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Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani

 
Political Biography: Ali Akhbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani
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(b. Rafsanjan, 25 Aug. 1934) Iranian; Speaker of the Majles (Consultative Assembly) 1980 – 9, Acting Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces 1988 – 9, President 1989 – 1997 Rafsanjani became a pupil and disciple of Khomeini at Qom theological seminary, reaching the rank of Hojjatoleslam in the late 1950s. He organized anti-Shah riots in June 1963 and was imprisoned at least four times for his political activities in the Islamic resurgence between 1964 and 1978. Rafsanjani was one of Khomeini's chief lieutenants in Iran after his banishment in 1964 and a member of the small group of radical mullahs who led the Islamic revolution in Iran until Khomeini's return in 1979. He was then appointed to the governing Revolutionary Council by Khomeini. Rafsanjani co-founded the Association of Militant Clergy faction and was co-leader of the Islamic Republican party which dominated the Assembly after the general elections of 1980 and elected him as its Speaker. In that capacity he entered into secret negotiations to trade Western hostages for US arms in 1986, but succeeded in avoiding lasting damage to his reputation when the negotiations became public knowledge. After Khomeini's death in 1989, Rafsanjani emerged as the Islamic Republic's first executive President, to which he was re-elected for a final, four-year term in 1993. During his presidency, Iran has undergone widespread and fundamental reforms that have reconstituted it as a Second Republic. Among the more important of these has been a programme of economic reconstruction through liberalization and the state's withdrawal from the economy. A corresponding shift in foreign policy, aimed at Iran's reintegration into the international community, began with the release of Western hostages in Lebanon at Rafsanjani's behest between 1991 and 1992. Rafsanjani's Iran, however, continues to export Islamic revolution and it sponsors militant Islamic fundamentalist groups on a worldwide basis.

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Biography: Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani
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Raised on a pistachio farm, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (born 1934) rose to become the most important political leader in revolutionary Iran. Known as a shrewd survivor, Iran's "smiling powerbroker" worked towards building a "kinder, gentler" Iran.

Akbar Hashemi was born in 1934 as the second of nine children of Ali Hashemi, a modest farmer and local clergyman in the remote Kermanian town of Rafsanjan - thus the family name, Rafsanjani. At age 14, Akbar Rafsanjani traveled to Qom to pursue advanced Islamic studies. He soon was involved in the "Devotees of Islam" agitation for nationalization of Iran's oil industry. After the demise of Premier Mussadiq's nationalist movement, Ayatollah Borujerdi, one of Rafsanjani's eminent mentors, prevailed upon clergy not to criticize politicians. During this period of quietism Ayatollah Rohollah Khomeini had the greatest impact upon Rafsanjani's formal education, which resulted in his clerical recognition as hojatolislam, a rank just below an ayatollah.

With Borujerdi's death in 1961, Ayatollah Khomeini organized mass protests against the westernizing "White Revolution" of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. After the Shah's agents stormed the Qom Seminary and forced Khomeini into exile, Rafsanjani became a key operative link in Khomeini's underground resistance. Along the way, Rafsanjani's writings included two significant books that presaged subsequent thinking. The Story of Palestine angrily chronicles a "Black Record of Colonialism." His 1967 biography of Amir Kabir admires the 19th-century Iranian prime minister's early conception of foreign policy non-alignment.

The Shah's agents suspiciously watched Rafsanjani and meted out periodic imprisonments, tortures, and even an illegal forced stint in military service. According to an official biography, his 1975 imprisonment resulted from his efforts to "correct the ideological thinking" of the Mujahedin-e-Khalq guerrilla organization, an organization Khomeini later condemned as hypocritically melding Marxism and Islam.

Disciplinarian of the Revolution

As a prominent revolutionary player, some observers perceived Rafsanjani as a mere opportunist who aligned himself with whichever directions the revolutionary winds blew. Others denounced his moderate appearances as sheepskin covering for a hard-line "wolf." However, Rafsanjani is best understood as a principled pragmatist whose coalition and consensus building efforts help explain the continuing survival of the Islamic revolution.

In early revolutionary phases Rafsanjani was Khomeini's clerical liaison to diverse dissident groups, including secular nationalists and communists. Rafsanjani later rationalized his collaboration with the Mujahedin as part of a strategy which "considered any form of struggle against SAVAK [the Shah's secret police] a blessing." Rafsanjani's revolutionary credits include: organizer of local revolutionary Komitehs, crisis foreman of Abadan oil production, member of the secret Islamic Revolutionary Council, co-founder of the Islamic Republican Party, and deputy interior minister. In May 1979 he was nearly assassinated by the Furqun (Distinction), a shadowy group claiming pious opposition to clerics in government. Rafsanjani arguably sought to slow the momentum towards extremism. When the nationalists sought elections for a constitutional review assembly, Rafsanjani warned that they would regret the resulting "fistful of ignorant and fanatic fundamentalists" who will "do such damage."

