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What did Ibn Sina discover?

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ibn Sina was born in AH 370/AD 980 near Bukhara in Central Asia, where his father governed a village in one of the royal estates. At thirteen, Ibn Sina began a study of medicine that resulted in 'distinguished physicians . . . reading the science of medicine under [him]' (Sirat al-shaykh al-ra'is (The Life of Ibn Sina): 27). His medical expertise brought him to the attention of the Sultan of Bukhara, Nuh ibn Mansur, whom he treated successfully; as a result he was given permission to use the sultan's library and its rare manuscripts, allowing him to continue his research into modes of knowledge.

When the sultan died, the heir to the throne, 'Ali ibn Shams al-Dawla, asked Ibn Sina to continue al vizier, but the philosopher was negotiating to join the forces of another son of the late king, Ala al-Dawla, and so went into hiding. During this time he composed his major philosophical treatise, Kitab al-shifa' (Book of Healing), a comprehensive account of learning that ranges from logic and mathematics to metaphysics and the afterlife. While he was writing the section on logic Ibn Sina was arrested and imprisoned, but he escaped to Isfahan, disguised as a Sufi, and joined Ala al-Dawla. While in the service of the latter he completed al-Shifa' and produced the Kitab al-najat(Book of Salvation), an abridgment of al-Shifa'. He also produced at least two major works on logic: one, al-Mantiq,translated as The Propositional Logic of Ibn Sina, was a commentary on Aristotle's Prior Analytics and forms part of al-Shifa'; the other, al-Isharat wa-'I-tanbihat(Remarks and Admonitions), seems to be written in the 'indicative mode', where the reader must participate by working out the steps leading from the stated premises to proposed conclusions. He also produced a treatise on definitions and a summary of the theoretical sciences, together with a number of psychological, religious and other works; the latter include works on astronomy, medicine, philology and zoology, as well as poems and an allegorical work, Hayy ibn Yaqzan (The Living Son of the Vigilant). His biographer also mentions numerous short works on logic and metaphysics, and a book on 'Fair Judgment' that was lost when his prince's fortunes suffered a turn. Ibn Sina's philosophical and medical work and his political involvement continued until his death.

2 Reason and realityIbn Sina's autobiography parallels his allegorical work, Hayy ibn Yaqzan. Both clarify how it is possible for individuals by themselves to arrive at the ultimate truths about reality, being and God. The autobiography shows how Ibn Sina more or less taught himself, although with particular kinds of help at significant moments, and proceeded through various levels of sophistication until he arrived at ultimate truths.

Such progress was possible because of Ibn Sina's conception of reality and reasoning. He maintains that God, the principle of all existence, is pure intellect, from whom other existing things such as minds, bodies and other objects all emanate, and therefore to whom they are all necessarily related. That necessity, once it is fully understood, is rational and allows existents to be inferred from each other and, ultimately, from God. In effect, the totality of intelligibles is structured syllogistically and human knowledge consists of the mind's reception and grasp of intelligible being. Since knowledge consists of grasping syllogistically structured intelligibles, it requires the use of reasoning to follow the relations between intelligibles. Among these intelligibles are first principles that include both concepts such as 'the existent', 'the thing' and 'the necessary', that make up the categories, and the truths of logic, including the first-figure syllogistics, all of which are basic, primitive and obvious. They cannot be explained further since all explanation and thought proceeds only on their basis. The rules of logic are also crucial to human development.

Ibn Sina's stand on the fundamental nature of categorical concepts and logical forms follows central features of Aristotle's thought in the Prior Analytics (see ARISTOTLE §§4-7). Borrowing from Aristotle, he also singles out a capacity for a mental act in which the knower spontaneously hits upon the middle term of a syllogism. Since rational arguments proceed syllogistically, the ability to hit upon the middle term is the ability to move an argument forward by seeing how given premises yield appropriate conclusions. It allows the person possessing this ability to develop arguments, to recognize the inferential relations between syllogisms. Moreover, since reality is structured syllogistically, the ability to hit upon the middle term and to develop arguments is crucial to moving knowledge of reality forward.

Ibn Sina holds that it is important to gain knowledge. Grasp of the intelligibles determines the fate of the rational soul in the hereafter, and therefore is crucial to human activity. When the human intellect grasps these intelligibles it comes into contact with the Active Intellect, a level of being that emanates ultimately from God, and receives a 'divine effluence'. People may be ordered according to their capacity for gaining knowledge, and thus by their possession and development of the capacity for hitting on the middle term. At the highest point is the prophet, who knows the intelligibles all at once, or nearly so. He has a pure rational soul and can know the intelligibles in their proper syllogistic order, including their middle terms. At the other end lies the impure person lacking in the capacity for developing arguments. Most people are in between these extremes, but they may improve their capacity for grasping the middle term by developing a balanced temperament and purity of soul (see LOGIC IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY §1).

In relation to the older debate about the respective scopes of grammar and logic, Ibn Sina argues that since logic deals with concepts that can be abstracted from sensible material, it also escapes the contingencies of the latter. Language and grammar govern sensible material and therefore have a different domain; indeed, languages are various and their rules of operation, their grasp of sensible material, are likewise articulated variously (see LANGUAGE, PHILOSOPHY OF). Nevertheless, languages make available the abstracted concepts whose operation is governed by logic; yet if language deals with contingencies, it is not clear how it can grasp or make available the objects of logic. At times, as for example in al-Isharat, Ibn Sina suggests that languages generally share a structure.

3 Theory of knowledge

In his theory of knowledge, Ibn Sina identifies the mental faculties of the soul in terms of their epistemological function. As the discussion of logic in §2 has already suggested, knowledge begins with abstraction. Sense perception, being already mental, is the form of the object perceived (see SENSE AND REFERENCE §I). Sense perception responds to the particular with its given form and material accidents. As a mental event, being a perception of an object rather than the object itself, perception occurs in the particular. To analyse this response, classifying its formal features in abstraction from material accidents, we must both retain the images given by sensation and also manipulate them by disconnecting parts and aligning them according to their formal and other properties. However, retention and manipulation are distinct epistemological functions, and cannot depend on the same psychological faculty; therefore Ibn Sina distinguishes faculties of relation and manipulation as appropriate to those diverse epistemological functions (see EPISTEMOLOGY IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY §4).

Ibn Sina identifies the retentive faculty as 'representation' and charges the imagination with the task of reproducing and manipulating images. To conceptualize our experience and to order it according to its qualities, we must have and be able to reinvoke images of what we experienced but is now absent. For this we need sensation and representation at least; in addition, to order and classify the content of representation, we must be able to discriminate, separate out and recombine parts of images, and therefore must possess imagination and reason. To think about a black flag we must be able to analyse its colour, separating this quality from others, or its part in the image from other images, and classify it with other black things, thereby showing that the concept of black applies to all such objects and their images. Imagination carries out this manipulation, allowing us to produce images of objects we have not seen in fact out of the images of things we have experienced, and thereby also generating images for intelligibles and prophecies.

