Nineteen Eighty-Four (or 1984) is an English dystopian novel by George Orwell, published in
1949. It is the story of the life of the intellectual Winston Smith, his job in the Ministry of Truth, and his degradation by the totalitarian government of
Oceania, the country in which he lives. It has been translated into sixty-two languages, and has deeply impressed itself in the
English language. Nineteen Eighty-Four, its terms and language, and its author are bywords in discussions of personal
privacy and state security. The adjective "Orwellian" describes actions and organizations
characteristic of Oceania, the totalitarian society depicted in the novel, and the phrase "Big Brother is watching you" refers to
invasive surveillance.
In turn, Nineteen Eighty-Four has been seen as revolutionary and politically dangerous and thus been banned by
libraries in many countries.[1] Along with
Brave New World, by Aldous Huxley, and
Fahrenheit 451, by Ray Bradbury, it is among
the most famous dystopias in literature.[2] TIME Magazine selected it as one
of the 100-best English-language novels, from 1923 to the present.[3]
Background
Nineteen Eighty-Four introduces the intercontinental nation of Oceania, one of the world's three superstates that is run by an oppressive totalitarian
government. The setting of the story is specifically the island of Great Britain, which
has been renamed Airstrip One—a place similar to early twentieth century England.
Throughout urban areas are large two-way telescreens as well as posters of "Big Brother", the supposed leader of Oceania
(although the man himself is never seen in the flesh), with captions reading "BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU".
The populace of Oceania, belonging to three classes—Inner Party members, Outer Party members and members of a lower-class
proletariat ("the Proles")—is subordinate to ruthless
government control. This is accomplished and regulated by a "Ministry of Truth" in which the protagonist, Winston Smith works as an Outer Party member. Smith spends his days constantly rewriting and altering
history to satisfy the government (which includes destroying all evidence of how history has actually happened)—amending
newspaper articles of the past so to remove all reference to individuals who the state has identified as "unpersons" (people who
the state declares as having never existed).
The story begins on April 4, 1984 at 13:00 hours: "It was a
bright cold day in April, and the clocks were striking thirteen…" The date's relevance is questionable, because it is what
Winston Smith perceives. In the story's course, he concludes that the date is irrelevant, because the State can arbitrarily alter
it to be whatever it says it to be. The year 1984 and its world are chronologically transmutable onto any society that
surrenders its freedom to the State.
The novel does not give a full history of the world up to 1984. Winston's recollections, and what he reads from Emmanuel
Goldstein's book, reveal that at some point after the Second World War, the
United Kingdom descended into civil war, eventually becoming part of the new world power
of Oceania. At roughly the same time, the Soviet Union expanded into mainland
Europe to form Eurasia; the third world
power, Eastasia—an amalgamation of east Asian countries around China and Japan—emerged some
time later.
There was a period of nuclear warfare during which hundreds of atomic bombs were
dropped, mainly on Europe, western Russia, and North
America. (The only city that is explicitly stated to have suffered a nuclear attack is Colchester.) It is not clear what came first—the civil war which ended with the Party taking over, the
merging of the British Empire and the United
States, or the external war in which Colchester was bombed.
During the Second World War, Orwell repeatedly expressed the idea that British democracy as
it existed before 1939 would not survive the war, the only question being whether its end would
come through a Fascist coup d'état from above or by a
Socialist revolution from below. (Orwell greatly supported and hoped for the latter, to the
extent that he joined and loyally participated in the British Home Guard throughout
the war, in the expectation that it would become the nucleus of a revolutionary militia). Later
during the war Orwell admitted that events had proven him wrong: "What really matters is that I fell into the trap of assuming
that 'the war and the revolution are inseparable'."[4]
History
George Orwell wrote most of Nineteen Eighty-Four on the island of Jura,
Scotland in 1948, and it was published on June 8,
1949 by Secker and Warburg, although he had been
writing it since 1945. The novel's predecessors include We (1921), by Yevgeny Zamyatin, a tongue-in-cheek account of a
regimented far-future dystopia which served as the inspiration for much of 1984's storyline; and Swastika Night (1937), by Katharine Burdekin, about a
totalitarian dystopia where all true history has been erased, except for isolated fragments in secret, forbidden books.
Title
The original title was The Last Man in Europe, but publisher Frederic Warburg
suggested changing it to a more marketable title.[5]
Orwell's reasons for the title are unknown. He may only have switched the last two digits of the year in which he wrote the book,
and '1948' became the distant, scarcely imaginable '1984'. He may have been alluding to the centenary of the socialist
Fabian Society founded in 1884. It may allude to
Jack London's novel The Iron Heel (in which a
political movement's power reaches its acme in 1984), or to G. K. Chesterton's
The Napoleon of Notting Hill (also set in 1984), or to a poem by his
wife, Eileen O'Shaughnessy, titled "End of the Century,
1984".
Orwell's inspiration
In the essay Why I Write, Orwell explains that all the serious work he wrote since
the Spanish Civil War in 1936 was "written, directly or indirectly, against
totalitarianism and for democratic
socialism." [1] Therefore, Nineteen Eighty-Four is an anti-totalitarian cautionary
tale about the betrayal of a revolution by its defenders. He already had stated distrust of totalitarianism and betrayed
revolutions in Homage to Catalonia and Animal Farm. Coming Up For Air, at points, celebrates
the personal and political freedoms lost in Nineteen Eighty-Four.