Rafsanjani subsequently was elected to the new Majlis (Islamic Consultative Assembly), which he presided over as parliamentary speaker for nearly a decade. In September 1980 Iraq's invasion of Iran energized hawkish sentiment, Rafsanjani included. As a populist Friday prayer leader in Tehran and as a Khomeini representative to the powerful Supreme Defense Council, Rafsanjani helped undermine remaining nationalist "doves" by advocating harsh retribution as Iran's war aim. Rafsanjani also backed a severe 1982 crackdown on the Mujahedin. Given Mujahedin assassinations of over 1,200 regime leaders, Rafsanjani later explained that without the "imperative" execution of over 4,000 Mujahedin guerrillas, "Iran would have become Lebanon." Grave circumstances demanded "determined" means.

With militant opposition crushed and Iraq on the defensive, Speaker Rafsanjani deftly maneuvered amidst years of raucous Majlis bickering over the precise social, economic, and international implications of Islamic governance. Often enigmatically seeming to be all things to all sides, his calls for just wealth redistribution did not square neatly with his reassurances to business interests about the sanctity of private property. Yet Rafsanjani could also resourcefully break impasses, as with his 1986 theatrical use of television to intimidate "conservative" recalcitrants from "standing up" to vote against an emotion laden, yet long blocked, land reform bill. (Rafsanjani's educated [University of California] brother directed Iranian television.)

Rafsanjani's most dangerous innovation was in foreign policy. Recognizing the severe costs of Iran's international pariah status, Rafsanjani sought to break Iran's isolation through openings to both eastern and western countries. Outraged purists leaked the arms dealings with the United States and Israel in what became known to the West as the "Iran-contra" affair. Yet Khomeini squelched recriminations with the admonition that "the path to hell is paved with discord."

As the warfront deteriorated in 1988, Khomeini turned over personal command of all Iranian armed forces to Rafsanjani. Still the coalition builder, Rafsanjani ended the destructive rivalries among regular, ideological, and paramilitary forces by integrating them under one command. Following American pummeling of Iranian naval units and the shooting down of an Iranian civilian airliner, Iran's radicals called for a river of American blood. But Rafsanjani and President Ali Khamenei quietly convinced Khomeini that the time had come to accept a "poisonous chalice" cease-fire. Rafsanjani's nationally broadcast sermon simply asserted that "the main issue is that we can stop making enemies without reason."

A Powerful, Pragmatic President

After Khomeini's death in June 1989, Rafsanjani soon emerged as Iran's most powerful leader. He was a key architect of Ali Khamenei's swift selection to Khomeini's post as supreme spiritual guide. Policy differences between Khamenei and Rafsanjani were real, yet common bonds were much stronger. Khamenei supported Rafsanjani's presidential election, along with the simultaneous constitutional reforms that vastly strengthened the presidency's authority. Despite howls from the Majlis, Rafsanjani's cabinet excluded all prominent radicals.

As president, Rafsanjani continued the momentum towards pragmatic policies. In social policy Rafsanjani candidly advocated such reforms as liberalized laws on women's privileges. In defending pursuit of Western loans and private investments, Rafsanjani castigated "statists" and fanatics with "religious pretensions" for being "frozen in their beliefs … and unable to adjust themselves to the circumstances of the day. Dams cannot be built by slogans."

Events will reveal Rafsanjani's popularity with the masses. His relatively easygoing, often witty, Friday "prayer sermons" genuinely seemed to delight Tehran crowds, though grandiloquence at times undercut his pragmatic efforts. In May 1989, during services commemorating Jerusalem day, Rafsanjani opined that Palestinians could end Israeli repression if they killed five Americans for every martyred Palestinian. Official Iranian news sources quickly toned down such remarks as simply emphasizing that Israel's depredations would be impossible without American financing.

