidential candidate with party chair, Akbar Tanjung, the speaker of the parliament. This change did not make a difference, though. In a surprise shift in support, the assembly voted in Wahid, the Muslim leader respected for his teachings on tolerance and self-respect. The vote was 373 for Wahid, 313 for Megawati, and five abstentions. As predicted, there were outbursts of violence, but not nearly as bad as expected. Megawati appeared on television holding Wahid's hand, and she commented, according to Mydans, "For the unity of the nation I call on the people of Indonesia to accept the results of the election."

Though some supporters wept and others rioted after Megawati's defeat, the next day, parliament voted her in to the post of vice president. This was an important gesture and helped bring stability to the troubled nation. With Megawati as vice president, Mydans indicated that her party might be more willing to work with Wahid. He also noted, "Their cooperation may be enhanced by the fact that the President is in poor health and, should he die, Ms. Megawati may yet have the chance to take over the presidency before his five-year term is up."

Megawati Sukarnoputri

5th President of Indonesia
In office July 23 2001 – October 20 2004
Vice President(s)	Hamzah Haz
Preceded by	Abdurrahman Wahid
Succeeded by	Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

Born	January 23 1947 (1947--) (age 60) Jogjakarta, Indonesia
Political party	Social Democrat PDI-P
Spouse	Taufiq Kiemas
Religion	Islam

Early life

Sukarno, Megawati's father, the first President of Indonesia. He helped the country win its independence from the Netherlands

Megawati was born in Yogyakarta on 23 January 1947 to President Sukarno, who had had declared Indonesia's independence from the Netherlands in 1945 and Fatmawati, one of Sukarno's nine wives. Megawati was Sukarno's second child and first daughter. As a child, Megawati grew up in luxury in her father's Merdeka Palace. She would dance in front of her father's guests and developed a hobby for gardening ^[2].

Megawati went to Padjadjaran University in Bandung to study agriculture, but dropped out in 1967 to be with her father following his fall from power ^[3]. Megawati was 19 when her father was overthrown and succeeded by a military government led by Suharto. Sukarno's family was ignored by the new government provided they stayed out of politics.

In 1970, the year her father died, Megawati went to the University of Indonesia to study psychology but dropped out by Soeharto regime intervention after two years. Even her warmest admirers would not claim that Megawati is an intellectual, and she has little knowledge of the world outside Indonesia. She is a pious Muslim but also follows traditional Javanese beliefs and has great faith in astrology.

Megawati's first husband, First Lieutenant Surindo Supjarso, was killed in a plane crash in Irian Jaya in 1970. In 1972, she married Hassan Gamal Ahmad Hasan, an Egyptian diplomat. The marriage was annulled shortly after. She married Taufiq Kiemas, her present husband, in 1973. They have three children, M. Rizki Pramata, M. Pranada Prabowo and Puan Maharani, now in their 30s.

Political career

Member of the Legislative Branch

In 1986, Suharto gave the status of Proclamation Hero to Sukarno in a ceremony attended by Megawati herself. Suharto's acknowledgment of Sukarno would fuel the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), a government-sanctioned party to run a campaign centred on Sukarno nostalgia in the lead up to the 1987 Legislative Elections. Up to that time, Megawati had seen herself as a housewife, but in 1987 she would join PDI and run for a People's Representative Council (DPR) membership ^[4]. PDI was only too keen to accept Megawati and boost their own image. Megawati quickly became popular, her status as Sukarno's daughter overruling her obvious lack of oratory skills. Although PDI would come last in the 1987 Legislative Elections, Megawati would still be elected to the DPR. In addition, she also became a member of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).

Chairperson of PDI

Megawati was not re-elected to the DPR or the MPR but would continue as a PDI member. In December 1993, PDI held a National Congress and as was always the case when New Order opposition parties hold their congresses, the Government would actively interfere in the Congress to ensure that the opposition parties would be tame towards them. As the Congress approached, three contenders for the Chairpersonship of PDI became evident. The first candidate was incumbent Suryadi who had started to become overly critical of the Government, the second candidate was Budi Harjono a Government-friendly figure who the Government want to win the Chairpersonship, and finally, there was Megawati. Megawati's candidacy received such an overwhelming support that her victory at the Congress would only be a formality ^[5].