Beyond sense perception, retention and imagination, Ibn Sina locates estimation (wahm). This is a faculty for perceiving non-sensible 'intentions that exist in the individual sensible objects'. A sheep flees a wolf because it estimates that the animal may do it harm; this estimation is more than representation and imagination, since it includes an intention that is additional to the perceived and abstracted form and concept of the animal. Finally, there may be a faculty that retains the content of wahm, the meanings of images. Ibn Sina also relies on a faculty of common sense, involving awareness of the work and products of all the other faculties, which interrelates these features.

Of these faculties, imagination has a principal role in intellection. Its comparison and construction of images with given meanings gives it access to universals in that it is able to think of the universal by manipulating images (see UNIVERSALS). However, Ibn Sina explains this process of grasping the universal, this emergence of the universal in the human mind, as the result of an action on the mind by the Active Intellect. This intellect is the last of ten cosmic intellects that stand below God. In other words, the manipulation of images does not by itself procure a grasp of universals so much as train the mind to think the universals when they are given to the mind by the Active Intellect. Once achieved, the processes undergone in training inform the mind so that the latter can attend directly to the Active Intellect when required. Such direct access is crucial since the soul lacks any faculty for retaining universals and therefore repeatedly needs fresh access to the Active Intellect.

As the highest point above the Active Intellect, God, the pure intellect, is also the highest object of human knowledge. All sense experience, logic and the faculties of the human soul are therefore directed at grasping the fundamental structure of reality as it emanates from that source and, through various levels of being down to the Active Intellect, becomes available to human thought through reason or, in the case of prophets, intuition. By this conception, then, there is a close relation between logic, thought, experience, the grasp of the ultimate structure of reality and an understanding of God. As the highest and purest intellect, God is the source of all the existent things in the world. The latter emanate from that pure high intellect, and they are ordered according to a necessity that we can grasp by the use of rational conceptual thought (see NEOPLATONISM IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY). These interconnections become clearer in Ibn Sina's metaphysics.

4 Metaphysics

Metaphysics examines existence as such, 'absolute existence' (al-wujud al-matlaq) or existence so far as it exists. Ibn Sina relies on the one hand on the distinction in Aristotle's Prior Analytics between the principles basic to a scientific or mathematical grasp of the world, including the four causes, and on the other hand the subject of metaphysics, the prime or ultimate cause of all things - God. In relation to the first issue, Ibn Sina recognizes that observation of regularities in nature fails to establish their necessity. At best it evinces the existence of a relation of concomitance between events. To establish the necessity implicated in causality, we must recognize that merely accidental regularities would be unlikely to occur always, or even at all, and certainly not with the regularity that events can exhibit (see CAUSALITY AND NECESSITY IN ISLAMIC THOUGHT). Thus, we may expect that such regularities must be the necessary result of the essential properties of the objects in question.

In developing this distinction between the principles and subject of metaphysics, Ibn Sina makes another distinction between essence and existence, one that applies to everything except God. Essence and existence are distinct in that we cannot infer from the essence of something that it must exist (see EXISTENCE). Essence considers only the nature of things, and while this may be realized in particular real circumstances or as an item in the mind with its attendant conditions, nevertheless essence can be considered for itself apart from that mental and physical realization. Essences exist in supra-human intelligences and also in the human mind. Further, if essence is distinct from existence in the way Ibn Sina is proposing, then both the existence and the nonexistence of the essence may occur, and each may call for explanation.

5 The existence of God

The above distinctions enter into the central subject matter of metaphysics, that is, God and the proof of his existence. Scholars propose that the most detailed and comprehensive of Ibn Sina's arguments for God's existence occurs in the 'Metaphysics' section of al-Shifa' (Gutas 1988; Mamura 1962; Morewedge 1972). We know from the Categories of Aristotle that existence is either necessary or possible. If an existence were only possible, then we could argue that it would presuppose a necessary existence, for as a merely possible existence, it need not have existed and would need some additional factor to bring about its existence rather than its non-existence. That is, the possible existence, in order to be existent, must have been necessitated by something else. Yet that something else cannot be another merely possible existence since the latter would itself stand in need of some other necessitation in order to bring it about. or would lead to an infinite regress without explaining why the merely possible existence does exist. From this point, Ibn Sina proposes that an essential cause and its effect will coexist and cannot be part of an infinite chain; the nexus of causes and effects must have a first cause, which exists necessarily for itself: God (see GOD, ARGUMENTS FOR THE EXISTENCE OF § I ).

From his proof of God's existence. Ibn Sina goes on to explain how the world and its order emanates from God. Whereas ARISTOTLE (§ 16) himself did not relate the Active Intellect that may be implied in On the Soul III with the first, ever-thinking cause of the universal found in Book XII of his Metaphysics, later commentators on his work (for example, ALEXANDER OF APHRODISIAS) identified the two, making the Active Intellect, the principle that brings about the passage of the human intellect from possibility to actuality, into the first cause of the universe. Together with this is the proof of God's existence that sees him not only as the prime mover but also as the first existent. God's self-knowledge consist in an eternal act that results in or brings about a first intelligence or awareness. This first intelligence conceives or cognizes the necessity of God's existence, the necessity of its own existence, and its own existence as possible. From these acts of conception, other existents arise: another intelligence, a celestial soul and a celestial body, respectively. The last constitutes the first sphere of the universe, and when the second intelligence engages in its own cognitive act, it constitutes the level of fixed stars as well as another level of intelligence that, in turn, produces another intelligence and another level of body. The last such intelligence that emanates from the successive acts of knowing is the Active Intellect, that produces our world. Such emanation cannot continue indefinitely; although being may proceed from intelligence, not every intelligence containing the same aspects will produce the same effects. Successive intelligences have diminished power. and the active intellect, standing tenth in the hierarchy, no longer possesses the power to emanate eternal beings.

None of these proposals by Ibn Sina give grounds for supposing that he was committed to mysticism (for an opposing view, see MYSTICAL PHILOSOPHY IN ISLAM § I). His so called 'Eastern philosophy', usually understood to contain his mystical doctrines, seems to be an entirely Western invention that over the last two hundred years has been read into Ibn Sina's work (see Gutas 1988). Nevertheless, Ibn Sina combines his Aristotelianism with a religious interest, seeking to explain prophecy as having its basis in a direct openness of the prophet's mind to the Active Intellect, through which the middle terms of syllogisms, the syllogisms themselves and their conclusions become available without the procedure of working out proofs. Sometimes the prophet gains insight through imagination, and expresses his insight in figurative terms. It is also possible for the imagination to gain contact with the souls of the higher spheres, allowing the prophet to envisage the future in some figurative form. There may also be other varieties of prophecy.