Overall, Rafsanjani's presidency was marked by increasingly candid and pragmatic rationales for recasting revolutionary principles in light of necessity. In November 1989 Rafsanjani delighted geographic neighbors with an unprecedented renunciation of Iran's historical policeman role for the Persian Gulf in favor of cooperative strategies. Soon thereafter Rafsanjani characterized Ayatollah Khomeini's death decree against author Salman Rushdie for blasphemy as a mere "expert" religious opinion. (However, many Shiites vowed to carry out the sentence.) Such rationalization continued after Iraq's August 1990 invasion of Kuwait. Rafsanjani supported full compliance with international sanctions against Iraq, despite massive U.S. military involvement in the Gulf.

Rafsanjani was reelected to a second four-year term in June 1993, but only received 63.2 percent of the vote with his opponent, Ahmad Tavakkoli, receiving 27 percent. Analysts said that the failure of Rafsanjani to win a landslide victory indicated that Iranians had lost confidence in the Islamic regime - particularly in regard to its handling of economic conditions.

Further Reading

Within the growing literature on Iran's revolution and its regional and world impact, several well written and widely circulated English studies stand out: Shaul Bakhash, The Reign of the Ayatollahs: Iran and the Islamic Revolution (1984); R. K. Ramazani, Revolutionary Iran: Challenge and Response in the Middle East (1988); Robin Wright, In the Name of God: The Khomeini Decade (1989); and R.K. Ramazani, editor, Iran's Revolution: The Search for Consensus (1990). English translations of key Iranian speeches can be found in the Foreign Broadcast Information Service, available at most U.S. Government depository libraries.

 
Columbia Encyclopedia: Hashemi Rafsanjani
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Rafsanjani, Hashemi (Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani) (älē' äk'bär häsh'əmē räf'sänjän'ē), 1934-, Iranian religious and political leader, president of Iran (1989-97). A Shiite clergyman and supporter of Ayotallah Khomeini, Rafsanjani was imprisoned several times during the 1960s and 70s for his political activities. After the ouster of the Shah (see Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlevi), Rafsanjani helped found the Islamic Republican party and built his political power base as speaker of the parliament (1980-89). From 1988 to 1989 he was also acting commander in chief of the armed forces. In 1989, Rafsanjani was elected president, receiving some 95% of the vote. A pragmatic conservative, he sought to revive Iran's badly flagging economy on free-market principles and moved to improve relations with the West, reestablish Iran as a regional power, and gradually reopen the country to foreign investment. He was reelected in 1993 with two thirds of the vote but was barred from seeking a third term in the 1997 elections. That year he was first appointed chairman of the Expediency Discernment Council, which is responsible for resolving disputes between the parliament and Guardian Council concerning legislation (and in 2005 was also charged by Ayatollah Khamenei with exercising some of his oversight responsibilities as supreme leader). In 2000 he was narrowly elected to parliament, but he soon resigned his seat. In 2005 Rafsanjani again ran for the presidency, but despite support from reformists in the runoff election he lost to hardline conservative candidate Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. In Dec., 2006, however, Rafsanjani won a landslide victory in his election to the Assembly of Experts in a reversal of the 2005 results. The previous month an Argentinian judge had issued a warrant for Rafsanjani's arrest in connection with the 1994 bombing of a Buenos Aires Jewish center; Argentinian authorities accused Iran of backing the attack, a charge Iran rejected. Rafsanjani was elected speaker of the Assembly of Experts in 2007. During the 2009 presidential election he backed Mir Hossein Mousavi, and after the vote and protests against Mousavi's loss he called for those arrested to be released.
Mideast & N. Africa Encyclopedia: Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani
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1935 -

President of Iran, 1989 - 1997.

Born in the southeast Iranian city of Rafsanjan, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani began his religious education at the early age of fourteen in Qom (Qum), where from 1958 onward he was a leading figure among the younger disciples of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. His first arrest for political activities against the regime of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi came in 1964; he succeeded in escaping after undergoing two months of torture. He thereupon joined the ranks of the Allied Islamic Associations, and in January 1965, after the assassination of Prime Minister Hasan Ali Mansur by four members of this organization, he was jailed for four and a half months.

Resuming his clandestine organizational work in Qom, Rafsanjani next was jailed in 1967 for publicly opposing the shah's extravagant coronation ceremonies. In 1973 he was sentenced to eight years in prison on charges of collaboration with the Mojahedin-e Khalq guerrilla organization; he served four years of this sentence.

