Preferential Voting, a method of voting under which the voter expresses a first choice, second choice, and sometimes third and further choices among the candidates nominated. It is frequently used as a substitute for primary elections. It is one feature of the Hare system of Proportional Representation and is also used in several different forms for majority elections of individual officials. The major consequence of preferential voting is that minority constituencies exercise a larger role in elections than in a system of simple Majority Rule. In the United States preferential voting systems make up only a minuscule fraction of elections.
Bibliography
Bybee, Keith J. Mistaken Identity: The Supreme Court and the Politics of Minority Representation. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1998.
Guinier, Lani. The Tyranny of the Majority: Fundamental Fairness and Representative Democracy. New York: Free Press, 1994.
Powell Jr., G. Bingham. Elections as Instruments of Democracy: Majoritarian and Proportional Visions. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2000.
Richie, Robert. Reflecting All of Us: The Case for Proportional Representation. Boston: Beacon, 1999.

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Preferential voting (preference voting or ranked voting) describes certain voting systems in which voters rank candidates in order of preference. It is also used to refer to the form of ballot used by such systems. Such systems are also sometimes called "ranked" or "ordinal", to distinguish them from "rated"/"cardinal" voting systems.
Preferential voting can be used for both single-winner and multiple winner elections. Preferential voting is best known in the form of instant runoff voting. The least competitive candidates are removed one by one, and their supporter's ballots are transferred at full value to each voter's next best choice. The field is whittled down through successive rounds; removing the single least favorite candidate each round until the favorite(s) of the electorate is found. Advocates believe this method is effective at electing the candidate(s) with the broadest range of electoral support on a single ballot; and when choosing from, or encouraging, a large number of potential candidates.
Other forms of preferential (ranked) balloting include: the Condorcet method, the Borda count, and Bucklin voting.
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There are a number of different but equivalent ways to design a ballot that allows voter to specify a set of rank preferences.
Some election rules may require voters to assign a ranking to all candidates or to a minimum number to be a valid vote. Most election rules disallow the use of tied-rankings.
If there is a large number of candidates, more common in STV elections, then it becomes more likely that many preference voting patterns will be unique to individual voters. For example, in the Irish general election, 2002, the electronic votes were published for the Dublin North constituency. There were 12 candidates and almost 44,000 votes cast. The most common pattern (for the three candidates from one party in a particular order) was chosen by 800 voters, and more than 16,000 patterns were chosen by just one voter each.
The number of possible complete rankings with no ties is the factorial of the number of candidates, N, but with ties it is equal to the corresponding ordered Bell number and is asymptotic to
.[1]In the case common to IRV in which no ties are allowed, except for unranked candidates who are tied for last place, the number of possible rankings for N candidates is precisely

which is asymptotic to (e-1)N! .
Arrow's theorem showed that no preferential voting system can obey certain desirable voting system criteria such as the majority criterion and independence of irrelevant alternatives.[2]
Preferential voting is used in the form of instant runoff voting electing candidates to single-member electorates such as the Australian Federal House of Representatives, state legislative assemblies (except in Tasmania) and local government municipalities.
Single transferable vote (STV) systems are used in electing candidates to multi-member electorates such as the Australian Senate, State upper houses, Tasmania's State House of Assembly, the Australian Capital Territory's legislative assembly, and some local government municipalities.
Ballot papers are counted according to a prescribed set of rules which set out the method used in the counting of the ballots and the distribution of preferences. Voters' preferences are now entered into computer systems that process the recorded votes to determine the results of the election. Copies of the transcribed data file used in the counting of the elections are published and made available for public inspection and scrutiny.
Supporters of the parties and individual candidates hand out "how to vote" cards (HTVs) at the entrance to polling stations or distributed with election material sent in the post, advising voters how to fill in their ballots to support that party or candidate. The information published on a how to vote card is a recommendation only and no voter is obliged to vote as published, but up to 80% of voters follow the recommendations of their preferred party or candidate. The proportion of voters that choose not to follow their preferred candidate's recommendations is called the "preference leakage".[3]
The STV systems of some jurisdictions in Australia (e.g. the Senate) allow group voting tickets or "above the line voting" where a voter can, with a single mark, indicate support for a predefined set of preferences. This reduces the burden on voters, especially where there are large numbers of candidates and when a complete preference list is required to make a vote valid, so about 95% of voters use this option. Voters not wishing to use the "above-the-line-voting" option maintain the entitlement to indicate preferences for individual candidates; this is referred to as below-the-line voting. The allocation of predefined and individual voter preferences is important in determining the results of the election.
One result of the preference system over other systems, is that multiple similar candidates do not split the vote, resulting in an unpopular candidate winning. In the example of popular right leaning politician John Howard, his electorate had moved to the left over many years, culminating in the 2007 election. In 2007 John Howard, a right leaning candidate stood against a field of left leaning candidates, he won the majority of votes on the first count because the left votes were split between several similarly left candidates, but as the weaker candidates were removed and votes redistributed, the ballot went to the strongest candidate, a left Labor candidate. In a "first past the post system", Howard would have won, despite the majority of his electorate being leftist.
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