What has to be understood from the outset is that the two countries have very different military aspirations. India is eager to project its power in the region India sees itself as a rising regional actor, and it sees military power as one element in this process. As any aspiring regional player must do, it looks around for potential partners and potential enemies. China too has growing regional ambitions. The two countries need not be enemies, but clearly India's military planners must have at least one eye on China as they draw up their own modernisation proposals. Pakistan is in an altogether different position. It seeks to provide itself with the military means to deter any pressure from India. It cannot match India man-for-man or gun-for-gun. But as it modernises its armed forces, it can seek to invest in those technologies that maximise its capabilities and take an effective toll against any enemy. 2003 REPORT SAYS:- India modernises India's broader strategic goals mean that it is pursuing an ambitious modernisation programme across all of its armed services. The air force is getting the largest share of new money, with plans for new combat aircraft, airborne warning and control systems and missiles. The army is destined to get new tanks and new artillery. The navy hopes to deploy new Russian-built warships, along with home-constructed vessels, new aircraft carriers and new submarines. The plan is to spend some $95bn over the next 15 years. How far these plans actually come to fruition will depend both on economics and upon potential suppliers. India also has huge maintenance problems, in part due to the poor supply of spares from Russia but also to inadequate local servicing facilities. India is eager to boost its own impressive arms industry but for the foreseeable future, many "big ticket" items will come from abroad. Russian suppliesRussia is still the principal source of advance weaponry and looks set to continue in this role. A protocol signed between the two governments in June 2001 covers Russian supplies of some $10bn worth of weaponry and other military hardware over the coming decade. In January, India agreed to lease four nuclear-capable Tupolev Tu-22 long-range bombers from Russia along with two nuclear-powered submarines. India is also developing a close and little-reported relationship with Israel, whose own arms industry has much to offer in terms of cutting-edge technology
India is seeking to blend Russian, western and local technology in an effort to tailor its military equipment to its own needs. The Sukhoi Su-30 Mk I fighter is a good example. The first squadron of these advanced fighters entered service last September. Their hi-tech control systems incorporate a number of Indian and Western built elements, incorporated into the Russian air-frame. Interestingly, India is interested in Russian air defence systems as well, with persistent reports that India's long-term aim is to deploy an anti-ballistic missile system of its own, perhaps based upon the Russian S-300VM system. It is not surprising then that India has responded in generally positive terms to US President George W Bush's proposals for limited missile defence. Delhi is also developing a close and little-reported relationship with Israel, whose own arms industry has much to offer in terms of cutting-edge technology, especially in fields like unmanned reconnaissance aircraft and air-launched munitions. India's rise is acknowledged in Washington and there is a lot of talk about a potential US-Indian strategic partnership, though nuclear-proliferation issues continue to dog relations. China helps Pakistan Last Updated: Friday, 9 May, 2003, 12:09 GMT 13:09 UK

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India-Pakistan military balance