Much of Oceanic society is based upon Stalin's Soviet Union. The "Two
Minutes' Hate" was the ritual demonisation of State enemies and rivals; Big Brother resembles Joseph Stalin; the Party's archenemy, Emmanuel Goldstein, resembles Leon Trotsky, (both are Jewish,
both have the same physiognomy, and Trotsky's real surname was 'Bronstein'); doctored photography is a propaganda technique and
the creation of unpersons in the story, analogous to Stalin's enemies being made
nonpersons and being erased from official photographic
records; the police treatment of several characters recalls the Moscow Trials of
the Great Purge.
Biographer Michael Shelden notes[6] these influences:
the Edwardian world of his childhood in Henley — for the golden country; being bullied at St.
Cyprian's — empathy with victims; his policeman's life in the Indian Burma Police — the techniques of violence; and suffering censorship in the
BBC — capriciously-wielded authority.
Specific literary influences include Darkness at Noon and The Yogi and the
Commissar by Arthur Koestler, The Iron
Heel (1908) by Jack London; Brave New World (1932) by Aldous Huxley;
We (1923) by Yevgeny Zamyatin, which Orwell read in the 1940s; and The Managerial
Revolution (1940) by James Burnham, predicting permanent war among three totalitarian
superstates, broadly equivalent to those in Nineteen Eighty-Four. Orwell told Jacintha Buddicom that he would write a
novel stylistically like A Modern Utopia by H. G.
Wells.
The overseas service of the BBC, controlled by the Ministry of
Information, was the model for the Ministry of Truth. The Senate
House, where the Ministry of Information was housed, is the architectural inspiration for the Ministry of Truth.
Nineteen Eighty-Four's world reflects the socio-political life of the UK and the USA, i.e. the poverty of Britain in 1948,
when the economy was poor, the Empire dissolving, while newspapers reported imperial triumphs, and wartime ally Soviet Russia was
becoming a peacetime foe. Oceania is a metamorphosed future British Empire that geographically includes the United States, and
whose currency is the dollar. As its name suggests, it is a naval power, with much militarism focused on venerating sailors
serving aboard floating fortresses greater than Dreadnoughts. Moreover, most of the fighting by Oceania's troops is in defending
India (the "Jewel in the Crown" of the British Empire).
Story
Ministry of Truth bureaucrat Winston Smith is the subject of the story; although
unitary, it is in three parts. The first part is about the world of Nineteen Eighty-Four as lived and seen by Winston
Smith; the second is about his (illicit) sexual relationship with Julia and his
intellectual rebellion against The Party; the third is about his capture and imprisonment, interrogation, torture, and
re-education in the Ministry of Love.
The Oceania of Nineteen Eighty-Four parallels Stalinist Russia and Nazi Germany. It is a totalitarian country of omnipresent, two-way television surveillance by The Party.
Informants are everywhere; Winston and Julia's sexual transgression is betrayed. They are incarcerated at the Ministry of Love
for torture, brainwashing, and re-education, via each one's worst fears, in Room 101. The degradation re-educates them to love
only Big Brother and The Party. Afterwards, disgusted by his love affair with her, he gives himself—mind, body, and soul—to Big
Brother; like-wise Julia. On release, each admits to the other that the one betrayed the other to survive, something they had
vowed to not do, and then become embarrassed and disgusted over the betrayals.
There is thematic likeness between Nineteen Eighty-Four and Animal Farm:
the betrayed revolution; the individual person's subordination to the Party
collective; the rigorously enforced distinction among membership in the Inner Party, the Outer Party, and the Proletariat. There
are direct parallels to societal activities: the Cult of Personality for Big
Brother; Joycamps (concentration camps, the gulag);
Thought Police (the Gestapo, the NKVD); compulsory, regimented, daily exercise; the Youth League (the Hitler
Youth, the Little Octobrists, Young Pioneers).
There is extensive, institutionalised, total propaganda, like in the Nazi and Communist
regimes. Winston Smith's job is rewriting historical documents to
match the contemporary party line that changes daily. He re-writes and re-prints
newspaper articles and re-touches photographs, to remove persons rendered unpersons by Party order, from the collective memory,
i.e. society's official records.
Plot
A pyramid chart of Oceania's social classes; Big Brother atop, The Party in middle, the Proles at bottom.
The intellectual Winston Smith is a member of the Outer Party, lives in the
ruins of London (the chief city of Airstrip One [a front-line province] of Oceania),
who grew up in the post-World War II United
Kingdom, during the revolution and the civil
war. When his parents disappeared in the civil war, the Ingsoc (Newspeak: "English
Socialism") Movement, put him in an orphanage for training and employment in the Outer Party.
Winston's squalid existence consists of living in a one-room apartment, eating a subsistence diet of black bread and synthetic
meals washed down with victory gin. He is discontented with his life, and keeps an illegal journal of politically incorrect,
negative thoughts and opinions about The Party.