6 The soul

In all these dealings with prophecy, knowledge and metaphysics, Ibn Sina takes it that the entity involved is the human soul. In al-Shifa', he proposes that the soul must be an incorporeal substance because intellectual thoughts themselves are indivisible. Presumably he means that a coherent thought, involving concepts in some determinate order, cannot be had in parts by different intellects and still remain a single coherent thought. In order to be a coherent single unity, a coherent thought must be had by a single, unified intellect rather than, for example, one intellect having one part of the thought, another soul a separate part of the thought and yet a third intellect having a third distinct part of the same thought. In other words, a coherent thought is indivisible and can be present as such only to an intellect that is similarly unified or indivisible. However, corporeal matter is divisible; therefore the indivisible intellect that is necessary for coherent thought cannot be corporeal. It must therefore be incorporeal, since those are the only two available possibilities.

For Ibn Sina, that the soul is incorporeal implies also that it must be immortal: the decay and destruction of the body does not affect the soul. There are basically three relations to the corporeal body that might also threaten the soul but, Ibn Sina proposes, none of these relations holds true of the incorporeal soul, which therefore must be immortal. If the body were a cause of the soul's existence, or if body and soul depended on each other necessarily for their existence, or if the soul logically depended on the body, then the destruction or decay of the body would determine the existence of the soul. However, the body is not a cause of the soul in any of the four senses of cause; both are substances, corporeal and incorporeal, and therefore as substances they must be independent of each other; and the body changes and decays as a result of its independent causes and substances, not because of changes in the soul, and therefore it does not follow that any change in the body, including death, must determine the existence of the soul. Even if the emergence of the human soul implies a role for the body, the role of this corporeal matter is only accidental.

To this explanation that the destruction of the body does not entail or cause the destruction of the soul, Ibn Sina adds an argument that the destruction of the soul cannot be caused by anything. Composite existing objects are subject to destruction; by contrast, the soul as a simple incorporeal being is not subject to destruction. Moreover, since the soul is not a compound of matter and form, it may be generated but it does not suffer the destruction that afflicts all generated things that are composed of form and matter. Similarly, even if we could identify the soul as a compound, for it to have unity that compound must itself be integrated as a unity, and the principle of this unity of the soul must be simple; and, so far as the principle involves an ontological commitment to existence, being simple and incorporeal it must therefore be indestructible (see SOUL IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY).

7 Reward and punishment

From the indestructibility of the soul arise questions about the character of the soul, what the soul may expect in a world emanating from God, and what its position will be in the cosmic system. Since Ibn Sina maintains that souls retain their identity into immortality, we may also ask about their destiny and how this is determined. Finally, since Ibn Sina also wants to ascribe punishment and reward to such souls, he needs to explain how there may be both destiny and punishment.

The need for punishment depends on the possibility of evil, and Ibn Sina's examination maintains that moral and other evils afflict individuals rather than species. Evils are usually an accidental result of things that otherwise produce good. God produces more good than evil when he produces this sublunary world, and abandoning an overwhelmingly good practice because of a 'rare evil' would be a privation of good. For example, fire is useful and therefore good, even if it harms people on occasion (see EVIL, PROBLEM OF). God might have created a world in another existence that was entirely free of the evil present in this one, but that would preclude all the greater goods available in this world, despite the rare evil it also contains. Thus, God generates a world that contains good and evil and the agent, the soul. acts in this world; the rewards and punishments it gains in its existence beyond this world are the result of its choices in this world, and there can be both destiny and punishment because the world and its order are precisely what give souls a choice between good and evil.

8 Poetry, character and society

Identifying poetic language as imaginative, Ibn Sina relies on the ability of the faculty of imagination to construct images to argue that poetic language can bear a distinction between premises, argument and conclusion, and allows for a conception of poetic syllogism. Aristotle's definition of a syllogism was that if certain statements are accepted, then certain other statements must also necessarily be accepted (see ARISTOTLE §5). To explain this syllogistic structure of poetic language, Ibn Sina first identifies poetic premises as resemblances formed by poets that produce 'an astonishing effect of distress or pleasure' (see POETRY).

The resemblances essayed by poets and the comparisons they put forward in poems, when these are striking, original and so on, produce an 'astonishing effect' or 'feeling of wonder' in the listener or reader. 'The evening of life' compares the spans of a day and a life, bringing the connotations of the day to explain some characteristics of a lifespan. To find this use of poetic language meaningful, the suggestion is that we need to see the comparison as the conclusion of a syllogism. A premise of this syllogism would be that days have a span that resembles or is comparable to the progression of a life. This resemblance is striking, novel and insightful, and understanding its juxtaposition of days and lives leads subjects to feel wonder or astonishment. Next, pleasure occurs in this consid­eration of the poetic syllogism as the basis of our imaginative assent, paralleling assent in, for example, the demonstrative syllogism: once we have accepted the premise, we are led to accept the associations and imaginative constructions that result; once we accept the comparison between days and lives, we can understand and appreciate the comparison between old age and evening. Ibn Sina also finds other parallels between poetic language and meaningful arguments, showing that pleasure in imaginative assent can be expected of other subjects; assent is therefore more than an expression of personal preferences. This validity of poetic language makes it possible for Ibn Sina to argue that beauty in poetic language has a moral value that sustains and depends on relations of justice between autonomous members of a community. In his commentary on Aristotle's Poetics, however, he combines this with a claim that different kinds of poetic language will suit different kinds of characters. Comedy suits people who are base and uncouth. while tragedy attracts an audience of noble characters (see AESTHETICS IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY).

9 Links to the West

Latin versions of some of Ibn Sina's works began to appear in the early thirteenth century. The best known philosophical work to be translated was his Kitab al-shifa', although the translation did not include the sections on mathematics or large sections of the logic. Translations made at Toledo include the Kitab al-najat and the Kitab al-ilahiyat(Metaphysics) in its entirety. Other sections on natural science were translated at Burgos and for the King of Sicily. GERARD OF CREMONA translated Ibn Sina's al-Qanun f'1-tibb (Canon on Medicine). At Barcelona, another philosophical work, part of the Kitab al-nafs (Book of the Soul), was translated early in the fourteenth century. His late work on logic, al-Isharat wa-'l-tanbihat, seems to have been translated in part and is cited in other works. His commentaries on On theSoul were known to Thomas AQUINAS and ALBERT THE GREAT, who cite them extensively in their own discussions.