After the triumph of the Iranian Revolution in February 1979, Rafsanjani was appointed to the Council of Islamic Revolution, and when the government of Mehdi Bazargan resigned in November of that year, he was also appointed acting minister of the interior. A founding member of the Islamic Republican Party (IRP), he was elected chairman of Iran's legislature, the Majles al-Shura - which was dominated by that party and its allies - on 20 July 1980. Through the skillful use of this office, he swiftly became one of the most visible and influential politicians in the country, a process that was accelerated when his senior colleagues in the IRP became victims of assassination. Also important in the growth of his popular appeal were the nationally televised sermons he frequently delivered for the Friday prayers at Tehran University. After the death of Ayatollah Khomeini on 3 June 1989, President Ali Khamenehi was elevated to the position of leader (rahbar) of the Islamic Republic, and Rafsanjani was elected the next president in August 1989. On 11 June 1993 he was elected to a second term with 63.2 percent of a turnout that represented 57.6 percent of the electorate. Once reputed to favor radical socioeconomic reform, Rafsanjani as president enjoyed the reputation of a pragmatist concerned above all with the reconstruction of the Iranian economy. After the end of his second term as president in 1997, Rafsanjani was appointed as chair of the influential Expediency Council, which has authority to revoke vetoes by the Council of Guardians.

Bibliography

Moslem, Mehdi. Factional Politics in Post-Khomeini Iran. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2002.

— HAMID ALGAR
UPDATED BY ERIC HOOGLUND

Wikipedia: Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani
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"Rafsanjani" redirects here. For the others with that name, see Rafsanjani (disambiguation).
Ali Akbar Hashemi Bahramani (Rafsanjani)

Incumbent
Assumed office 
25 July 2007
Preceded by Ali Meshkini
Incumbent
Assumed office 
6 February 1988
Preceded by Ali Khamenei
In office
3 August 1989 – 2 August 1997
Vice President Hassan Habibi
Preceded by Ali Khamenei
Succeeded by Mohammad Khatami
In office
1980 – 1989
President Abolhassan Banisadr
Mohammad-Ali Rajai
Ali Khamenei
Prime Minister Mohammad-Ali Rajai
Mohammad-Reza Mahdavi Kani (acting)
Mir-Hossein Mousavi
Leader Ruhollah Khomeini
Ali Khamenei
Preceded by Vacant
Succeeded by Mehdi Karroubi
Born August 25, 1934 (1934-08-25) (age 75)
Nough, Iran
Nationality Iranian
Political party Executives of Construction Party
Spouse(s) Efat Marashi(m. 1958)[1]
Children Mohsen Hashemi(b. 1959)
Fateme Hashemi(b. 1961)
Yaser Hashemi(b. 1963)Mehdi Hashemi(b. 1965)Faeze Hashemi(b. 1967)
Religion Usuli Twelver Shi'ite

Ayatollah Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (Persian: علی اکبر هاشمی رفسنجانی Ali Akbar Hāshemī Rafsanjānī, Hashemi Bahramani (هاشمی بهرمانی); born August 25, 1934) is an influential Iranian politician, writer and former president. Currently he holds the position of Chairman of the Assembly of Experts[2] (a deliberative body of Mujtahids that is charged with electing, monitoring, and dismissing the Supreme Leader of Iran) and Chairman of the Expediency Discernment Council of Iran (an unelected administrative assembly that resolves legislative conflicts between the Majlis (Parliament) and the Council of Guardians).

Rafsanjani served as President of Iran from 1989 to 1997. In 2005 he ran for a third term in office, placing first in the first round of elections but ultimately losing to rival Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the run-off round of the 2005 election. He was also elected as the Chairman of Iranian parliament in 1980 and served till 1989. In 1980, Rafsanjani survived an assassination attempt, during which he was seriously injured.

Rafsanjani has been described as a centrist and a "pragmatic conservative". He supports a free market position domestically, favoring privatization of state-owned industries, and a moderate position internationally, seeking to avoid conflict with the United States and the West.[3]

As president, Rafsanjani was credited with spurring Iran's reconstruction following the 1980-88 war with Iraq.[4] He was also accused of corruption by both conservatives[5] and reformists[6], and known for tough crackdowns on dissent. Post-presidency, Rafsanjani delivered a sermon at Tehran University in the summer of 1999 praising government use of force to suppress student demonstrations.[7] In more recent years, Rafsanjani has advocated freedom of expression, tolerance and civil society. In a speech on July 17 2009, Rafsanjani criticized restriction of media and suppression of activists, and put emphasis on the role and vote of people in the Islamic Republic constitution.[8][9][10] The event has been considered by analysts as the most important and most turbulent Friday prayer in the history of contemporary Iran.[11] Nearly 1.5-2.5 million people attended the speech in Tehran.[12]

According to one of their disillusioned members, Amir Farshad Ebrahimi, Rafsanjani is one of the founders and a chief financial supporter of the conservative Islamic group Ansar-e Hezbollah.[13]

Contents

Personal life

Rafsanjani was born in the village of Bahraman near the city of Rafsanjan in Kerman Province to a wealthy family of pistachio farmers.[14] He has eight siblings.[15].