Sensing this, the Government began to maneuver to ensure that Megawati was not elected. When the Congress assembled, the Government began to stall and all attempts to hold the Chairperson election was delayed ^[6]. A situation then developed whereby if PDI did not elect a Chairperson by the end of the Congress, the Congress would not be allowed to continue because their permit to assemble would run out. As the hours ticked down to the end of the Congress, troops began gathering at the site of the Congress. Finally with two hours before the permit to assemble ran out, Megawati called a press conference. Megawati stated at the press conference, that because she enjoyed the support of a majority of PDI members, she was now the de facto Chairperson of PDI ^[7]. Despite her relative lack of political experience, she was popular in part for her status as the daughter of Sukarno, but also because she was seen as free of corruption and having admirable personal qualities. Under her leadership, PDI gained a large following among the urban poor and both urban and rural middle classes.

On the other hand the Government was outraged that they failed in their attempt to prevent Megawati from winning the Chairpersonship of PDI. They never acknowledged Megawati although Megawati's self-appointment to the Chairpersonship had been ratified in 1994 by PDI. Finally in 1996, the Government managed to convene a Special National Congress in Medan. This Congress, attended by anti-Megawati figures re-elected Suryadi to the Chairpersonship of PDI. Megawati and her camp refused to acknowledge the results of the Government-backed congress and a stituation of dualism developed whereby PDI was divided into a pro-Megawati and anti-Megawati camp.

Suryadi began threatening to take back PDI's Headquarters in Jakarta. This threat came true during the morning of 27th July 1996 ^[8]. That morning, Suryadi's supporters (reportedly with the Government's backing) attacked the PDI Headquarters and faced resistance from Megawati supporters who had been stationed there ever since the National Congress in Medan. In the ensuing fight, Megawati's supporters managed to hold on to the headquarters. A riot then ensued, followed by a crackdown by the Government. The Government would later blame the riots on the People's Democracy Party (PRD), they would recognize Suryadi's PDI as the official PDI and would also ban Megawati from competing in the 1997 Legislative Election.

Despite what seemed to be a political defeat, Megawati scored a moral victory and her popularity grew. When the time came for the 1997 Legislative Elections, Megawati and her supporters threw their support behind the United Development Party (PPP), the other political party that the Government had allowed to exist.

Reformasi

In 1997, Indonesia faced the Asian Financial Crisis and suffered an economic crisis. This combined with increasing public anger at pervasive corruption, culminated in May 1998 with Suharto's resignation from the Presidency and the assumption of that office by BJ Habibie. With disappearance of the restrictions that had been placed on her, Megawati began to consolidate her political position. In October 1998, her supporters held a National Congress whereby Megawati's PDI would now be known as the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P) to differentiate itself from PDI. Megawati was elected as Chairperson and was nominated to be the Party's Presidential candidate ^[9].

Megawati's PDI-P, together with Abdurrahman Wahid's National Awakening Party (PKB) and Amien Rais' National Mandate Party (PAN), became the leading forces of the Reform movement. Despite their popularity, Megawati, Wahid, and Rais adopted a moderate stance; preferring to wait until the 1999 Legislative Elections to begin taking power ^[10]. In November 1998, Megawati, together with Wahid, Rais, and Hamengkubuwono X reiterated their commitment to Reform through the Ciganjur Statement.

As the 1999 Legislative Elections approached, there was hope that Megawati, Wahid, and Amien would form a political coalition against President Habibie and Golkar. In May 1999, this hope came close to being a reality when Alwi Shihab held a press conference at his house during which Megawati, Wahid, and Amien would announce that they would work together. At the last minute, Megawati chose not to attend because she decided that she could not trust Amien ^[11]. In June 1999, the 1999 Legislative Elections were held. PDI-P was undoubtedly the most popular political party and it came first with 33% of the votes.

With PDI-P's Legislative Election victory, the prospects of Megawati becoming President became more real. This prospect was detested by the United Development Party (PPP) who did not want Indonesia to have a female President ^[12]. In preparation for the 1999 MPR General Session, PDI-P developed a loose coalition with PKB. As the MPR General Session approached, it seemed as if the Presidential Election was going to be contested by Megawati and Habibie but by late June, Amien had managed to draw the Islamic Parties together in a coalition called the Central Axis ^[13]. The Presidential Election also became a three way race when Amien began throwing the idea of nominating Wahid for President; but Wahid did not provide a clear response to this.

1999 MPR General Session

Megawati's PDI-P and PKB coalition faced its first test when the MPR assembled to choose its Chairman. Megawati threw her support behind Matori Abdul Djalil, the Chairman of PKB. Matori was overwhelmingly defeated by Amien, who in addition to enjoying Central Axis' support was also backed by Golkar in his candidacy for the MPR Chairmanship ^[14]. The Golkar and Central Axis coalition then struck again when they secured Akbar Tanjung's election as Head of DPR. At this stage, people became wary that Megawati, who best represented Reform was going to be obstructed by the political process and that the status quo was going to be preserved. PDI-P supporters began to gather in Jakarta.