These and other translations of Ibn Sina's works made up the core of a body of literature that was available for study. By the early thirteenth century, his works were studied not only in relation to Neoplatonists such as AUGUSTINE and DUNS SCOTUS, but were used also in study of ARISTOTLE. Consequently, they were banned in 1210 when the synod at Paris prohibited the reading of Aristotle and of 'summae' and 'commenta' of his work. The force of the ban was local and only covered the teaching of this subject: the texts were read and taught at Toulouse in 1229. As late as the sixteenth century there were other translations of short works by Ibn Sina into Latin, for example by Andrea Alpago of Belluno (see ARISTOTELIANISM, MEDIEVAL §3; ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY: TRANSMISSION INTO Western Europe; TRANSLATORS).

See also: AESTHETICS IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY; ARISTOTELIANISM IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY; EPISTEMOLOGY IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY; LOGIC IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY; SOUL IN ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY; ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY: TRANSMISSION INTO WESTERN EUROPE

List of works

Ibn Sina (980-1037) Sirat al-shaykh al-ra'is (The Life of Ibn Sina), ed. and trans. WE. Gohlman, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1974. (The only critical edition of Ibn Sina's autobiography, supplemented with material from a biography by his student Abu 'Ubayd al-Juzjani. A more recent translation of the Autobiography appears in D. Gutas, Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition: Introduction to Reading Avicenna's Philosophical Works, Leiden: Brill, 1988.)

- (980-1037) al-Isharat wa-'l-tanbihat (Remarks and Admonitions), ed. S. Dunya, Cairo, 1960; parts translated by S.C. Inati, Remarks and Admonitions, Part One: Logic,Toronto, Ont.: Pontifical Institute for Mediaeval Studies, 1984, and Ibn Sina and Mysticism, Remarks and Admonitions: Part 4,London: Kegan Paul International, 1996. (The English translation is very useful for what it shows of the philosopher's conception of logic, the varieties of syllogism, premises and so on.)

- (980-1037) al-Qanun fi'l-tibb (Canon on Medi­cine), ed. I. a-Qashsh, Cairo, 1987. (Ibn Sina's work on medicine.)

(980-1037) Risalah fi sirr al-qadar (Essay on the Secret of Destiny), trans. G. Hourani in Reason and Tradition in Islamic Ethics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. (Provides insights into a neglected area of Ibn Sina's thought.)

(980-1037) Danishnama-i 'ala'i (The Book of Scientific Knowledge), ed. and trans. P Morewedge, The Metaphysics of Avicenna, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973. (This is a translation of a metaphysical work in Persian.)

- (c 1014-20) al-Shifa' (Healing). (Ibn Sina's major work on philosophy. He probably began to compose al-Shifa' in 1014, and completed it in 1020. Critical editions of the Arabic text have been published in Cairo, 1952-83, originally under the supervision of I. Madkour; some of these editions are given below.)

- (c.1014-20) al-Mantiq (Logic), Part 1, al­Madkhal (Isag6ge), ed. G. Anawati, M. El-Khodeiri and F. al-Ahwani, Cairo: al-Matba'ah al-Amiriyah, 1952; trans. N. Shehaby, The Propositional Logic of Ibn Sina, Dordrecht: Reidel, 1973. (Volume I, Part 1

of al-Shifa'.)

- (c 1014-20) al-'Ibarah (Interpretation), ed. M. El-Khodeiri, Cairo: Dar al-Katib al-Arabi, 1970. (Volume 1, Part 3 of al-Shifa'.)

- (c 1014-20) al-Qiyas (Syllogism), ed. S. Zayed and I. Madkour, Cairo: Organisme General des Imprimeries Gouvernementales, 1964. (Volume I, Part 4 of al-Shifa'.)

- (c 1014-20) al-Burhan (Demonstration), ed. A.E. Affifi, Cairo: Organisme General des Imprimeries Gouvernementales, 1956. (Volume I, Part 5 of al-Shifa'.)

(c 1014-20) al-Jadal (Dialectic), ed. A.F Al-Ehwany, Cairo: Organisme General des Imprimeries Gouvernementales, 1965. (Volume I, Part 7 of

al-Shifa'.)

- (c 1014-20) al-Khatabah (Rhetoric), ed. S. Salim, Cairo: Imprimerie Nationale, 1954. (Volume I, Part 8 of al-Shifa'.)

- (c.1014-20) al-Ilahiyat (Theology), ed. M.Y. Moussa, S. Dunya and S. Zayed, Cairo: Organisme General des Imprimeries Gouvernementales, 1960; ed. and trans. R.M. Savory and D. A. Agius, 'Ibn Sina on Primary Concepts in the Metaphysics of al-Shifa', in Logikos Islamikos, Toronto, Ont.: Pontifical Institute for Mediaeval Studies, 1984; trans. G.C. Anawati, La metaphysique du Shifa', Etudes Musulmanes 21, 27, Paris: Vrin, 1978, 1985. (This is the metaphysics of al-Shifa', Volume I, Book 5.)

- (c 1014-20) al-Nafs (The Soul), ed. G.C. Anawati and S. Zayed, Cairo: Organisme General des Imprimeries Gouvernementales, 1975; ed. F. Rahman, Avicenna's De Anima, Being the Psychological Part of Kitab al-Shifa', London: Oxford University Press, 1959. (Volume 1, part 6 of al-Shifa'.)

- (c 1014-20) Kitab al-najat (The Book of Salvation), trans. F. Rahman, Avicenna's Psychology: An English Translation of Kitab al-Najat, Book II, Chapter VI with Historical-philosophical Notes and Textual Improvements on the Cairo Edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952. (The pyschology of al-Shifa'.)

References and further reading

* Alexander of Aphrodisias (c 200) De anima (On the Soul), in Scripta minora 2.1, ed. I. Bruns, Berlin, 1887; ed. A.P. Fontinis, The De Anima of Alexander of Aphrodisias, Washington, DC: University Press ofAmerica, 1979. (Important later commentary on Aristotle.)

Davidson, H.A. (1992) Alfarabi, Avicenna and Averroes on Intellect: Their Cosmologies, Theories of the Active Intellect, and Theories of the Human Intellect, New York: Oxford University Press (A thorough consideration of Ibn Sina's theory of the intellects in relation to Hellenistic and Arabic philosophers.)

Fakhry, M. (1993) Ethical Theories in Islam, 2nd edn, Leiden: Brill. (Contains material on Ibn Sina's ethical thought.)

Goodman, L. (1992) Avicenna, London: Routledge. (A useful introduction to central features of Ibn Sina's philosophical theories.)