From his marriage to Effat Mar'ashi in 1958, Rafsanjani has three sons: Mohsen, Mehdi, and Yasser, as well as two daughters, Fatemeh and Faezeh. Only Faezeh Hashemi chose a political life, which led to her becoming a Majlis representative and then the publisher of the newspaper Zan (woman).

Presidency

Rafsanjani adopted an "economy-first" policy, supporting a privatization policy against leftist economic tendencies in the Islamic Republic.[16] Another source describes his administration as "economically liberal, politically authoritarian, and philosophically traditional" which put him in confrontation with more radical deputies in the majority in the Majles of Iran. [17]

Domestic policy

Rafsanjani advocated a free market economy. With the state's coffers full, Rafsanjani pursued an economic liberalisation policy.[18] Rafsanjani's support for a deal with the United States over Iran's nuclear programme and his free-market economic policies contrasted with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and his allies, who advocate maintaining a hard line against Western intervention in the Middle East while pursuing a policy of economic redistribution to Iran's poor.[19] By espousing World Bank inspired structural adjustment policies, Rafsanjani desired a modern industrial-based economy integrated into the global economy. [20]

Rafsanjani urged universities to cooperate with industries. Turning to the quick pace of developments in today's world, he said that with "the world constantly changing, we should adjust ourselves to the conditions of our lifetime and make decisions according to present circumstances".[21] Among the projects he initiated are Islamic Azad University.[22][23]

During his presidency, a period Rafsanjani is described by western media sources as having been the most powerful figure in Iran, the judicial system of Iran executed political dissidents, drug offenders, Communists, Kurds, Bahais, and clerics.[7]

Foreign policy

Following years of deterioration in foreign relations under Khomeini during the Iran-Iraq war, Rafsanjani sought to rebuild ties among Arab states,[24] as well as with countries in Central Asia, including Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan.[25] However, relations with European countries and the United States remained poor, even though Rafsanjani has a track record of handling difficult situations and defusing crises.[26]

He condemned both the United States and Iraq during the Persian Gulf War in 1991. After the war he strove to renew close ties with the West, although he refused to lift Khomeini's fatwa against the British author Salman Rushdie.[27]

Rafsanjani has said that Iran is ready to assist Iraq, "expecting nothing in return". On the other hand, he has said that "peace and stability" is a function of the "evacuation of the occupiers."[28]

Iran gave humanitarian help to the victims of the conflict. Iran sent truck loads of food and medicine to Iraq and thousands of Kuwaiti refugees were given shelters in Iran. [29]

Rafsanjani voiced support to Prince Abdullah's peace initiative and to "everything the Palestinians agree to". He was also clear that Iran's international interests must take precedence over those of Iranian allies in Syria and Lebanon.[26]

Rafsanjani is a supporter of Iran's nuclear program. In 2007 Rafsanjani reiterated that the use of weapons of mass destruction was not part of the Islamic Republic culture. Rafsanjani said: "You [US and allies] are saying that you cannot trust Iran would not use its nuclear achievements in the military industries, but we are ready to give you full assurances in this respect." [30]

Currency crisis

During 1990-1995, Rafsanjani's administration faced the brunt of the second-generation US economic sanctions. He failed to stop the Iranian Rial from plunging 80% in value from 415 to 2,046 to the US Dollar, triggering the rise of the modern underground and barter economic networks.

After presidency

In 2000, in the first election after the end of his presidency, Rafsanjani ran again for Parliament. In the Tehran contest, Rafsanjani came in 30th, or last, place. At first he was not among the 30 representatives of Tehran elected, as announced by the Iranian Ministry of the Interior, but the Council of Guardians then ruled numerous ballots void, leading to accusations of ballot fraud in Rafsanjani's favor.[7] Rafsanjani thus again became a Majlis representative, but resigned before being sworn in. He explained that he felt he was "able to serve the people better in other posts".

Rafsanjani is currently the Chairman of the Expediency Discernment Council, that resolves legislative issues between the Majlis and the Council of Guardians.