If detected, the journal, and any eccentric behaviour, would result in torture and death by the hand of the Thought Police. He
explains thoughtcrime in the journal: Thoughtcrime does not entail death. Thoughtcrime IS death. The Thought Police have
two-way telescreens in every Party household and public area, and hidden microphones and anonymous informers to spy on potential
thoughtcriminals who could endanger The Party's security. Children are indoctrinated to spy and report on suspected thought
criminals—especially their parents.
The Ministry of Truth exercises total control of all mass communications media in
Oceania. Winston Smith works in its Records Department, where he revises official historical records to match The Party's
contemporary version of the past. The Party's present needs require continual revision of past events so that they reflect the
current shifts of The Party's orthodox view of history. Winston Smith's job tasks are perpetual; he re-writes the official
record, and re-touches official photographs to remove people officially rendered unpersons. The original (true and accurate)
document is dropped into a memory hole leading to an incinerator. Although he likes his work, especially the intellectual
challenge of revising a complete historical record, he also is fascinated by the true past, and eagerly tries to learn
more about that forbidden truth.
One day, in the office, he encounters Julia, a mechanic repairing the Ministry of Truth's novel-writing machines, and the two
begin a clandestine relationship, regularly meeting either in the country or in a rented room atop an antiques shop in the
proletarian area of the city. The shop owner exchanges facts about the pre-revolutionary past with Winston, sells him period
artifacts, and rents the room to him and Julia. The lovers think their hiding place a paradise, believe there is no telescreen,
and think themselves alone and safe.
As their relationship progresses, Winston's views begin to change, and he finds himself relentlessly questioning Ingsoc.
Unknown to him (and the reader), he and Julia are under surveillance by the Thought Police. When he is approached by Inner Party
member O'Brien, Winston believes that he has made contact with the Resistance or
Brotherhood which is opposed to the ideals of the Party. O'Brien gives Winston a copy of "the
book", a searing criticism of Ingsoc believed to have been written by the dissident Emmanuel Goldstein, leader of the
Brotherhood. This book explains the nature of the perpetual war, and exposes the truth
behind the Party's slogan, "War is Peace; Freedom is Slavery; Ignorance is Strength."
Winston and Julia are eventually apprehended by the Thought Police in their supposed sanctuary, which actually contains a
hidden telescreen, and are then interrogated separately in the Ministry of Love, where opponents of the regime are tortured and
usually executed but sometimes released (only to be executed at a later time). O'Brien appears at the Ministry of Love, and
reveals that he will help Winston "be cured" of his hatred for the Party by subjecting Winston to numerous torture sessions.
During one of these sessions, he explains to Winston that the purpose of the torture is not to extract a fake confession, but to
alter the way Winston thinks. O'Brien also assures Winston that once he is cured, meaning that he accepts reality as described by
the Party, he will be executed.
The party intends to achieve this with a combination of torture and electroshocks, continuing until O'Brien decides that Winston is "cured". Eventually, Winston
is sent into Room 101, the most feared room in the Ministry of Love, where a person's greatest
fear is forced upon them as the final step in their "re-education." Since Winston is morbidly
afraid of rats, a cage of the hungry vermin is placed over his eyes, so that when the door is opened, they will eat their
way through his skull. In terror, as the cage is placed onto his head, he screams, "Do it to Julia!" So ends the torture and
Winston returns to society, apparently brainwashed by party doctrine.
After his release, Winston and Julia again meet in a park, by chance. They remember, with distaste, the "bad" feelings they
once shared. Both acknowledge having betrayed the other, and find themselves apathetic. It is finally revealed that the torture
and "reprogramming" have been successful; happily reconciled to his own impending execution, and accepting of the Party's
versions of the past and present (Winston shortly celebrates a possibly fabricated, though accepted as fact, bulletin describing
Oceania's recent decisive victory over Eurasia), he finally accepts love towards Big Brother.
The novel is followed by an Appendix on Newspeak.
Ingsoc (English Socialism)
-
Ministries of Oceania
Oceania's four ministries are housed in huge pyramidal structures, each roughly 930 feet high and visible throughout London,
displaying the three slogans of the party (see below) on their facades.
- Ministry of Peace
- Newspeak: Minipax.
Conducts Oceania's perpetual war.
- Ministry of Plenty
- Newspeak: Miniplenty.
Responsible for rationing and controlling food and goods.
- Ministry of Truth
- Newspeak: Minitrue.
The propaganda arm of Oceania's regime, controlling information: literature, propaganda, the Party organization, and the
telescreen programs. Winston Smith works for the Records Department (RecDep) of Minitrue, "rectifying" historical records
and newspaper articles to make them conform to Big Brother's most recent pronouncements, thus making everything that the Party
says true.
- Ministry of Love
- Newspeak: Miniluv.
The agency responsible for the identification, monitoring, arrest and torture of dissidents, real or imagined. Based on Winston's
experience there at the hands of O'Brien, the basic procedure is to pair the subject with his or her worst fear for an extended
period, eventually breaking down the person's mental faculties and ending with a sincere embrace of the Party by the brainwashed
subject. The Ministry of Love differs from the other ministry buildings in that it has no windows in it at all.
The ministries' names are an example of doublethink — “The Ministry of Peace concerns
itself with war, the Ministry of Truth with lies, the Ministry of Love with torture and the Ministry of Plenty with starvation.”