By Jonathan Marcus

BBC defence correspondent

In straight numerical terms of population, economic might, military manpower and equipment it is almost meaningless to speak about an India-Pakistan balance. "Imbalance" would be a more appropriate term since India dominates in every respect. What has to be understood from the outset is that the two countries have very different military aspirations. India is eager to project its power in the region India sees itself as a rising regional actor, and it sees military power as one element in this process. As any aspiring regional player must do, it looks around for potential partners and potential enemies. China too has growing regional ambitions. The two countries need not be enemies, but clearly India's military planners must have at least one eye on China as they draw up their own modernisation proposals. Pakistan is in an altogether different position. It seeks to provide itself with the military means to deter any pressure from India. It cannot match India man-for-man or gun-for-gun. But as it modernises its armed forces, it can seek to invest in those technologies that maximise its capabilities and take an effective toll against any enemy. India modernises India's broader strategic goals mean that it is pursuing an ambitious modernisation programme across all of its armed services. The air force is getting the largest share of new money, with plans for new combat aircraft, airborne warning and control systems and missiles. The army is destined to get new tanks and new artillery. The navy hopes to deploy new Russian-built warships, along with home-constructed vessels, new aircraft carriers and new submarines. The plan is to spend some $95bn over the next 15 years. How far these plans actually come to fruition will depend both on economics and upon potential suppliers. India also has huge maintenance problems, in part due to the poor supply of spares from Russia but also to inadequate local servicing facilities. India is eager to boost its own impressive arms industry but for the foreseeable future, many "big ticket" items will come from abroad. Russian supplies Russia is still the principal source of advance weaponry and looks set to continue in this role. A protocol signed between the two governments in June 2001 covers Russian supplies of some $10bn worth of weaponry and other military hardware over the coming decade. In January, India agreed to lease four nuclear-capable Tupolev Tu-22 long-range bombers from Russia along with two nuclear-powered submarines. India is also developing a close and little-reported relationship with Israel, whose own arms industry has much to offer in terms of cutting-edge technology
India is seeking to blend Russian, western and local technology in an effort to tailor its military equipment to its own needs. The Sukhoi Su-30 Mk I fighter is a good example. The first squadron of these advanced fighters entered service last September. Their hi-tech control systems incorporate a number of Indian and Western built elements, incorporated into the Russian air-frame. Interestingly, India is interested in Russian air defence systems as well, with persistent reports that India's long-term aim is to deploy an anti-ballistic missile system of its own, perhaps based upon the Russian S-300VM system. It is not surprising then that India has responded in generally positive terms to US President George W Bush's proposals for limited missile defence. Delhi is also developing a close and little-reported relationship with Israel, whose own arms industry has much to offer in terms of cutting-edge technology, especially in fields like unmanned reconnaissance aircraft and air-launched munitions. India's rise is acknowledged in Washington and there is a lot of talk about a potential US-Indian strategic partnership, though nuclear-proliferation issues continue to dog relations. The mounted President's Bodyguard during a state visit by a foreign dignitary.

Indian Army statistics Active Troops 1,300,000 Reserve Troops 1,200,000 Territorial Army 200,000** Main Battle Tanks 2,700 [11] Artillery 12,800[citation needed] Ballistic missiles 100+[citation needed] Cruise missiles BrahMos Aircraft 10 squadrons of helicopters Surface-to-air missiles 90000+[citation needed] * includes 300,000 1st line troops and 500,000 2nd line troops ** includes 40,000 1st line troops and 160,000 2nd line troops The various rank of the Indian Army are listed below in descending order: Commissioned Officers * Field Marshal* (Only two officers made Field Marshal so far) * General (the rank held by Chief of Army Staff) * Lieutenant-General * Major-General * Brigadier * Colonel * Lieutenant-Colonel * Major * Captain * Lieutenant * Second Lieutenant - This has now been discontinued Equipment Arjun MBT.

Bhishma T-90 MBT.

: Main article: Equipment of the Indian Army Most of the army equipment is imported, but efforts are being made to manufacture indigenous equipment. All Indian Military Firearms guns are manufactured under the umbrella administration of the Ordnance Factory Board, with principal Firearm manufacturing facilities in Ishapore, Cossipore, Kanpur, Jabalpur and Tiruchirapalli. Indian National Small Arms System (INSAS) rifle, which is successfully inducted by Indian Army since 1997 is a product of Ordanance Factory Board, Ishapore. While ammunition is manufactured at Kirkee (Now Khadki) and possibly at Bolangir. : This is a list of aircraft of the Indian Army. For the list of aircraft of the Indian Air Force, see List of aircraft of the Indian Air Force. The Indian Army operates more than 200 helicopters, plus additional unmanned aerial vehicles. HAL Dhruv

