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Agricultural Adjustment Administration

 
Britannica Concise Encyclopedia: Agricultural Adjustment Administration
 

New Deal program to restore U.S. agricultural prosperity during the Great Depression. Established by an act of Congress in 1933, the AAA sought to curtail farm production of certain staples, in order to raise prices. It also established the Commodity Credit Corp., to make loans to farmers and to purchase and store crops in order to maintain farm prices. The program had limited success before it was declared unconstitutional in 1936.

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Columbia Encyclopedia: Agricultural Adjustment Administration
Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA), former U.S. government agency established (1933) in the Dept. of Agriculture under the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933 as part of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal program. Its purpose was to help farmers by reducing production of staple crops, thus raising farm prices and encouraging more diversified farming. Farmers were given benefit payments in return for limiting acreage given to staple crops; in the case of cotton and tobacco coercive taxes forced (1934–35) farmers to cut the amounts that they marketed. In 1936 the Supreme Court declared important sections of the act invalid, but Congress promptly adopted (1936) the Soil Conservation and Domestic Allotment Act, which encouraged conservation by paying benefits for planting soil-building crops instead of staple crops. The Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938 empowered the AAA in years of good crops to make loans to farmers on staple crop yields and to store the surplus produce, which it could then release in years of low yield. Soil conservation was continued, and farmers could by two-thirds vote adopt compulsory marketing quotas (as they did for cotton and tobacco). In World War II the AAA turned its attention to increasing food production to meet war needs. It was renamed (1942) the Agricultural Adjustment Agency, and in 1945 its functions were taken over by the Production and Marketing Administration.

Bibliography

See E. G. Nourse et al., Three Years of the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (1937, repr. 1971); G. V. L. Perkins, Crisis in Agriculture (1969).


 
Act of Congress:

Agricultural Adjustment Act (1933)

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Excerpt from the Agricultural Adjustment Act

It is declared to be the policy of Congress—To establish and maintain such balance between the production and consumption of agricultural commodities, and such marketing conditions therefor, as will reestablish prices to farmers at a level that will give agricultural commodities a purchasing power with respect to articles that farmers buy, equivalent to the purchasing power of agricultural commodities in the base period.

The Great Depression hit American farmers especially hard. With prices of commodities and farmers' income at historic lows, the Dust Bowl destroyed what little productivity was left in many farms. White farmers from Oklahoma joined the exodus that black farmers from the Mississippi Delta had already begun during the 1920s. The agricultural crisis profoundly affected the 1932 presidential campaign. During his successful run for the presidency, Franklin D. Roosevelt promised comprehensive agricultural relief.

New Deal Legislation

Roosevelt's plan to revive the American economy was called the New Deal. During the first hundred days of Roosevelt's administration, Congress passed fifteen major pieces of legislation designed to reduce unemployment. The Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933 (48 Stat. 31), took its place alongside the National Industrial Recovery Act as a leading component of this relief package. The Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA) pledged to restore the purchasing power enjoyed by farmers in the years immediately preceding World War I. This concept, called "parity," became a rallying point for farmers throughout the New Deal and would dominate agricultural policy after World War II. The AAA was designed to restore parity prices for "basic agricultural commodities"—initially defined as wheat, cotton, corn, hogs, rice, tobacco, and milk—by reducing supplies. Benefit payments would compensate participating farmers who agreed to curb acreage or kill excess livestock.

The AAA levied a tax on processors of agricultural commodities. Cotton gin operators, for instance, would be taxed for the benefit of cotton farmers who had agreed to reduce their acreage. The Department of Agriculture characterized this tax as "the heart of the law," because the proceeds from this tax would simultaneously enhance farmers' purchasing power and increase commodity prices by reducing supplies. To undertake the taxing of processors and to make benefit payments to participating farmers, the AAA relied on Article I, section 8, clause 1 of the Constitution, which empowers Congress "to lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States." Older decisions such as United States v. E.C. Knight Co. (1895) had established that Congress's power under Article I, section 8, clause 3 "to regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes" did not extend to productive activities such as manufacturing, agriculture, and mining. In other words, the Constitution drew a distinction between regulating commerce and regulating production. When the Supreme Court invalidated the National Industrial Recovery Act in A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States (1935), it not only endorsed that old distinction but also held that retailing likewise lay beyond Congress's power to regulate interstate commerce.