(Part II, Chapter IX - chapter I of Goldstein's book)
The Party
The ideal set up by the Party was something very huge, terrible and glittering—a world of steel and concrete of monstrous
machines and terrifying weapons—a nation of warriors and fanatics, marching forward in perfect unity, all thinking the same
thoughts, wearing the same clothes and shouting the same slogans, perpetually working, fighting, triumphing, persecuting—three
hundred million people all with the same face. The reality was decaying, dingy cities where underfed people shuffled to and fro
in leaky shoes, in patched-up nineteenth-century houses that smelt always of cabbage and bad lavatories. He seemed to see a
vision of London, vast and ruinous, city of a million dustbins, and mixed up with it was a picture of Mrs Parsons, a woman with a
lined face and wispy hair, fiddling helplessly with a blocked wastepipe.
– (Page 77, chapter VII)
The citizens have no right to a personal life or to personal thought. Leisure and other activities are controlled through a
system of strict mores. Sexual pleasure is discouraged; sex is retained only for the purpose of procreation, although artificial insemination (ARTSEM) is
more encouraged.
The mysterious head of government is the omniscient, omnipotent, beloved Big Brother, or "B.B.", usually displayed on posters with the slogan "BIG BROTHER IS
WATCHING YOU". It is never made clear whether Big Brother is an actual person or whether he is a fictitious leader created as a
focus for the love of the Party. It is possible that the conflict between Big Brother and Emmanuel Goldstein is in fact a
conflict either between two leaders who are either fictitious or dead, and whose true purpose is to personify both the Party and
its opponents—or, perhaps, even to personify "doublethink" by presenting a fictitious person to love and one to hate.
Interestingly, the description of the posters on the first page of the book reveals some parallels with Big Brother and the real
world wars. The narrative describes the face to be "about forty-five", which if correct would make "Big Brother" born in 1939,
the year WWII was declared. The poster is said to be "so contrived that the eyes follow you around when you move", a device which
is also seen in the well known WWI poster which reads "Britons "want you"" along with a picture of Lord Kitchener.
Big Brother's political opponent (therefore a criminal) is the hated Emmanuel Goldstein, a Party member who had been in league
with Big Brother and the Party during the revolution. Goldstein is said to be the leader of the Brotherhood, a vast underground
anti-Party fellowship. It is never truly explained whether the Brotherhood exists or not, but the implication is that Goldstein
is either entirely fictitious or was eliminated long ago. Party members are expected to vilify Goldstein, the Brotherhood, and
whichever superstate Oceania is currently warring via the daily "Two Minutes Hate."
A typical Two Minutes Hate is depicted in the novel, during which citizens ridicule and shout at a video of the hated
"bleating" Goldstein as he releases a litany of attacks upon Oceanic governance (indeed, the image ultimately morphs into a
bleating sheep) on a background of enemy soldiers (in the book's portrayal of the Two Minutes they are Eurasian, but after the
switch to the war with Eastasia, it is expected that the background changes to Eastasian soldiers).
The three slogans of the Party, on display everywhere, are
- WAR IS PEACE
- FREEDOM IS SLAVERY
- IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH
Each of these is of course either contradictory or the opposite of what is normally believed, and in 1984, the world is
in a state of constant war, no one is free, and everyone is ignorant. The slogans are analysed in Goldstein's book. Though
logically insensible, the slogans do embody the Party. If anybody (like Winston) becomes too smart, they are
whisked away for fear of rebellion. Through their constant repetition, the terms become meaningless, and the slogans become
axiomatic. This type of misuse of language, and the deliberate self-deception with which the
citizens are encouraged to accept it, is called doublethink.
One essential consequence of doublethink is that the Party can rewrite history with impunity, for "The Party is never wrong."
The ultimate aim of the Party is, according to O'Brien, to gain and retain full power over all the people of Oceania; he sums
this up with perhaps the most distressing prophecy of the entire novel: If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot
stamping on a human face—for ever.
The Party seeks power entirely for its own sake… We are different from all the oligarchies of the past, in that we know what
we are doing. All the others, even those who resembled ourselves, were cowards and hypocrites. The German Nazis and the Russian
Communists came very close to us in their methods, but they never had the courage to recognize their own motives. They pretended,
perhaps they even believed, that they had seized power unwillingly and for a limited time, and that just round the corner there
lay a paradise where human beings would be free and equal. We are not like that. We know that no one ever seizes power with the
intention of relinquishing it. Power is not a means, it is an end. One does not establish a dictatorship in order to safeguard a
revolution; one makes the revolution in order to establish the dictatorship. The object of persecution is persecution. The object
of torture is torture. The object of power is power.
– Part III, chapter III
- See also: Inner Party and Outer Party
Doublethink
-
The keyword here is blackwhite. Like so many Newspeak words, this word has two mutually contradictory meanings. Applied to an
opponent, it means the habit of impudently claiming that black is white, in contradiction of the plain facts. Applied to a Party
member, it means a loyal willingness to say that black is white when Party discipline demands this. But it means also the ability
to believe that black is white, and more, to know that black is white, and to forget that one has ever believed the contrary.