In December 2006, Rafsanjani was elected to the Assembly of Experts representing Tehran with more than 1.5 million votes, which was more than any other candidate. Ahmadinejad opponents won majority of local election seats. On September 4, 2007 he was elected Chairman of the Assembly of Experts, the body that selects Iran's supreme leader, in what was considered a blow to the supporters of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. He was running against Ahmad Jannati. Rafsanjani was re-elected to the position on March 10, 2009, running against Mohammad Yazdi. He received 51 votes compared to Yazdi's 26.[31][32]

Political parties

Although Rafsanjani has been a member of the pragmatic-conservative Combatant Clergy Association, he has a close bond to the reformist Kargozaran party. He has been seen as flip-flopping between conservative and reformist camps since the election of Mohammad Khatami, supporting reformers in that election, but going back to the conservative camp in the 2000 parliamentary elections as a result of the reformist party severely criticizing and refusing to accept him as their candidate. Reformists, including Akbar Ganji, accused him of involvement in murdering dissidents and writers during his presidency. In the end, the major differences between the Kargozaran and the reformists party weakened both and eventually resulted in their loss at the presidential elections in 2005. However, Rafsanjani has regained close ties with the reformers since he lost the 2005 presidential elections to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.[18]

After his loss at the presidential elections in 2005, a growing tension between him and President Ahmadinejad arose. Rafsanjani has criticized Ahmadinejad's administration several times for conducting a purge of government officials [33], slow move towards privatization [34] and recently hostile foreign policy in particular the atomic energy policy [35][36]. In return Ahmadinejad has fought back that Rafsanjani failed to differentiate privatization with the corrupt takeover of government-owned companies and of foreign policies which led to sanctions against Iran in 1995 and 1996.[37][38]. He also implicitly denounced Rafsanjani and his followers by calling those who criticize his nuclear program as "traitors" [39].

The 2009 Iranian election crisis

Main articles: Iranian presidential election, 2009 and 2009 Iranian election protests
Search Wikinews Wikinews has related news: Former Iranian president Hashemi Rafsanjani leads Friday prayers

During the 2009 Presidential election, Rafsanjani's former rival and incumbent president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, claimed a landslide victory over challenger Mir-Hossein Mousavi, whose demands for a full recount were never met. Additionally, Rafsanjani's daughter was arrested on 2009-06-21 by plain clothes agents from Basij and later released while taking part in a protest against Iran's recent presidential elections; a maneuver, according to Amir Farshad Ebrahimi [13] she had done before in order to get elected for Majlis.

Rafsanjani is chairman of the Assembly of Experts, which is responsible for appointing or removing the Supreme Leader. As such, his role in Iran's future is likely pivotal. After the disputed results of the election were certified by the Supreme Leader, Rafsanjani was reported to have called a meeting of the Assembly of Experts, but it is unknown what the outcome or disposition of this meeting actually was. [40] During this time Rafsanjani relocated from Tehran to Qom, where the country's religious leaders sit. However, for the most part, Rafsanjani was silent about the controversial June 12 election and its aftermath.[41]

On July 17, 2009, Rafsanjani publicly addressed the election crisis, arrests and freedom of expression during Friday prayers. The prayers witnessed a crowd that resembled the Friday prayers early after the revolution, and supporters of both reformist and conservative parties took part in the event.[42] During prayers, Rafsanjani argued the following:[43]

All of us the establishment, the security forces, police, parliament and even protestors should move within the framework of law... We should open the doors to debates. We should not keep so many people in prison. We should free them to take care of their families... It is impossible to restore public confidence overnight, but we have to let everyone speak out... We should have logical and brotherly discussions and our people will make their judgments.... We should let our media write within the framework of the law and we should not impose restrictions on them... We should let our media even criticize us. Our security forces, our police and other organs have to guarantee such a climate for criticism. We should open the doors to debates... We should not keep so many people in prison. We should free them to take care of their families.

Books

  • Amir Kabir; the Hero of Fighting against Imperialism (in Persian)