With the rejection of Habibie's accountability speech and Habibie's withdrawal from the Presidential race, the Presidential Election to be held on 20th October 1999 came down to Megawati and Wahid. Megawati took an early lead, but was overtaken and lost with 313 votes compared to Wahid's 373. Megawati's lost fuelled her supporters to begin rioting ^[15]. Riots raged in Java and Bali. In the City of Solo, PDI-P masses managed to attack Amien's house.

The next day, the MPR assembled to elect the Vice President. PDI-P had considered to nominate Megawati as Vice President, but was concerned that the Central Axis and Golkar coalition would once again thwart her in that political venture. Finally, PKB took the initiative and nominated Megawati as a Vice Presidential candidate. She faced stiff competition in the form of Hamzah Haz, Akbar Tanjung, and General Wiranto participating in the race as well^[16]. Well aware of the riots that had happened after Megawati's Presidential Election defeat, Akbar and Wiranto withdrew from the Vice Presidential race. Hamzah on the other hand insisted to compete against Megawati. Finally, Megawati defeated Hamzah with 396 votes to 284 to become Vice President. In her inauguration speech, she called for her supporters to calm down.

Vice Presidency

Work as Vice President

As Vice President, Megawati had considerable authority by virtue of her commanding a lot of the seats in the DPR. Wahid delegated to her the tasking of solving the problems in Ambon, although she was not successful ^[17]. By the time the MPR Annual Session assembled in August 2000, many considered Wahid to be ineffective as President or at the very least as an administrator. Wahid responded to this by issuing a Presidential Decree, giving Megawati day-to-day control of running the Government ^[18].

2000 PDI-P National Congress

The First PDI-P Congress was held in Semarang, Central Java in April 2000, during which Megawati was re-elected as the Chairperson of PDI-P for a 2nd term.

The Congress was noted as one where Megawati consolidated her position within PDI-P by taking harsh measures to remove potential rivals ^[19]. During the election for the Chairperson, two other candidates emerged in the form of Eros Djarot and Dimyati Hartono. Both Eros and Dimyati ran for the Chairpersonship because they did not want Megawati to hold the PDI-P Chairpersonship while concurrently being Vice President. For Eros, when finally received his nomination from the South Jakarta branch, membership problems arose and made his nomination void. Eros was then not allowed to go and participate in the congress. Disillusioned with what he perceived to be a cult of personality developing around Megawati, Eros left PDI-P. In July 2002, he would form the Freedom Bull National Party. For Dimyati, although his candidacy was not opposed as harshly as Eros', he was removed from his position as Head of PDI-P's Central Branch. He kept his position as a People's Representative Council (DPR) member but retired in February 2002. In April 2002, Dimyati formed the Our Homeland of Indonesia Party (PITA).

Relationship with Wahid and Rise to the Presidency

Megawati had an ambivalent relationship with Wahid. During the Cabinet reshuffle of August 2000 for example, Megawati was not present for the announcement of the new Cabinet line-up ^[20]. At another occasion, when the political tide began to rise up against Wahid, Megawati defended her President and lashed out against critics of the Government ^[21]. In 2001 however, Megawati began to distance herself from Wahid as a Special Session of the MPR approached and the prospects of her becoming President began to get better. Although she refused to make any specific comments, she showed the signs of preparing herself to be President such as holding a meeting with party leaders a day before the Special Session was due to start ^[22].

On 23 July 2001, the MPR assembled. They unanimously removed Wahid from office before appointing Megawati President.

Presidency

Under Megawati, the process of democratic reform begun under Habibie and Wahid continued, albeit slowly and erratically. Megawati appeared to see her role mainly as a symbol of national unity, and she rarely actively intervened in government business. Under her tenure, the Kabinet Gotong Royong Mutual Assistance Cabinet helped govern the country. It included Megawati's successor, the retired General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The military, disgraced at the time of Suharto's fall, regained much of its influence. Corruption continued to be pervasive, though Megawati herself was seldom blamed for this.