This demands a continuous alteration of the past, made possible by the system of thought which really embraces all the rest, and
which is known in Newspeak as doublethink. Doublethink is basically the power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one's mind
simultaneously, and accepting both of them.
– Part II, chapter IX - chapter I of Goldstein's book
Political geography
Not all boundaries are given in detail in the book, so some are speculation.
Note: At the end of the novel, there are news
reports that Oceania has captured the whole of Africa, though their credibility is uncertain.
The world is controlled by three functionally similar totalitarian superstates engaged in perpetual war with each other:
- Oceania (ideology: Ingsoc or English Socialism)
- Eurasia (ideology: Neo-Bolshevism)
- Eastasia (ideology: Obliteration of the self, usually rendered as "Death worship").
Oceania covers the British Isles, Australia, Polynesia, and the Americas, Eastasia corresponds to China, Japan,
Korea and Northern India. Eurasia corresponds to the Soviet Union and Continental Europe.
That the British Isles are in Oceania rather than in Eurasia is commented upon in the book as a historical anomaly. North
Africa, the Middle East, South India, and Southeast Asia form a disputed zone which is used as a battlefield and source of slaves
by the three powers. Goldstein's book explains that the ideologies of the three states are the same, but it is imperative to keep
the public ignorant of that. The population is led to believe that the other two ideologies are detestable. London, the novel's
setting, is the capital of the Oceanian province of Airstrip One, the former United Kingdom.
The war
- Further information: Perpetual war
| Eternal War |

The attacks described as black (Eurasian) and white (Oceanian) arrows in the last chapter of the novel. |
|
|
| Combatants |
| Oceania |
Eurasia |
Eastasia |
| Commanders |
| Big
Brother |
|
|
| Strength |
| Unknown |
|
|
| Casualties |
| Unknown |
|
|
The world of Nineteen Eighty-Four is built around a never-ending war involving the book's three superstates, with two
allied powers fighting against the third. But as Goldstein's book explains, each superstate is so strong it cannot be defeated
even when faced with the combined forces of the other two powers. The allied states occasionally split with each other and new
alliances are formed. Each time this happens, history is rewritten to convince the people that the new alliances were always
there, using the principles of doublethink. The war itself never takes place in the territories of the three powers; the
actual fighting is conducted in the disputed zone stretching from Morocco to Australia, and in the unpopulated Arctic wastes.
Throughout the first half of the novel, Oceania is allied with Eastasia, and Oceania's forces are combating Eurasia's troops in
northern Africa.
Midway through the book, the alliance breaks apart and Oceania, newly allied with Eurasia, begins a campaign against Eastasian
forces. This happens during "Hate Week" (a week of extreme focus on the evilness of Oceania's enemies, the purpose of which is to
stir up patriotic fervor in support of the Party), Oceania and Eastasia are enemies once again. The public is quite abnormally
blind to the change, and when a public orator, mid-sentence, changes the name of the enemy from Eurasia to Eastasia (still
speaking as if nothing had changed), the people are shocked as they notice all the flags and banners are wrong (they blame
Goldstein and the Brotherhood) and tear them down. This is the origin of the idiom, "we've always
been at war with Eastasia." Later on, the Party claims to have captured India. As with all other news, its authenticity is
questionable.
Goldstein's book explains that the war is unwinnable, and that its only purpose is to use up human labor and the fruits of
human labor so that each superstate's economy cannot support an equal (and high) standard of living for every citizen. The book
also details an Oceanian strategy to attack enemy cities with atomic-tipped rocket bombs prior to a full-scale invasion, but
quickly dismisses this plan as both infeasible and contrary to the purpose of the war.
Although, according to Goldstein's book, hundreds of atomic bombs were dropped on cities during the 1950s, the three powers no
longer use them, as they would upset the balance of power. Conventional military technology is little different from that used in
the Second World War. Some advances have been made, such as replacing bomber aircraft with "rocket bombs", and using immense
"floating fortresses" instead of battleships, but they appear to be rare. As the purpose of the war is to destroy manufactured
products and thus keep the workers busy, obsolete and wasteful technology is deliberately used in order to perpetuate useless
fighting.
Goldstein's book hints that, in fact, there may not actually be a war. The only view of the outside world presented in
the novel is through Oceania's media, which has an obvious tendency to exaggerate and even fabricate "facts", and the rocket
bombs ostensibly fired by the enemy. Goldstein's book suggests that the three superpowers may not actually be warring, and as
Oceania's media provide completely unbelievable news reports on impossibly long military campaigns and victories (including a
ridiculously large campaign in the Sahara desert), it can be suggested that
the war is a lie. Julia even goes so far as to suggest that the rocket bombs that land on London are launched by the Party from
other parts of Oceania.
Even Eurasia and Eastasia themselves may only be a fabrication by the government of Oceania, with Oceania the sole undisputed
dominator of the world. On the other hand, Oceania might as well actually control only a rather small part of the world and still
brainwash its citizens into believing that Oceania dominates the whole Earth or - as in the novel - that they are
battling/allying with (a fabricated) Eurasia/Eastasia.
It is noted in the novel that there are no longer massive battles, but rather expert fighters occasionally appearing in small
skirmishes; this is relatively paradoxical considering the massive amounts of resources wasted to keep the war effort
running.
