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Milliken v. Bradley

 
US Supreme Court: Milliken v. Bradley
 

418 U.S. 717 (1974), argued 27 Feb. 1974, decided 25 July 1974, by vote of 5 to 4; Burger for the Court, Stewart concurring, Douglas, White, Marshall, and Brennan in dissent. In School Board of Richmond v. State Board of Education (1973), an equally divided Court—with Justice Lewis Powell not participating—was unable to decide whether a district court could require the merger of three school districts in order to eliminate racial segregation in one. A year later, in Milliken v. Bradley, a bitterly divided Court ruled 5 to 4 that segregative practices in one district did not warrant relief that included another nonsegregating district. Thus, the Court that had implicitly extended *Green v. County Board (1968) integration to the North only thirteen months before in *Keyes v. School District No. 1 (1973) drew the remedial line at the offending school district's boundary. For the first time since even before Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the Court refused to endorse a desegregation remedy sought by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), which had developed the litigation strategy attacking the constitutionality of Jim Crow schools beginning in the mid‐1930s.

The Detroit school district, then fifth largest in the nation, covered 140 square miles; at the time of the suit in 1970, its school population of almost 290,000 was 65 percent black and 35 percent white—a substantial recent growth in black population owing to white flight to nearby suburbs; for the metropolitan area, the proportion of black to white student population was 19 to 81 percent. The district court found that the Detroit school district had engaged in segregative practices and concluded that the only way to achieve Green‐mandated establishment of a unitary school system was to order busing that included some of the surrounding suburban districts. The court of appeals affirmed, fearing that not to do so would “nullify Brown v. Board of Education (1954)” and restore the “separate but equal doctrine” of Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) (p. 249).

Chief Justice Burger, who wrote the *Swann v. Charlotte‐Mecklenburg County Board of Education (1971) opinion and affirmed the lower courts on the basis of the fit between constitutional violation and corresponding remedy, wrote for the narrow majority. His statement of the issues in Milliken signaled its outcome: “[may a federal court] impose a multi‐district, area‐wide remedy to a single‐district de jure segregation problem absent any finding that the other included school districts have failed to operate unitary school systems within their districts, absent any claim or finding that boundary lines of any affected school district were established with the purpose of fostering racial segregation [and] absent any finding that the included districts committed acts which affected segregation within the other districts” (p. 721).

Since the suburban districts had not caused or contributed to the violation, they logically could not be part of the remedy without a “drastic expansion of the constitutional right itself, an expansion without support in either constitutional principle or precedent” (p. 747). The chief justice may have been right but the difficulty was that the same thing could have been said of the nature of the desegregation cases from the beginning.

The dissenters echoed the anxieties of the court of appeals, but to no avail. The dissent by Justice Thurgood Marshall, who had argued Brown I and II for the NAACP, bitterly complained that the Court was now turning back the clock in response “to a perceived public mood that we have gone far enough in enforcing the Constitution's guarantee of equal justice” (p. 814).

The gradual ratcheting out of remedies to implement Brown I ended as abruptly and as conclusorily as it began, twenty years and two months earlier. Subsequent cases fine‐tuned the grounds for identifying constitutional violations and added minor remedial weapons, but Milliken v. Bradley, by rejecting so‐called interdistrict remedies, established the new outer limit of constitutional remedies.

See also Desegregation Remedies; Education; Race and Racism; Segregation, De Facto; Segregation, De Jure.

Bibliography

  • J. Harvie Wilkinson, From Brown to Bakke (1979)

— Dennis J. Hutchinson

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Wikipedia: Milliken v. Bradley
 
Milliken v. Bradley

Supreme Court of the United States
Argued February 27, 1974
Decided July 25, 1974
Full case name Milliken, Governor of Michigan, et al. v. Bradley, et al.
Citations 418 U.S. 717 (more)
94 S. Ct. 3112; 41 L. Ed. 2d 1069; 1974 U.S. LEXIS 94
Prior history Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit
Holding
The Court held that "[w]ith no showing of significant violation by the 53 outlying school districts and no evidence of any interdistrict violation or effect," the district court's remedy was "wholly impermissible" and not justified by Brown v. Board of Education.
Court membership
Case opinions
Majority Burger, joined by Stewart, Blackmun, Powell, Rehnquist
Concurrence Stewart
Dissent Douglas
Dissent White, joined by Douglas, Brennan, Marshall
Dissent Marshall, joined by Douglas, Brennan, White
Laws applied
U.S. Const. amend. XIV

Milliken v. Bradley, 418 U.S. 717 (1974), was an important United States Supreme Court case dealing with the planned desegregation busing of public school students across district lines among 53 school districts in metropolitan Detroit. It concerned the plans to integrate public schools in the United States in the aftermath of the Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) decision.

It placed an important limitation on the first major Supreme Ct case concerning school busing, Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1 (1971), by holding that such remedies could extend across district lines only where there was actual evidence that multiple districts had deliberately engaged in a policy of segregation.

Contents

Decision of the Court

In a 5-to-4 decision, the Court held that "[w]ith no showing of significant violation by the 53 outlying school districts and no evidence of any interdistrict violation or effect," the district court's remedy was "wholly impermissible" and not justified by Brown v. Board of Education. The Court noted that desegregation, "in the sense of dismantling a dual school system," did not require "any particular racial balance in each 'school, grade or classroom.'" The Court also emphasized the importance of local control over the operation of schools. This decision exempted suburban districts from assisting in the desegregation of inner-city school systems, and subsequently reinforced the existing trend of "white flight" from cities to suburban school districts. In other terms, the Court implicitly corraled Brown by limiting Brown's holding to the banning of de jure coercive intradistrict segregation, while allowing de facto segregation by school district lines that resulted from voluntary residential segregation.

Justice Douglas' dissenting opinion held that:

"Today's decision ... means that there is no violation of the Equal Protection Clause though the schools are segregated by race and though the black schools are not only separate but inferior."
"Michigan by one device or another has over the years created black school districts and white school districts, the task of equity is to provide a unitary system for the affected area where, as here, the State washes its hands of its own creations."

Stanford Law School professor Lawrence Friedman explained the impact of Milliken as follows:

The world was made safe for white flight. White suburbs were secure in their grassy enclaves .... Official, legal segregation indeed was dead; but what replaced it was a deeper, more profound segregation ... Tens of thousands of black children attend schools that are all black, schools where they never see a white face; and they live massed in ghettos which are also entirely black.[1]

Despite the Court's decision in Milliken, court-supervised school desegregation plans were implemented regularly throughout the 1970s and 1980s, and remain in effect in a handful of U.S. cities and metropolitan areas as of 2006.

See also

References

  1. ^ Lawrence M. Friedman, American Law in the Twentieth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), 296.

External links


 
 

 

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