* Gutas, D. (1988) Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, Introduction to Reading Avicenna's Philo­sophical Works,Leiden: Brill. (An excellent account of the considerations that entered into the con­struction of Ibn Sina's corpus, the book contains translations of a number of smaller texts, a careful consideration of method and sharp criticisms of, among other things, ascriptions of mysticism to Ibn Sina. This is probably the most useful guide to an engagement with the philosopher's work currently available in English.)

Inati, S. (1996) 'Ibn Sina', in S.H. Nasr and O, Leaman (eds) History of Islamic Philosophy, London: Routledge, ch. 16, 231-L6. (Comprehensive guide to his analytical thought.)

Janssens, J.L. (1991) An Annotated Bibliography on Ibn Sina (1970-1989), Including Arabic and Persian Publications and Turkish and Russian references, Leuven: University of Leuven Press. (An indispensible tool for study of Ibn Sina and recent work on the philosopher, though it will soon need to be updated.)

Kemal, S. (1991) The Poetics of Alfarabi and Avicenna,Leiden: Brill. (A philosophical study of Ibn Sina's philosophical poetics and its relation to epistemology and morality.)

* Mamura, M.E. (1962) 'Some Aspects of Avicenna's Theory of God's Knowledge of Particulars', Journal of the American Oriental Society 82: 299-312. (This paper, along with those of Morewedge (1972) and Rahman (1958), are seminal to contemporary understanding of Ibn Sina's thought.)

(1980) 'Avicenna's Proof from Contingency for God's Existence in the Metaphysics of al Shifa', Medieval Studies 42: 337-52. (A clear exposition of the proof.)

* Morewedge, P (1972) 'Philosophical Analysis and Ibn Sina's "Essence-Existence" distinction'. Journal of the American Oriental Society 92: 425-35. (A welcome explanation ofthe implications of a distinction central to Ibn Sina's proof of God's existence.)

Nasr, S. H. (1996) 'Ibn Sina's Oriental Philosophy', in S.H. Nasr and O. Leaman (eds) History of Islamic Philosophy,London: Routledge, ch. 17, 247-51. (Concise and interesting defence of the idea that Ibn Sina really did have distinctive system of mystical philosophy.)

Rahman, F. (1958) 'Essence and Existence in Avicenna', Medieval and Renaissance Studies 4: 1-16. (A version also appears in Hamdard Islamicus 4 (1): 3-14. The paper considers the philosophical usefulness of the distinction of essence from existence.)

السيرة بقلم تلميذ صاحب السيرة:

قال الشيخ أبو عبيد: فهذا ما حكاه لي الشيخ من لفظه ، ومن هنا ماشاهدته أنا من أحواله والله الموفقّ .

كان بجرجان رجل يقال له أبو محمد الشيرازي يحب هذه العلوم ، وقد اشترى للشيخ داراً في جواره ، وأنزله فيها ؛ وكنت أنا أختلف إليه كلّ يوم فأقرأ المجسطي وأستملي المنطق، فأملى علي المختصر الأوسط في المنطق ، وصنّف لأبي محمد الشيرازي كتاب المبدأ والمعاد ، وكتاب الأرصاد الكلية ؛ وصنف هناك كتباً كثيرة كأول القانون ، ومختصر " المجسطي " ، وكثيراً من الرسائل . ثم صنف في أرض[1] الجبل باقي كتبه وهذا فهرست[2] جميع كتبه:

(1) كتاب المجموع مجلّدة (2) كتاب الحاصل والمحصولعشرون مجلّدة (3) كتاب البر والاثم مجلدتان (4) كتاب الشفاء ثماني عشرة مجلّدة (5) كتاب القانون أربع عشرة مجلّدة (6) كتاب الارصاد الكلّيّة مجلّدة (7) كتاب الانصاف عشرون مجلّدة (8) كتاب النجاة ثلاث مجلّدات (9) كتاب الهداية مجلّدة (10) كتاب الاشارات مجلّدة (11) كتاب المختصر الأوسط مجلّدة (12) كتاب العلائىّ مجلّدة (13) كتابالقولنج مجلّدة (14) كتاب لسان العرب عشر مجلّدات (15) كتاب الادوية القلبيّة مجلّدة (16) كتاب الموجز مجلّدة (17) بعض الحكمة المشرقيّة مجلّدة (18) كتاب بيان ذوات الجهة مجلّدة (19) كتاب المعاد مجلّدة (20) كتاب المبدأ والمعاد مجلّدة (21) كتاب المباحثاتمجلّدة. ومن رسائله : (22) رسالة القضاء والقدر (23) الآلة الرصديّة (24) غرض قاطيغوريس (25) المنطق بالشعر (26) القصائد في العظمة والحكمة (27) رسالة في الحروف(28) تعقّب المواضع الجدليّة (29) مختصر أقليدس (30) مختصر النبض بالعجمية (31) الحدود (32) الأجرام السماويّة (33) الاشارة الى علم المنطق (34) أقسام الحكمة (35) النهاية واللانهاية (36) عهد كتبه لنفسه (37) حيّ بن يقظان (38) في أنّ أبعاد الجسم غير ذاتيّة له (39) الكلام في الهندبا وله خطبة (40) في أنه لا يجوز أن يكون شيء واحد جوهرا وعرضا (41) في أن علم زيد غير علم عمرو (42) رسائل له إخوانيّة وسلطانيّة (43) رسائل في مسائل جرت بينه وبين بعض الفضلاء (44) كتاب الحواشى على القانون (45) كتاب عيون الحكمة (46) كتابالشبكة والطير .

ثم انتقل إلى الري ، واتصل بخدمة السيّدة وابنها[3] مجد الدولة ، وعرفوه بسبب كتب وصلت معه تتضمن تعريف قدره . وكان بمجد الدولة إذ ذاك علّة[4] السوداء ؛ وصنف هناك كتاب المعاد. وأقام بها إلى أن قصدها شمس الدولة ؛ بعد قتل هلال بن بدر ابن حسنويه ، وهزيمة عسكر بغداد .

ثم اتفقت[5] له أسباب أوجبت خروجه إلى قزوين ، ومنها إلى همذان ، واتصاله بخدمة كذبانويه ، والنظر في أسبابها.

ثم اتفق معرفة شمس الدولة وإحضاره مجلسه ، بسبب قولنج كان قد أصابه ، وعالجه حتى شفاه الله ؛ وفاز من تلك المجالس بخلع كثيرة ؛ ورجع إلى داره بعد ما أقام هناك أربعين يوماً بلياليها ، وصار من ندماء الأمير.

ثم اتفق نهوض الأمير إلى قرمسين لحرب عنّاز ، وخرج الشيخ في خدمته ، ثم توجه نحو همذان منهزماً راجعاً.