Living standards
By the year 1984, the society of Airstrip One lives in abject squalor and poverty. Hunger, disease, and filth have become the
norm. As a result of the civil war, atomic wars, and enemy (or possibly even Oceanian) rocket bombs, the urban areas of Airstrip
One lie in ruins. When travelling around London, Winston is surrounded by rubble,
decay, and the crumbling shells of wrecked buildings. Much of the population of Oceania go barefoot most - if not all - of the time, despite The Party reporting large quantities of boots being produced;
Winston believes it likely that very few, if any, boots were actually produced at all.
Apart from the gargantuan bombproof Ministries, very little seems to have been done to rebuild London, and it is assumed that
all towns and cities across Airstrip One (and Oceania) are in the same desperate condition. Living standards for the population
are generally very low — everything is in short supply and those goods available are of very poor quality. The Party claims that
this is due to the immense sacrifices that must be made for the war effort. They are partially correct, since the point of
continuous warfare is to be rid of the surplus of industrial production to prevent the rise of the standard of living and make
possible the economic repression of people.
The Inner Party, at the top level of Oceanian society, enjoys the highest standard of living. O'Brien, a member of the Inner
Party, lives in a clean and comfortable apartment, and has variety of quality foodstuffs such as wine, coffee, and sugar, none of which is available
to the rest of the population. Winston, for example, is astonished simply that the lifts in
O'Brien's building actually work, and that the telescreens can be turned off. Members of the
Inner Party also seem to be waited on by slaves captured from the disputed zone; O'Brien's servant, Martin, is described as
having Asiatic features, which would identify him as an Eastasian or eastern Eurasian national, possibly a former soldier
captured in battle.
Although the Inner Party enjoys the highest standard of living, Goldstein's book points out that, despite being at the top of
society, their living standards (apart from the slaves) are significantly lower than pre-Revolution standards. O'Brien says the
social atmosphere is that of a besieged city, where the possession of a lump of horseflesh makes the difference between wealth
and poverty. The proles, treated by the Party as animals, live in squalor and poverty. They are kept sedate with vast quantities
of cheap beer, widespread pornography, and a
national lottery, but these do not mask the fact that their lives are dangerous and
deprived—proletarian areas of the cities, for example, are ridden with disease and vermin.
However, the proles are subject to much less close control of their daily lives than Party members. The proles, which Winston
Smith meets in the streets and in the pubs, seem to speak and behave much like working-class Englishmen of Orwell's time. In
addition, the prole criminals whom he meets in the first phase of his imprisonment are far less subdued and intimidated than the
intellectual "politicals", some of them rudely jeering at the telescreens with apparent impunity.
As explained in Goldstein's book, this derives from the social theory which the regime believes in—and which seems to
work—that revolutions are always started by the middle class and that the lower classes would never start an effective rebellion
on their own. Therefore, if the middle classes are so tightly controlled that the regime can penetrate their very thoughts and
their most minute daily life, the lower classes can be left to their own devices and pose no threat.
As Winston is a member of the Outer Party, more is shown from its living standards than any other group. Despite being the
middle class of Oceanian society, the Outer Party's standard of living is very poor. Foodstuffs are low quality or synthetic; the
main alcoholic beverage — Victory Gin — is industrial-grade; Outer Party cigarettes aren't
manufactured properly.
Possibility of change
One of the most powerful and disturbing themes of 1984 is the realization that the Party and Oceania will never fall; the
populace is becoming increasingly inured to their rule, until any possibility of overthrow will be gone. When writing in his
journal Winston thinks to himself that the only hope for the overthrow of the Party lies in the Proles. The Proles are 85% of the
population, and if they were organized they would overthrow the government through sheer numbers. However there are problems with
this theory. First, there is no one to "awaken" the Proles. A person with the skills and courage to lead the Proles would have
been vaporized by the Thought Police long before he or she ever had the chance to organize a rebellion.
The Brotherhood, as discussed in greater detail, appears to be a fictional creation of the Party to catch potential thought
criminals, such as Winston, and probably does not exist. While being tortured Winston asks O'Brien if the Brotherhood exists.
O'Brien simply tells him that he will never know, not even if he lived out the rest of his life. The Brotherhood therefore does
not appear to present a threat.
As described in greater detail, the Perpetual War does not pose a threat to Oceania because none of the powers are fighting to
annihilate the other. At the end of the novel Winston is following the events of the Africa Campaign and which it appears that
Oceania may become threatened by a major loss in Africa. However, a flank attack by the Oceanic army routs the enemy forces, thus
ending any hope of a foreign invasion.
Themes
Nationalism
Nineteen Eighty-Four expands upon the subjects summarised in Orwell’s preparatory essay, Notes on Nationalism
(1945): [2]. In it, Orwell expresses frustration at the lack of vocabulary needed to explain an
unrecognised phenomenon that he felt was behind certain forces. He addresses this problem in Nineteen Eighty-Four by
inventing the jargon of Newspeak.
A fictional society, to which the readers have no preconceived bias, was a tool in illustrating why Orwell thought examples
shown below were different manifestations of the same forces at work, despite their being ideologically incompatible.