{| ! style="background: rgb(170, 204, 204) none repeat scroll 0% 0%; -moz-background-clip: -moz-initial; -moz-background-origin: -moz-initial; -moz-background-inline-policy: -moz-initial; text-align: left" | Aircraft ! style="background: rgb(170, 204, 204) none repeat scroll 0% 0%; -moz-background-clip: -moz-initial; -moz-background-origin: -moz-initial; -moz-background-inline-policy: -moz-initial; text-align: left" | Origin ! style="background: rgb(170, 204, 204) none repeat scroll 0% 0%; -moz-background-clip: -moz-initial; -moz-background-origin: -moz-initial; -moz-background-inline-policy: -moz-initial; text-align: left" | Type ! style="background: rgb(170, 204, 204) none repeat scroll 0% 0%; -moz-background-clip: -moz-initial; -moz-background-origin: -moz-initial; -moz-background-inline-policy: -moz-initial; text-align: left" | Versions ! style="background: rgb(170, 204, 204) none repeat scroll 0% 0%; -moz-background-clip: -moz-initial; -moz-background-origin: -moz-initial; -moz-background-inline-policy: -moz-initial; text-align: left" | In service[12] ! style="background: rgb(170, 204, 204) none repeat scroll 0% 0%; -moz-background-clip: -moz-initial; -moz-background-origin: -moz-initial; -moz-background-inline-policy: -moz-initial; text-align: left" | Notes | HAL Dhruv India utility helicopter 36+ To acquire 73 more Dhruv in next 5 years. AÃ©rospatiale SA 316 Alouette III France utility helicopter SA 316B Chetak 60 to be replaced by Dhruv AÃ©rospatiale SA 315 Lama France utility helicopter SA 315B Cheetah 48 to be replaced by Dhruv DRDO Nishant India reconnaissance UAV 1 Delivery of 12 UAV's in 2008. IAI Searcher II Israel reconnaissance UAV 100+ IAI Heron II Israel reconnaissance UAV 50+ The Indian army had projected a requirement for a helicopter that can carry loads of up to 75 kg heights of 23,000 feet (7,000 m) on the Siachen Glacier in Jammu and Kashmir. Flying at these heights poses unique challenges due to the rarefied atmosphere. The Indian Army chose the Eurocopter AS 550 for a $550 million contract for 197 light helicopters to replace its ageing fleet of Chetaks and Cheetahs, some of which were inducted more than three decades ago.[13] The deal has however been scrapped amidst allegations of corruption during the bidding process.[14] INDIA HAS FOUGHT 5 WARS SINCE INDEPENDENCE IN 1947 4 WITH PAKISTAN WON ALL 4 OF THEM AND 1 WITH CHINA WHICH IT LOST CURRENTLY INDIAN ARMY IS HELPING IN UN PEACE KEEPING FORCES OUTSIDE INDIA AND FIGHTING PAKISTANI SPONSORED TERRORISM IN KASMIR AND TALIBAN AND AL QAEDA SPONSORED TERRORISM IN WHOLE OF INDIA.. China helps Pakistan In the face of India's growing military arsenal, Pakistan is seeking to modernise its forces. Clearly, it has put a good deal of effort into the nuclear and missile fields - areas where it can at least offer some credible deterrent against a potential threat. China remains Pakistan's principal arms supplier, though Pakistan's purchases are modest in comparison to India's. Some sort of strategic understanding between the two countries is important
It has recently begun to receive the first deliveries of 50 Chinese F-7MG aircraft. And the two countries continue to collaborate on a joint programme for a new combat jet. Pakistan also gets small amounts of sophisticated weaponry from France, notably eight upgraded Mirage III and Mirage V combat aircraft. France is also supplying Pakistan with new, badly needed, diesel submarines. The first was commissioned in late 1999, with two more being built under licence in Karachi. Pakistan is also eager to diversify its arms purchases - it bought battle tanks from Ukraine and is reportedly exploring the possibility of starting local production of an upgraded version known as the Al Khalid. This is a priority since India recently signed a deal to buy over 300 Russian T-90 tanks. But overall India's conventional dominance is something that Pakistan cannot match. Its essential policy is to have sufficient forces to inflict heavy casualties on any attacker in the event of a war, while relying upon its nuclear forces to deter any conflict in the first place. This is why some sort of strategic understanding between the two countries is important. The development of their military doctrine - how and in what circumstances long-range missiles or even nuclear weapons might be used - has not kept pace with the physical development of such weapons. India clearly has far more military options than Pakistan. But its chief strategic concern is China. Pakistan in turn is worried by India's military modernisation. This is a complex triangular relationship which in purely strategic terms may be hard to isolate in terms of just the relationship between Delhi and Islamabad. Summary Despite demands from India in the wake of the Nov. 26 militant attacks on Mumbai, Pakistan is unlikely to be able to shift troops around to please New Delhi (or Washington, for that matter). Islamabad's military capacity was already extremely constrained before the attacks and has only become more limited. Analysis Related Special Topic Page * Militant Attacks In Mumbai and Their Consequences