ثم سألوه تقلد الوزارة فتقلدها. ثم اتفق تشويش العسكر عليه ، وإشفاقهم منه على أنفسهم ، فكبسوا داره ، وأخذوه إلى الحبس ، وأغاروا على أسبابه ، وأخذوا جميع ما كان يملكه وساموا الأمير قتله ، فامتنع عن[6] قتله ، وعدل إلى نفيه عن الدولة[7] ، طلباً لمرضاتهم . فتوارى الشيخ في دار أبي سعد بن دخدول[8] أربعين يوماً ؛ فعاود القولنج الأمير شمس الدولة ، وطلب الشيخ ، فحضر مجلسه ، واعتذر الأمير [إليه] بكلّ الاعتذار ، فاشتغل بمعالجته ، وأقام عنده مكرّما مبجلا ، وأُعيدت الوزارة إليه ثانياً.

ثم سألته أنا شرح كتاب أرسطو[طاليس] فذكر أنه لا فراغ له إلى ذلك في ذلك الوقت ، »ولكن إنْ رضيتَ مني بتصنيف كتلب أورد فيه ما صح عندي من هذه العلوم ، بلا مناظرة مع المخالفين ، ولا الاشتغال بالرد عليهم ، فعلتُ ذلك. « ؛ فرضيت به.

فابتدأ بالطبعيّات من كتاب سماه كتاب الشفاء. وكان قد صنّف الكتاب الأوّل من القانون. فكان يجتمع كلّ ليلة في داره طلبة العلم ، وكنت أقرأ من الشفاء نوبة ، وكان يقرأ غيري من القانون نوبة ، فإذا فرغنا حضر المغنّون على اختلاف طبقاتهم ، وهيء[9] مجلس الشراب بآلاته ، وكنا نشتغل به . وكان التدريس بالليل لعدم الفراغ بالنهار ، خدمةً للأمير . فقضينا على ذلك زمناً.

ثم توجه شمس الدولة إلى الطارم لحرب أميرها ، وعاوده القولنج في قرب ذلك الموضع ، وأشتدّت علته[10] ، وانضاف اليه أمراض أخر جلبها سوء تدبيره ، وقلة قبوله من الشيخ ، فخاف العسكر وفاته ، فرجعوا به طالبين همذان في المهد ، فتُوُفّي في الطريق.

ثمّ بُوْيِع[11] ابن شمس الدولة ، وطلبوا استيزار الشيخ ، فأبى عليهم . وكاتب[12] علاء الدولة يطلب خدمته سرّاً ، والمصير إليه ، والانضمام إلى جانبه .

وأقام في دار أبي غالب العطّار متواريا. وطلبتُ منه إتمام كتاب الشفاء فاستحضر أبا غالب ، وطلب منه الكاغد والمحبر فأحضرهما . وكتب الشيخ في قريب من[13] عشرين جزءا مقدار الثمن رءوس المسائل ، وبقي فيه يومين حتّى كتب رؤوس المسائل [كلها] ، بلا كتاب يحضره ، ولا أصل يرجع إليه ، بل من حفظه و [عن] ظهر قلبه . ثم ترك تلك الأجزاء بين يديه ، وأخذ الكاغد ، فكان ينظر في كلّّ مسألة ، ويكتب شرحها . فكان يكتب كلّ يوم خمسين ورقة . حتى[14] [أتى] على جميع الطبيعيات والإلهيّات ، ما خلا كتاب الحيوان. وابتدأ بالمنطق ، وكتب منه جزءا.

ثمّ اتّهمه تاج الملك بمكاتبة علاء الدولة ، وأنكر عليه ذلك ، وحثّ في طلبه ، فدلّ عليه بعض أعدائه ، فأخذوه وحملوه إلى قلعة يقال لها فَرْدَجَان . وأنشد هناك قصيدة فيها[15] :

دخولي باليقين كما تراه وكلّ الشكّ في أمر الخروج

وبقي فيها أربعة أشهر.

ثمّ قصد علاء الدولة همذان ، فأخذها . وانهزم تاج الملك ، ومرّ إلى تلك القلعة بعينها. ثمّ رجع علاء الدولة عن همذان ، وعاد تاج الملك بن شمس الدولة إلى همذان ، واستصحب الشيخ معه ، ونزل في دار العلوي ، واشتغل بتصنيف المنطق من كتاب الشفاء . وكان قد صنف بالقلعة كتاب الهداية ، ورسالة حي بن يقظان وكتاب القولنج . وأما الأدوية القلبية فإنما صنفها أول وروده [إلى] همذان.

وكان تقضى على هذا زمان ، وتاج المك في أثناء هذا يمنّيه بمواعيد جميلة . ثمّ عزم الشيخ على التوجّه إلى إصفهان ، فخرج متنكراً ، وأنا معه وأخوه في زي الصوفية ، إلى أن وصلنا إلى طبران[16] عل باب إصفهان ، بعد أن قاسينا شدائد في الطريق ، فاستقبلنا أصداقاء الشيخ ، وندماء الأمير علاء الدولة وخواصه ، وحمل إليه الثياب والمراكب الخاصة ، وأنزل في محلّة يقال لها كون[17] كنبذ ، في دار عبد الله بن بابي[18] ، وفيها من الآلات والفرش ما يحتاج إليه ، فصادف[19] من مجلسه الإكرام والإعزاز الذي يستحقه[20] مثله.

ثم رسم الأمير علاء الدولة ليالي الجمعات مجلس النظر بين يديه ، فحضره سائر العلماء على اختلاف طبقاتهم ، و الشيخ في جملتهم ، فما كان يُطاق في شيء من العلوم.

واشتغل بإصفهان بتتميم كتاب الشفاء ، ففرغ من المنطق والمجسطي. وكان قد اختصر أوقليدس والأرثماطيقي والموسيقي ؛ فأورد[21] في كلّ كتاب من الرياضيات زيادات رأى أن الحاجة إليها داعية . أمّا في المجسطي فأورد عشرة أشكال في اختلاف المنظر ، وأورد في آخر المجسطي من[22] علم الهيئة أشياء لم يسبق إليها . وأورد في أوقليدس شبهاً[23] ، وفي الأرثماطيقي خواص حسنة ، وفي الموسيقى مسائل غفل عنها الأولون . وتمّ كتاب الشفاء ما خلا كتابي النبات والحيوان ، فإنه صنّفهما في السنة التي توجه فيها علاء الدولة إلى سابورخواست في الطريق . وصنف أيضاً في الطريق كتاب النجاة.

واختص بعلاء الدولة وصار من ندمائه ، إلى أن عزم علاء الدولة على قصد همذان . وخرج الشيخ في الصحبة ، فجرى ليلة بين يدي علاء الدولة ذكر الخلل الحاصل في التقاويم المعمولة بحسب الأرصاد القديمة . فأمر الأمير الشيخ برصد هذه الكواكب ، وأطلق من الأموال ما يحتاج إليه ، وابتدأ الشيخ به . وولاني اتخاذ آلاتها ، واستخدام صنّاعها ، حتى ظهر كثير من المسائل . وكان يقع الخلل في أمر الأرصاد[24] لكثرة الأسفار وعوائقها . وصنّف الشيخ بإصفهان كتاب[25] العلائي.