Quotes

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  • When the shah gave us freedoms, we drove him out of the country. We won't make that mistake ourselves.[44]
  • Those in control of podiums, influence and media should avoid stirring schisms ...... and take steps towards the creation of unity.[45]
  • A large group of Iranians have doubts about last month's (June) disputed presidential election ... something should be done about the situation., On 2009 presidential election. [46]
  • If one day, the Islamic world is also equipped with weapons like those that Israel possesses now, then the imperialists' strategy will reach a standstill because the use of even one nuclear bomb inside Israel will destroy everything. However, it will only harm the Islamic world. It is not irrational to contemplate such an eventuality. Of course, you can see that the Americans have kept their eyes peeled and they are carefully looking for even the slightest hint that technological advances are being made by an independent Islamic country. If an independent Islamic country is thinking about acquiring other kinds of weaponry, then they will do their utmost to prevent it from acquiring them. Well, that is something that almost the entire world is discussing right now. (December 2001)[47]
  • If the Americans attack Iran, the world will change. …They will not dare to make such a mistake (2004)[48]
  • We are not bothering anyone, but we have acquired nuclear expertise and we want to benefit from it to improve our life.
  • You need diplomacy and not slogans. This is the place for wisdom, the place for seeking windows that will take you to the objective. (2005)[49]
  • We want all the Palestinians back in their homeland, and then there can be a fair referendum for people to choose the form of state they want. Whoever gets the majority can rule. (2005)[50]
  • There is no doubt that America is a superpower of the world and we cannot ignore them. I think that Americans should gradually begin to adopt positive behavior rather than doing evil. They should not expect an immediate reaction in return for their positive measures. It will take time.[51]
  • I believe the main solution [referring to the nuclear issue] is to gain the trust of Europe and America and to remove their concerns over the peaceful nature of our nuclear industry and to assure them that there will never be a diversion to military use.[52]
  • Europe resolved a great problem – the problem of the Zionist danger. The Zionists, who constituted a strong political party in Europe, caused much disorder there. Since they had a lot of property and controlled an empire of propaganda, they made the European governments helpless. What Hitler and the German Nazis did to the Jews of Europe at that time was partly due to these circumstances with the Jews. They wanted to expel the Zionists from Europe because they always were a pain in the neck for the governments there. This is how this calamity fell upon the Muslims, especially the Palestinians, and you all know this history, more or less.[...]The first goal was to save Europe from the evil of Zionism, and in this, they have been relatively successful. [53]
  • We have no problems with Jews and highly respect Judaism as a holy religion.[54]
  • Look, as long as we can enrich uranium and master the fuel cycle, we don’t need anything else. Our neighbors will be able to draw the proper conclusions.[55]

See also

Religious titles
Preceded by
Hashem Sabbaghian		 Interior minister of Iran
1979-1980		 Succeeded by
Mohammad Reza Mahdavi-Kani
Preceded by
1979–1980 empty		 Speaker of Parliament
1980–1989		 Succeeded by
Mehdi Karroubi
Preceded by
Ali Khamenei		 President of Iran
1989–1997		 Succeeded by
Mohammad Khatami
Preceded by
Ali Khamenei		 Chair of Expediency Council
1989–present		 Succeeded by
Incumbent
Preceded by
Ali Meshkini		 Chairman of Assembly of Experts
2007–present		 Succeeded by
Incumbent