Judicial Review

In United States v. Butler (1936), the Supreme Court invalidated the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933. Justice Owen Roberts, writing for himself and five other justices, held that the AAA "invade[d] the reserved rights of the states" by endeavoring "to regulate and control agricultural production, a matter beyond the powers delegated to the federal government." Specifically, the Court held that the AAA violated the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution, which declares: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." Assuming that Congress could not directly compel farmers to reduce acreage or cull livestock, the Court held that Congress "may not indirectly accomplish those ends by taxing and spending to purchase compliance."

The constitutional views expressed in Schechter Poultry and Butler would not last beyond 1937. Two Supreme Court decisions rendered that year greatly expanded Congress's ability to regulate commerce and to attach conditions to federal expenditures. NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp. (1937) upheld the National Labor Relations Act as a proper exercise of Congress's commerce clause powers, and Steward Machine Co. v. Davis (1937) upheld the Social Security Act (despite objections similar to those raised in Butler.) Meanwhile, minor agricultural statutes were surviving Supreme Court review. In Wright v. Vinton Branch of the Mountain Trust Bank (1937), the Court upheld the Farm Bankruptcy Act of 1935. In 1939 the Court upheld both the Agricultural Marketing Agreement Act (United States v. Rock-Royal Cooperative, Inc.) and the Tobacco Inspection Act (Currin v. Wallace.)

Further Legislative Action

Emboldened by the apparent change in the Supreme Court's attitude toward the constitutionality of the New Deal, Congress passed a second Agricultural Adjustment Act, designated as the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938. Rather than using the proceeds from taxes on processors to motivate farmers to lower production in exchange for benefit payments, the 1938 act applied marketing quotas and overproduction penalties directly. For example, the tobacco program established by the 1938 act triggered a national marketing quota whenever the secretary of agriculture determined that supplies would exceed a threshold called the "reserve supply level." The secretary would apportion the quota among tobacco farms nationwide, and penalties would be assessed against auction warehouses marketing tobacco from a farm that had exceeded its quota.

In Mulford v. Smith (1939), the Supreme Court upheld the 1938 act with little fanfare. Even though the marketing quotas imposed by the 1938 act intruded far more aggressively into the agricultural economy than the processing taxes at issue in the 1933 act, Mulford found no fault in the 1938 act. Just three years earlier the 1933 act had been condemned as an unconstitutional stratagem by the federal government to interfere in agricultural markets. Yet the ruling in Mulford blessed the 1938 act as a program "intended to foster, protect and conserve [interstate] commerce."

Three years later, in Wickard v. Filburn (1942), the Supreme Court revisited the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938. Whereas the tobacco in Mulford was specifically destined for interstate sale at an auction, Filburn involved an Ohio farmer who fed his excess wheat to livestock on his own farm. In Filburn the Court held that the act could apply even to a seemingly trivial amount of excess production that never crosses state lines or otherwise affects interstate traffic in wheat, as long as any regulated farmer's "contribution, taken together with that of many others similarly situated, is far from trivial."

Wickard v. Filburn laid to rest any remaining doubt about the constitutionality of federal statutes regulating agricultural production, prices, and incomes. Together with the Agricultural Act of 1949, the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938 now constitutes the major part of so-called "permanent legislation" that provides federal support for commodity prices and farm incomes. Periodic "farm bills," such as the Food Security Act of 1985 and the Federal Agriculture Improvement and Reform Act of 1996, make temporary changes in support levels and program design by amending the "permanent legislation" for a specified period, typically five or six years. The programs authorized by permanent agricultural legislation and by periodic farm bills are diverse and complex. They include production flexibility contract programs, nonrecourse loans for marketing assistance, marketing quotas, marketing agreements, crop insurance, and the Conservation Reserve Program.

Bibliography

Breimyer, Harold F. "Agricultural Philosophies and Policies in the New Deal." Minnesota Law Review 68 (1983): 333-353.

Fite, Gilbert Courtland. American Farmers: The New Minority. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1981.

Irons, Peter H. The New Deal Lawyers. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982.

Rasmussen, Wayne D. "New Deal Agricultural Policies after 50 Years." Minnesota LawReview 68 (1983): 353–377.

Saloutos, Theodore. The American Farmer and the New Deal. Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1982.

 
Wikipedia: Agricultural Adjustment Act
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This is an article about the "Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933". For the act by the same name in 1938, see Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938.

The Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA) (Pub.L. 73-10, enacted May 12, 1933) restricted agricultural production in the New Deal era by paying farmers to reduce crop area. Its purpose was to reduce crop surplus so as to effectively raise the value of crops, thereby giving farmers relative stability again. The farmers were paid subsidies by the federal government for letting a portion of their fields lay fallow. The Act created a new agency, the Agricultural Adjustment Administration, to oversee the distribution of the subsidies. It is considered the first modern U.S. farm bill.[citation needed]

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Agricultural Adjustment Administration

By the time the Agricultural Adjustment Administration began its operations, the agricultural season for many crops was already under way. The agency oversaw a large-scale destruction of existing cotton crops and livestock in an attempt to reduce surpluses. No other crops or animals were affected in 1933, but six million piglets and 220,000 pregnant cows were slaughtered in the AAA's effort to raise livestock prices. Many cotton farmers plowed under a quarter of their crop in accordance with the AAA's plans.[1] Adlai Stevenson and Telford Taylor and Isaac Nilges worked in the AAA.

Large farms benefited from the AAA policy of reducing surpluses, having "gross farm income increas[e] by 50% during the first three years of the New Deal".[2] This was achieved because large landowners would evict tenant farmers and sharecroppers in order to keep them from farming their leased acreage; the landowner would then receive the payment for not farming the land.[3] Furthermore, those same land owners, having forced out some of the competition, would then use those displaced farmers as cheap farm labor.[4]


Franklin Roosevelt decided to pass this as part of his new deal plan. The increase in gross income for farmers was largely paid for through government subsidies. Despite the reduced production, food price increases between 1933 and 1937 were negligible.[2] Consumers bore the brunt of higher food prices and were "horrified with its policy of enforced scarcity."[5] A Gallup Poll printed in The Washington Post revealed that a majority of the American public opposed the AAA.[5]

The tax underwriting the AAA was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in the case United States v. Butler,[6] because, among other stated reasons, it taxed one farmer in order to pay another. Farm leaders supported the Butler decision.[4] A prominent designer of the New Deal, Raymond Moley, later said of the Butler holding: "God was good to us and the farmer and the country when the Supreme Court destroyed the processing tax."[4]

Congress later achieved part of the original Act's goals with the Soil Conservation and Domestic Allotment Act of 1935 until the enactment of a second AAA (Pub.L. 75-430) on December 15, 1937. This second AAA was funded from general taxation, and therefore acceptable to the Supreme Court.

Thomas Amendment

Attached as title III to the Act, the Thomas Amendment became the “third horse” in the New Deal’s farm relief bill. Drafted by Oklahoma Sen. Elmer Thomas, the amendment blended populist easy-money views with the theories of the new economics. Thomas wanted a stabilized “honest dollar” one that would be fair to debtor and creditor.

The Amendment stated that whenever the president desired currency expansion, he must first authorize the open market committee of the Federal Reserve to purchase up to $4 billion of federal obligations. Should open market operations prove insufficient the President had several options. He could have the U.S. Treasury issue up to $4 billion in greenbacks, reduce the gold content of the dollar by as much as 50 percent, or accept 100 million dollars in silver at a price not to exceed fifty cents per ounce in payment of World War I debts owned by European nations.

The Thomas Amendment was used sparingly. The treasury received limited amounts of silver in payment of war debts from World War I. Armed with the Amendment, Roosevelt ratified the Pittman London Silver Amendment on December 21, 1933, ordering the United States mints to buy the entire domestic production of newly mined silver at 64.5¢ per ounce. Roosevelt’s most dramatic use of the Thomas amendment came on January 31, 1934, when he decreased the gold content of the dollar to 40.94 percent. However, wholesale prices still continued to climb. Possibly the most significant expansion brought on by the Thomas Amendment may have been the growth of governmental power over monetary policy.

The impact of this amendment was to reduce the amount of silver that was being held by private citizens (presumably as a hedge against inflation or collapse of the financial system) and increase the amount of circulating currency.

References

  1. ^ Brinkley, Alan (1999). American History: A Survey (10th Ed. ed.). McGraw-Hill College. pp. 879. ISBN 0-07-303390-1. 
  2. ^ a b Brinkley, at 404.
  3. ^ Cushman, Barry (1998). Rethinking the New Deal Court. Oxford University Press., at 34-35.
  4. ^ a b c Cushman, at 35.
  5. ^ a b Cushman, at 34.
  6. ^ 297 U.S. 1 (1936)

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