وكان من عجائب الشيخ أني [صحبته و] خدمته خمساً وعشرين سنة ، فما رأيته إذا وقع له كتاب مجدّد ينظر فيه على الولاء ، بل كان يقصد المواضع الصعبة منه ، والمسائل المشكلة ، فينظر ما قاله مصنفه فيها ، فيتبين مرتبته في العلم ، ودرجته في الفهم .

وكان الشيخ جالساً يوماً بين يدي الأمير ، وأبو منصور الجبان[26] حاضر ، فجرى في اللغة مسألة تكلم الشيخ فيها بما حضره ، فالتفت أبو منصور إلى الشيخ وقال له : »أنت فيلسوف وحكيم ، ولكن لم تقرأ من اللغة ما يُرضَى[27] كلامك فيها« فاستنكف الشيخ من [هذا] الكلام، وتوفر على درس كتب اللغة ثلاث سنين . واستدعى[28] بكتاب تهذيب اللغة من خراسان ، من تصنيف أبي منصور الأزهري . فبلغ الشيخ في اللغة طبقة قلما يتفق مثلها . وأنشد[29] ثلاث قصائد ضمنها ألفاظاً غريبة في[30] اللغة ، وكتب ثلاثة كتب : أحدها على طريقة ابن العميد ، والآخر على طريقة الصابي ، والآخر على طريقة الصاحب ، وأمر بتجليدها وإخلاق جلدها ؛ ثم أوعز الأمير بعرض[31] تلك المجلّدة على أبي منصور الجبائي ، وذكر : إنا[32] ظفرنا بهذه المجلّدة في الصحراء وقت الصيد ، فيجب أن تتفقدها وتقول لنا ما فيها . فنظر فيها أبو منصور ، وأشكل[33] عليه كثير مما فيها . فقال له الشيخ : ما[34] تجهله من هذا الكتاب ، فهو مذكور في الموضع الفلاني من كتب اللغة . وذكر له كتباً معروفة في اللغة كان الشيخ قد حفظ تلك الألفاظ منها . وكان أبو منصور مجزفاً فيما يورده من اللغة ، غير ثقة فيها . ففطن أنَّ تلك الرسائل من تصنيف الشيخ ، وأن الذي حمله عليه ما جبهه به ذلك اليوم ، فتنصل واعتذر إليه . ثم صنف الشيخ كتاباً في اللغة سماه لسان العرب ،لم يصنف في اللغة مثله ، ولم ينقله في البياض . ثم[35] توفي ، فبقي الكتاب على[36] مسودته لا يهتدي أحد إلى ترتيبه.

وكان قد حصل للشيخ تجارب كثيرة فيما باشر[37] من المعالجات ، وعزم[38] على تدوينها في كتاب القانون . [وكان قد علقها على أجزاء فضاعت قبل تمام كتاب القانون][39]، من ذلك أنه تصدع[40] يوماً فتصور أن مادة تريد النزول إلى حجاب رأسه ، وأنه لا يأمن ورماً يحصل[41] فيه ، فأمر بإحضار ثلج كثير ، ودقة ولفه في خرقة ، وغطى بها رأسه ، وفعل [42] ذلك حتى قوي الموضع ، وامتنع عن حلول[43] تلك المادة ، وعوفي.

ومن ذلك أن امرأة مسلولة بخوارزم أمرها أن لا تتناول شيئاً من الأدوية سوى جلنجبين السكر[44] ، حتى تناولت على الأيام مقدار مائة منًّ ، وشفيت[45].

وكان[46] الشيخ قد صنف بجرجان المختصر الأصغر في المنطق ، وهو الذي وضعه بعد ذلك في أول النجاة ، ووقعت نسخة إلى شيراز ، ونظر[47] فيها جماعةٌ من أهل العلم هناك ، فوقعت لهم الشبه في مسائل منها ، وكتبوها[48] على جزء . وكان القاضي بشيراز من جملة القوم ، فأنفذ بالجزء إلى أبي القاسم الكرماني صاحب إبراهيم بن بابا الديلمي المشتغل بعلم الباطن[49] ، فأضاف[50] إليه كتاباً إلى [الشيخ] أبي القاسم ، وأنفذهما مع[51] ركابي قاصيده[52] ، وسأله عرض الجزء على الشيخ ، وينجز جوابه فيه ، فحضر الشيخ أبو القاسم في صائف عند اصفرار الشمس عند الشيخ[53] ، وعرض عليه الكتاب والجزء ، فقرأ الكتاب ورده عليه ، وترك الجزء بين يديه ، والناس يتحدثون وهو ينظر فيه ، ثم خرج أبو القاسم ؛ وأمرني الشيخ بإحضار البياض ، فعددت له[54] خمسة أجزاء ، كل واحد[55] عشرة أوراق بالربع الفرعوني . وصلينا العشاء ، وقدم الشمع ، وأمرنا[56] بإحضار الشراب ، وأجلسني وأخاه ، وأمرنا[57] بتناول الشراب ، وابتدأ هو بجواب تلك المسائل ، وكان يكتب ويشرب إلى نصف الليل ، حتى غلبني وأخاه النوم ، فأمرنا[58] بالانصراف. وعند[59] الصباح حضر رسوله[60] يستحضرني بحضرته[61] ، وهو على المصلى ، وبين يديه الأجزاء الخمسة ، وقال[62] خذها : وصر بها إلى الشيخ أبي القاسم الكرماني ، وقل له : استعجلتُ في الإجابة[63] عنها لئلا يتعوق الركابي . فلما حملتها تعجب[64] كل العجب ، وصرف الفيج ، وأعلمهم بهذه[65] ، وصار الحديث[66] تاريخاً بين الناس.

ووضع في حال الرصد آلات ما سبق إليها[67] ، وصنف فيها رسالة . وبقيت أنا ثمان[68] سنين مشغولاً بالرصد ، وكان غرضي تبين ما يحكيه بطليموس في[69] أرصاده[70].

وصنف الشيخ كتاب الإنصاف ، واليوم الذي قدم فيه السلطان مسعود اصفهان[71] ، نهب عسكرُه رَحْلَ الشيخ ، وكان الكتاب في جملته ، وما وُقف له على أثر.