References

  1. ^ Sciolino, Elaine (1992-04-19). "Rafsanjani Sketches Vision of a Moderate, Modern Iran". New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/1992/04/19/world/rafsanjani-sketches-vision-of-a-moderate-modern-iran.html?pagewanted=1. Retrieved 2009-06-09. 
  2. ^ In Rafsanjani’s election to key post, Iran moderates see victory Indian Express, September 06, 2007
  3. ^ RK Ramazani 'Revolutionary Iran: Challenge and Response in the Middle East,' The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987.
  4. ^ [1]
  5. ^ Could Khameini's Ominous Sermon Be a Turning Point?
  6. ^ "It is a quirk of history that Mr. Rafsanjani, the ultimate insider, finds himself aligned with a reform movement that once vilified him as deeply corrupt." Slackman, Michael (June 21, 2009), "Former President at Center of Fight Within Political Elite", New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/22/world/middleeast/22rafsanjani.html 
  7. ^ a b c Sciolino, Elaine (July 19, 2009), "Iranian Critic Quotes Khomeini Principles", New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/19/world/middleeast/19assess.html?_r=1&hp 
  8. ^ [2]
  9. ^ Daragahi, Borzou; Mostaghim, Ramin (July 18, 2009), "Iranian protesters galvanized by sermon", Los Angeles Times, http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fgw-iran-prayers18-2009jul18,0,2475629.story 
  10. ^ "Clashes as key Iranian cleric warns leaders", CNN, July 18, 2009, http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/meast/07/17/iran.rafsanjani/ 
  11. ^ [3]
  12. ^ [4]
  13. ^ a b Amir Farshad Ebrahimi's video taped confession transcript
  14. ^ Ayatollah Ali-Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani from Radio Free Europe
  15. ^ Rafsanjani's possible return creates a buzz in Tehran by Gareth Smyth of the Financial Times
  16. ^ Pasri, Trita, Treacherous Alliance : the secret dealings of Israel, Iran and the United States, Yale University Press, 2007, p.132
  17. ^ Brumberg, Daniel, Reinventing Khomeini : The Struggle for Reform in Iran, University of Chicago Press, 2001, p.153
  18. ^ a b Rafsanjani's political life reviewed — in Persian.
  19. ^ Voice of ambition | World dispatch | Guardian Unlimited
  20. ^ Book: Factional politics in post-Khomeini Iran By Mehdi Moslem
  21. ^ Rafsanjani urges universities to cooperate with industries - Irna
  22. ^ Rafsanjani to Ahmadinejad: We Will Not Back Down (ROOZ :: English)
  23. ^ يادگارهاي مديريت 16 ساله :: RajaNews.Com ::
  24. ^ Mafinezam, Alidad and Aria Mehrabi, Iran and its Place Among Nations, Greenwood, 2008, p.37
  25. ^ Mohaddessin, Mohammad, Islamic Fundamentalism, Anmol, 2003, pp.70-72
  26. ^ a b Al-Ahram Weekly | Region | Showdown in Tehran
  27. ^ Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani Biography - Biography.com
  28. ^ Iran ready for comprehensive assistance to Iraqi nation - Rafsanjani - Irna
  29. ^ Book: Iran's Persian Gulf policy: from Khomeini to Khatami. By Christin Marschall
  30. ^ Rafsanjani reassures West Iran not after A-bomb
  31. ^ "انتخاب مجدد هاشمی به ریاست خبرگان" (in Persian). 20 Esfand 1387 AP. http://zamaaneh.com/news/2009/03/post_8256.html. 
  32. ^ "انتخاب مجدد هاشمی رفسنجانی به ریاست مجلس خبرگان" (in Persian). BBC Persian. 10 March 2009. http://www.bbc.co.uk/persian/iran/2009/03/090310_op_rafsanjani.shtml. 
  33. ^ BBC NEWS | World | Middle East | Rafsanjani slams Iran president
  34. ^ BBC NEWS | World | Middle East | Criticism of Ahmadinejad mounts
  35. ^ Rafsanjani, Ahmadinejad Engage in New War of Words (ROOZ :: English)
  36. ^ http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20071101/wl_mideast_afp/iranuspoliticsmilitary
  37. ^ حمله به دولت در اولين كنفرانس خبري پس از 9 سال :: RajaNews.Com ::
  38. ^ نمی‌پذیریم عده ای حرف خود را به نام سند چشم انداز مطرح کنند :: RajaNews.Com ::
  39. ^ BBC NEWS | World | Middle East | Iran president attacks 'traitors'
  40. ^ http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jun/14/iran-ahmadinejad-mousavi-elections-result World leaders urged by Iran's opposition party to reject Ahmadinejad's alleged victory] Julian Borger and Ian Black, The Guardian, June 14, 2009
  41. ^ http://www.reuters.com/article/GCA-Iran/idUSTRE55P3WI20090626
  42. ^ [5]
  43. ^ Rafsanjani backs tolerance, dialogue Los Angeles Times, 2009
  44. ^ Revolution Leaders Struggle for Power in Tehran
  45. ^ Iran MP seeks evidence of 'mass burials'
  46. ^ Iran's Rafsanjani not to lead Friday prayers this week
  47. ^ "Rafsanjani's Qods Day speech (Jerusalem Day)", Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Tehran, in Persian, translated by BBC Worldwide Monitoring, original broadcast December 14, 2001]
  48. ^ Iran's Missiles Can Now Hit Europe, Ex-Official Says
  49. ^ Iran Moves to Curb Hard-Liners: Power Given to Relatively Moderate Body Led by Rafsanjani
  50. ^ Iran's Leader Joins Large Anti-Israel March
  51. ^ New York Times
  52. ^ Rafsanjani urges U.S. to begin thaw in ties
  53. ^ Clip Transcript
  54. ^ Rafsanjani says Iran respects Jews and Judaism
  55. ^ [6]

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Presidents of Iran
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Chairmen of the Parliament of Iran since 1980

Era 1 and 2:Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (1980–1989) · Era 3:Mehdi Karroubi (1989-1992) · Era 4 and 5:Ali Akbar Nategh-Nouri (1992-2000) · Era 6:Mehdi Karroubi (2000-2004) · Era 7:Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel (2004-2008) · Era 8:Ali Larijani (since 2008)

 Iran



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