Positive nationalism is apparent in the novel, in the Oceanians’ undying love for Big Brother, whose physical existence is
doubtful. In 'Notes on Nationalism', Orwell lists Celtic
Nationalism, Neo-Toryism and British Zionism as examples of positive nationalism.
Negative nationalism is apparent in the novel, in the Oceanians’ undying hatred for Goldstein, whose continued existence is
doubtful. In 'Notes on Nationalism', Orwell lists Stalinism, Anti-Semitism and Anglophobia as examples of negative nationalism.
Transferred nationalism: In the novel, an orator, mid-sentence, alters the alleged enemy of Oceania, and the crowd instantly
transfer their same feelings of hatred toward the new alleged enemy. In Notes on Nationalism, Orwell describes transferred
nationalism as swiftly redirecting emotions from one power unit to another, as if not by reasoned change in opinion, but as if
one’s beliefs are serving one’s loyalties, which can be altered, but with the original fanaticism intact. Orwell lists
Communism, Political
Catholicism, Pacifism, Color Feeling, and Class Feeling as examples of transferred
nationalism.
O'Brien, in one of his most conclusive statements, describes nationalism for its own sake: “The object of persecution is
persecution. The object of torture is torture. The object of power is power.”
Sexual repression
The Party imposes antisexualism on its members (sponsoring the Junior Anti-Sex-League,
etc.), since sexual attachments might diminish exclusive loyalty to the Party. Julia describes party fanaticism as "sex gone
sour"; Winston, aside from during his affair with Julia, suffers from an ankle inflammation, alluding to Oedipus the King and symbolizing an unhealthy repression of the sex drive.[citation needed] In part III of the book, O'Brien
tells Winston that their neurologists are working on removing the orgasm from humans - Orwell supposed that the sufficient mental
energy for prolonged worship requires the repression of a vital instinct, such as the sex instinct. This possibly alludes to the
restrictions on sexuality imposed by authorities (civil, political, religious or otherwise, such as in the German
National Socialism), be it consciously or by selective pressures on doctrine.
Futurology
It is not clear to what extent Orwell believed his work was prophetic.
His character O'Brien described his view of the future of the world:
- "There will be no curiosity, no enjoyment of the process of life. All competing pleasures will be destroyed. But always — do
not forget this, Winston — always there will be the intoxication of power, constantly increasing and constantly growing subtler.
Always, at every moment, there will be the thrill of victory, the sensation of trampling on an enemy who is helpless. If you want
a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face …for ever." (Part III, chapter III)
This is in stark contrast to Orwell's own forecast in the essay England Your
England, as seen in The Lion and The Unicorn (1941):
- "The intellectuals who hope to see it Russianised or Germanised will be disappointed. The gentleness, the hypocrisy, the
thoughtlessness, the reverence for law and the hatred of uniforms will remain, along with the suet puddings and the misty skies.
It needs some very great disaster, such as prolonged subjugation by a foreign enemy, to destroy a national culture. The Stock
Exchange will be pulled down, the horse plough will give way to the tractor, the country houses will be turned into children's
holiday camps, the Eton and Harrow match will be forgotten, but England will still be England, an everlasting animal stretching
into the future and the past, and, like all living things, having the power to change out of recognition and yet remain the
same."
However, the geopolitical climate of Nineteen Eighty-Four is strikingly similar to Orwell's summary of the ideas of
James Burnham, in the essay 'James Burnham and the Managerial Revolution' [3] (1946).
- "These people will eliminate the old capitalist class, crush the working class, and so organize society that all power and
economic privilege remain in their own hands. Private property rights will be abolished, but common ownership will not be
established. The new ‘managerial’ societies will not consist of a patchwork of small, independent states, but of great
super-states grouped round the main industrial centres in Europe, Asia, and America. These super-states will fight among
themselves for possession of the remaining uncaptured portions of the earth, but will probably be unable to conquer one another
completely. Internally, each society will be hierarchical, with an aristocracy of talent at the top and a mass of semi-slaves at
the bottom."
Appendix on Newspeak
- Further information: Newspeak
The novel includes an appendix "The Principles of Newspeak", written in the style of an academic essay. It describes the
development of Newspeak, the artificial language
invented and, by degrees, imposed by the Party to standardise thought to reflect the ideology of Ingsoc by making "all other
modes of thought impossible" (see Sapir–Whorf hypothesis).
There is a literary debate about whether the appendix should be read as part of the narrative, in which case it offers a more
hopeful ending. As it is written in Standard English and refers to Newspeak, Ingsoc, Party members etc. in the past tense (for
instance, "Relative to our own, the Newspeak vocabulary was tiny, and new ways of reducing it were being constantly devised", p.
422), some critics (Atwood,[7] Benstead,[8] Pynchon[9]) claim that for its writer Newspeak, and the totalitarian government, is a thing of the past. The
opposing view is that as the novel has no hint of a frame story, Orwell wrote the appendix
as an essay in the same past tense in which the novel is told, meaning "our" for his and the readers' common reality.
Cultural impact
Nineteen Eighty-Four has had a significant impact on the English language. Many of its concepts, such as Big Brother,
Room 101, thought police, doublethink and Newspeak, have entered common usage in describing totalitarian or overarching behaviour
by authority. Doublespeak or doubletalk is a subsequent elaboration on the word doublethink.