وكان الشيخ قوي القوى كلها، و[كانت] قوة المجامعة من قواه الشهوانية أقوى وأغلب ، و[كان كثيراً ، ما] يشتغل به كثيراً ، فأثر في مزاجه . وكان [الشيخ] يعتمد على قوة مزاجه حتى صار أمره في السنة التي حارب فيها علاء الدولة تاش فراش ، على باب الكرخ ، أصاب الشيخ القولنج[72] ، ولحرصه على البرء[73] إشفاقاً على هزيمة[74] يدفع إليها ، ولا يتأتى له المسير فيها مع المرض ، حقن نفسه في يوم واحد ثمان مرات[75] ، فتقرح بعض أمعائه ، وظهر به سَحْج ، وأحوج إلى المسير مع علاء الدولة ، نحو ايذج بسرعة[76] ، فظهر به هناك الصرع الذي يتبع [علة] القولنج ، ومع ذلك كان يدبر نفسه ويتحقن[77] نفسه للسحج[78] ولبقية القولنج ، فأمر يوماً باتخاذ دانقين بذر الكرفس في حملة الحقنة[79] ، طلباً لكسر ريح القولنج ، فطرح[80] بعض الأطباء الذي كان يتقدم [هو] إليه بمعالجته [، وطرح] من بذر[81] الكرفس خمسة دراهم لست أدري أعمداً فعله أم خطأ لأنني لم أك[82] معه، فازداد السحج [به] من حدة [ذلك] البذر[83]، وكان يتناول المثروديطوس[84] لأجل الصرع ، فطرح بعض غلمانه فيه شيئاً من الافيون [85] ، وناوله إياه فأكله[86] وكان سبب ذلك خيانتهم في مال كثير من خزائنه[87]، فتمنوا هلاكه ، ليأمنوا عاقبة أفعاله[88] . ونقل الشيخ كما هو إلى أصفهان ، فاشتغل بتدبير نفسه . وكان من الضعف بحيث لا يستطيع[89] القيام ، فلم يزل يعالج نفسه ، حتى قدر على المشي ، وحضر مجلس علاء الدولة ، وهو مع[90] ذلك لا يتحفظ ، ويكثر [ التخليط في أمر ] المجامعة ، ولم يبرأ من العلة كل البرء ، وكان[91] ينتكس ويبرأ كل وقت.

ثم قصد علاء الدولة همدان وسار الشيخ معه[92] ، فعاودته العلة في الطريق[93] ، إلى أن وصل إلى همدان ، وعلم أن قوته [قد] سقطت ، وأنها لا تفي بدفع المرض ، فأهمل مداواة نفسه وكان[94] يقول : المدبر الذي كان يدبر بدني قد عجز عن التدبير ، والآن فلا تنفع المعالجة ، وبقي على هذا أياماً ، ثم انتقل إلى جوار ربه .

ودفن بهمذان في سنة ثمان وعشرين وأربعمائة ، وكانت ولادته في سنة سبعين وثلثمائة ، وجميع عمره ثلاثاً وخمسون سنة . لقاه الله صالح أعماله بمنه وكرمه[95] .

(انتهت)

قال محرر هذه الكلمات هذا ما وقع لي من كتاب » فليسوف عالم: دراسة تحليلية لحياة ابن سينا وفكره الفلسفي « للدكتور جعفر آل ياسين ، دار الأندلس ، بيروت ، الطبعة الأولى ، 1984م - 1404هـ . ص 299-303. مع اضفات هامة ومتممة من كتاب »حياة ابن سينا« لوليم غولمان طبعة مطبعة جامعة ولاية نيورك بمدنية أولبني لعام 1974م ص 44 - 88 ومع اضفات لطيفة وشارحة لبعض الغموضة من كتاب » عيون الأنباء في طبقات الأطباء « لـ المؤلف ابن أبي أصيبعة نقلاً من موقع الوراق في الربع الآخير من عام 2003م ولله الحمد والمنة والصلاة والسلام على رسولانا الكريم وآله الطيـبين الطاهرين وصحبه الغر الميامين إلى يوم الدين آمين آمين يارب العالمين.


[1] أول

[2] هذا الفهرست من كتلب غولمان.

[3] سلطان الري

[4] غلبة

[5] اتفق

[6] عن

[7] من المملكة

[8] دخدوك

[9] وعبي

[10] علةّ

[11] علي

[12] وكان

[13] قرب

[14] وأتى

[15] منها

[16] طهران

[17] كوى

[18] بيبي

[19] وصادفه

[20] يستحق

[21] وأورد

[22] في

[23] شبهاء

[24] الرصد

[25] الكتاب

[26] الجبائي

[27] نرضى

[28] استهدى

[29] وأنشأ

[30] من

[31] فعرض

[32] أنا

[33] وأشك

[34] أن ما

[35] حتى

[36] فبقي على

[37] باشره

[38] عزم

[39] ما بين القوسين غير موجودة عند د. حعفر آل ياسين

[40] صدع

[41] ينزل

[42] وتغطية رأسه بها ففعل

[43] قبول

[44] الجلنجبين السكري

[45] مائة منه وشفيت المرأة

[46] ان

[47] فنظر

[48] فكتبوها

[49] بعلم التناظر

[50] وأضاف

[51] على يدي

[52] قاصد

[53] واستيجاز أجوبته فيه ، وإذا الشيخ أبي القاسم دخل على الشيخ عند اصفرار الشمس في يوم صائف ،

[54] وقطع أجزاء منه ، فشددت خمسة

[55] واحد منها

[56] فأمر

[57] وأنا

[58] فأمر

[59] فعند

[60] الصباح قرع الباب فإذا رسول الشيخ

[61] فحضرته

[62] فقال

[63] الأجوبة

[64] حملته إليه تعجب

[65] بهذه الحالة

[66] هذا الحديث

[67] إلها

[68] ثماني

[69] عن قصته في

[70] الأرصاد ، فتبين لي بعضها

[71] مسعود إلى اصفهان

[72] إلى أن الشيخ قولنج

[73] برئه

[74] من هزيمة

[75] كرات

[76] فأسرعوا نحو ايذج

[77] ويحق

[78] لأجل السحج

[79] من بزر الكرفس في جملة ما يحتقن به وخلطه بها

[80] الرياح ، فصد بعض

[81] بزر

[82] أكن

[83] البزر

[84] المثرود بطوس

[85] فقام بعض غلمانه وطرح شيئاً كثيراً من الافيون فيه

[86] وناوله فأكله

[87] خزانته

[88] أعمالهم

[89] يقدر على

[90] ولكنه مع

[91] فكان

[92] فسار معه الشيخ

[93] فعاودته في الطريق تلك العلة

[94] وأخذ

[95] وكان عمره ثلاثاً وخمسين سنة، وكان موته في سنة ثمان وعشرين وأربعمائة، وكانت ولادته في سنة خمس وسبعين وثلثمائة

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