Some Indonesian scholars explained Megawati's apparent passivity in office by reference to Javanese mythology. Megawati, they said, saw her father, Sukarno, as a "Good King" of Javanese legend. Suharto was the "Bad Prince" who had usurped the Good King's throne. Megawati was the Avenging Daughter who overthrew the Bad Prince and regained the Good King's throne. Once this had been achieved, they said, Megawati was content to reign as the Good Queen and leave the business of government to others^{[citation needed]}. Some prominent anglophone critics such as Benedict Anderson jokingly referred to the president as "Miniwati."^[23]

Although by 2004 Indonesia's economy had stabilized and partly recovered from the 1997 crisis, unemployment and poverty remained high, and there was considerable disappointment at Megawati's presidency. The Indonesian Constitution was amended to provide for the direct election of the President, and Megawati stood for a second term. She consistently trailed in the opinion polls, due in part to the preference for male candidates among Muslim voters, and in part due to what was widely seen as a mediocre performance in office. Despite a somewhat better than expected performance in the first round of the elections, in the second round she was defeated by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Megawati neither conceded defeat, nor congratulated her successor, nor attended his inauguration. She simply vacated the Presidential Palace and returned to private life without making any statement.

On September 11, 2007, Megawati Sukarnoputri, 60, announced her 2009 reelection bid (before all PDI-P (Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle) cadres. Soetardjo Soerjoguritno confirmed her willingness to be nominated as her party's presidential candidate.^[24]

References

^ Speech by Indian President R K Narayanan in honor of Megawati Sukarnoputri
^ http://www.tokohindonesia.com/ensiklopedi/m/megawati/biografi/01.shtml
^ http://www.tokohindonesia.com/ensiklopedi/m/megawati/biografi/01.shtml
^ http://www.tokohindonesia.com/ensiklopedi/m/megawati/biografi/01.shtml
^ http://www.tokohindonesia.com/ensiklopedi/m/megawati/biografi/02.shtml
^ http://www.tokohindonesia.com/ensiklopedi/m/megawati/biografi/02.shtml
^ http://www.tokohindonesia.com/ensiklopedi/m/megawati/biografi/02.shtml
^ B., Edy (10th August 1996). Kronologi Peristiwa 27 Juli 1996. Tempo. Retrieved on 31st October 2006.
^ http://www.seasite.niu.edu/Indonesian/Indonesian_Elections/Indo-pemilu99/11pdip.htm
^ Barton, Greg (2002). Abdurrahman Wahid: Muslim Democrat, Indonesian President. Singapore: UNSW Press, p.255. ISBN 0-86840-405-5.
^ Barton, Greg (2002). Abdurrahman Wahid: Muslim Democrat, Indonesian President. Singapore: UNSW Press, p.270. ISBN 0-86840-405-5.
^ http://www.nbr.org/publications/briefing/pdf/brief9.pdf
^ Barton, Greg (2002). Abdurrahman Wahid: Muslim Democrat, Indonesian President. Singapore: UNSW Press, p.270. ISBN 0-86840-405-5.
^ http://www.nbr.org/publications/briefing/pdf/brief9.pdf
^ http://www.nbr.org/publications/briefing/pdf/brief9.pdf
^ http://www.nbr.org/publications/briefing/pdf/brief9.pdf
^ http://www.wsws.org/articles/2000/jan2000/ind-j10.shtml
^ http://www.wsws.org/articles/2000/jan2000/ind-j10.shtml
^ Firmansyah, Arif (11th February 2005). Kisah Para Penantang Yang Terpental (The Story of the Ousted Challengers). Tempo. Retrieved on 2006-11-02.
^ Barton, Greg (2002). Abdurrahman Wahid: Muslim Democrat, Indonesian President. Singapore: UNSW Press, p.327. ISBN 0-86840-405-5.
^ Barton, Greg (2002). Abdurrahman Wahid: Muslim Democrat, Indonesian President. Singapore: UNSW Press, p.342. ISBN 0-86840-405-5.
^ http://www.hamline.edu/apakabar/basisdata/2001/07/21/0028.html
^ Mydans, Seth (July 24, 2001), "Woman in the News; A Daughter of Destiny; Megawati Sukarnoputri", The New York Times, <http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9A02E4D8113AF937A15754C0A9679C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=print>
^ Forbes.com, Indonesia's Megawati in presidential comeback bid

External links

Preceded by Abdurrahman Wahid	President of Indonesia 2001–2004	Succeeded by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
Preceded by Jusuf Habibie	Vice President of Indonesia 1999–2001	Succeeded by Hamzah Haz

Presidents of Indonesia
Sukarno \| Suharto \| Jusuf Habibie \| Abdurrahman Wahid \| Megawati Sukarnoputri \| Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

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