The adjective "Orwellian" is often used to describe any real world scenario reminiscent of the novel. The practice of suffixing
words with "-speak" and "-think" (groupthink, mediaspeak) arguably originated with the
novel.
Censorship attempts
Nineteen Eighty-Four was banned in the USSR for its perceived condemnation of
communism and the Soviet leadership in particular. In 1981, Jackson County,
Florida challenged the novel on the grounds that it contained pro-communist material and sexual
references. [4], [5], [6], [7]
Other media
-
Nineteen Eighty-Four has been adapted for the cinema twice, for the radio twice, for television three times, has been
made into a play, and has another film version on the way set for a due date as early as 2009 (see links in the table below).
References to its themes, concepts and elements of its plot are also frequent in other works, particularly popular music and video entertainment; for an incomplete but extensive list of these adaptations and
references, see the main article. Nineteen Eighty-Four was the inspiration for David
Bowie's Diamond Dogs album. It was an acknowledged inspiration for the
graphic novel, and later film, V for Vendetta. The original working title for the
film Brazil was 1984½.
See also
Notes
- ^
Banned Books (Irish
Centre for Human Rights)
Stasi chief was
an Orwell fan, bent reality to get room 101 (www.boingboing.net)
Banned Books Week: September 23–30,
2006 (Portland Community College Libraries)
- ^ Marcus, Laura; Peter Nicholls (2005). The Cambridge History of
Twentieth-Century English Literature. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-82077-4.
p. 226: "Brave New World [is] traditionally bracketed with Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four as a dystopia…"
- ^ http://www.time.com/time/2005/100books/the_complete_list.html
- ^ London Letter to Partisan Review, December 1944, quoted from vol. 3 of the
Penguin edition of the Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters.
- ^ Crick, Bernard. "Introduction" to Nineteen Eighty-Four (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1984)
- ^ Shelden, Michael (1991). Orwell—The Authorized Biography. New York: HarperCollins.
0060167093. ;
pp 430-434
- ^ Margaret Atwood: "Orwell
and me". The Guardian 16 June 2003
- ^ Benstead, James (26 June 2005). "Hope Begins in the Dark:
Re-reading Nineteen Eighty-Four".
- ^ Thomas Pynchon: Foreword to the
Centennial Edition to Nineteen eighty-four, pp. vii–xxvi. New York: Plume, 2003. In shortened form published also as
The Road to
1984 in The Guardian (Analysis)
References
- Aubrey, Crispin & Chilton, Paul (Eds). (1983). Nineteen Eighty-Four in 1984: Autonomy, Control &
Communication. London: Comedia. ISBN 0-906890-42-X.
- Hillegas, Mark R. (1967). The Future As Nightmare: H.G. Wells and the Anti-Utopians. Southern Illinois University
Press. ISBN 0-8093-0676-X
- Howe, Irving (Ed.). (1983). 1984 Revisited: Totalitarianism In Our Century. New York: Harper Row. ISBN
0-06-080660-5.
- Orwell, George (1949). Nineteen Eighty-Four. A
novel. London: Secker & Warburg. [8]
- Orwell, George (1949). Nineteen Eighty-Four. A
novel. New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co. [9]
- Orwell, George (1977 (reissue)).
1984, Erich Fromm (Foreword), Signet Classics. ISBN 0451524934.
- Orwell, George (2003
(Centennial edition)). Nineteen Eighty-Four, Thomas Pynchon (Foreword);
Erich Fromm (Afterword), Plume. ISBN 0452284236.
- Afterword by Erich Fromm (1961)., pp. 324–337.
- Orwell's text has a "Selected Bibliography", pp. 338–9; the foreword and the afterword each contain further references.
- The Plume edition is an authorized reprint of a hardcover edition published by Harcourt, Inc.
- The Plume edition is also published in a Signet edition. The copyright page says this, but the Signet ed. does not have the
Pynchon forward.
- Copyright is explicitly extended to digital and any other means.
- Orwell, George. 1984 (Vietnamese edition), translation by Đặng Phương-Nghi, French preface by Bertrand Latour ISBN 0-9774224-5-3.
- Shelden, Michael. (1991). Orwell — The Authorised Biography. London: Heinemann. ISBN 0-434-69517-3
- Smith, David & Mosher, Michael. (1984). Orwell for Beginners. London: Writers and Readers Publishing Cooperative.
ISBN 0-86316-066-2
- Steinhoff, William R. (1975). George Orwell and
the Origins of 1984. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0472874004. (bibrec)
- Tuccille, Jerome. (1975). Who's Afraid of 1984? The case for optimism in looking ahead to the 1980s. New York:
Arlington House. ISBN 0-87000-308-9.
- West, W. J. The Larger Evils – Nineteen Eighty-Four, the truth behind the satire. Edinburgh: Canongate Press. 1992.
ISBN 0-86241-382-6
External links
- Electronic Editions
Note that Nineteen Eighty-Four will not enter the public domain in the
United States until 2044 and in the European Union until 2020, although it is public domain in countries such
as Canada, Russia, and Australia.
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