Related Link * Afghanistan, Pakistan: The Battlespace of the Border

Pakistani daily The News reported Dec. 1 that Pakistan's military is monitoring the border with India closely and has not detected any mobilization of Indian troops in the wake of the Nov. 26 attacks in Mumbai. Meanwhile, Press Trust of India quoted an Indian army official saying no orders for mobilization have been given, and the Indian External Affairs Ministry rebutted television reports that said the Indian-Pakistani cease-fire was being suspended. As tensions mount between India and Pakistan over the Mumbai attacks - in which at least some of the attackers apparently arrived by boat from Karachi - the possibility has loomed of increased troop deployments along the border shared by the two South Asian rivals. Meanwhile, an assertive New Delhi, with little choice but to react strongly to the attacks, appears likely to demand increased Pakistani operations in Kashmir to control militancy there, while the incoming U.S. administration will be placing even more demands on Islamabad in the war against jihadists along the Afghan-Pakistani border. Pakistan, however, is in a military bind. It is already stretched thin and does not have the resources to fulfill its core mission while also taking on other operations to placate India and the United States - meaning New Delhi and Washington are likely to be disappointed. Before the attacks in Mumbai, the Pakistani military was already overwhelmed with four major operational demands, none of which has gone away: * Defend the border with India, being prepared for possible conventional Indian military aggression. * Combat the home-grown Taliban insurgency raging across the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the Pashtun districts of the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP). * Combat a much lower-intensity - but nonetheless very real - mounting insurgency in the southwestern province of Baluchistan. * Provide heightened military security in Islamabad and other major urban centers in order to defend against an uptick in radical Islamist suicide bombings domestically. (Further compounding things, ethnic clashes and rioting broke out in Karachi on Nov. 28, with scores of people being killed on a daily basis. Though the army itself has not yet been called in - paramilitary units are currently attempting to rein in the situation - Karachi-based V Corps is closely monitoring the potential need for military force.) Strategically, defending the border with India is the military's paramount objective because it represents the most direct existential threat. Pakistan's 550,000-strong force is only half the size of the active Indian army, and New Delhi also fields technologically superior hardware, from the latest Russian T-90 main battle tanks to the modern Su-30MKI "Flanker" fighter. As such, Pakistan is very hesitant to pull away military units from this mission. (Islamabad has committed resources to the jihadist fight along the western border only under immense U.S. pressure. Currently centered around Swat in the NWFP, this mission has been complicated as U.S. airstrikes by unmanned aerial vehicles have inched ever deeper into Pakistani territory.)

(Click to enlarge map)

Looking at the Indian border, Pakistan is most vulnerable in the open lowlands of Punjab. Not only does this region offer little in the way of terrain features that would impede the movement of large mechanized formations, there is little distance at this point between the Indian border and the Pakistani heartland - where most of the population resides along with Pakistan's core industrial and agricultural sectors. The more barren terrain of the southern border along Sindh province is also vulnerable, but it is also more distant from the core population areas that Pakistan needs to defend. The mountainous Kashmir region, while it is the most disputed area of the border, is also extremely difficult terrain that favors the defense. With almost no strategic depth to insulate its core from any potential Indian attack, Pakistan maintains six of its nine Corps formations in Punjab. This includes offensive "Strike" Corps (I and II) designed to make pre-emptive thrusts into Indian territory in the event of war in an attempt to acquire breathing room and leverage for subsequent negotiations. At times of increasing tension with India, the overarching military imperative for Islamabad becomes the conventional reinforcement of these six corps. This would have to come at the expense of other missions such as those that Washington and New Delhi would like to see. Indeed, Pakistan already suggested as much when it told commanders in Afghanistan that it would have to withdraw forces from the western theater in the event of a crisis with India. But Pakistan's problems run deeper than its military's myriad and conflicting responsibilities. The civilian government is weak at an extremely challenging point in the country's history - when an undercurrent of radical Islamist leanings is on the rise and the country's intelligence service, the ISI, is infiltrated by both jihadist and Taliban elements. Even if it had more freedom of action, the military could hope to do little more than keep a lid on these deepening crises. If the Pakistani army was unable to muster the resources for the demands being placed on it before the Mumbai attacks, it is unlikely to be able to meet the demands of a hostile India and a new U.S. administration. |}

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