American Federation of Teachers

American Federation of Teachers (AFT) is a national union headquartered in Washington, D.C., and is affiliated with the American Federation of Labor–Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO). The AFT was founded in April 1916 by teachers in Winnetka, Illinois, and chartered by the AFL on 9 May 1916. While formed as a teachers' craft union, the AFT's base broadened in the late twentieth century to incorporate educational support staff and health professionals. Membership approximates 1 million. Sandra Feldman was the national AFT president in 2002, having been elected in 1997. In October 2001, the AFL formed a collaborative partnership with the 2.6-million-member National Education Association (NEA), a non-AFL-CIO teachers' association. The NEAFT Partnership promotes the common interests of members. The AFT has a nationwide presence, but membership is most concentrated in California, New York, and Illinois.

Aft Origins

Philosophical, strategic, and tactical conflicts historically divided the two organizations. Most members of the NEA, founded in 1857, were female teachers, but male administrators dominated the leadership to the mid-1960s. The NEA was a top-down national organization; state affiliates were formed only in the 1920s and local chapters in the late 1960s. The public school teachers who established the AFT, many of immigrant and working-class backgrounds, rejected the NEA for its anti-union bias, its emphasis on middle-class professionalism, and its advocacy for a centralized administrative system that would insulate individual schools from their neighborhoods. Dissatisfied with the NEA and resistant to the Chicago Board of Education's 1915 action barring teachers from union membership, teacher activists from greater Chicago and Gary, Indiana—with support from local teachers' unions elsewhere—organized the AFT as a national union with local affiliates. Although many of the Chicago activists were female elementary school teachers, male high school teachers predominated at the founding meeting and selected Charles Stillman, a supporter of the AFL president, Samuel Gompers, as AFT president. The then-Chicago-based AFT began nationwide organizing, but membership growth was slow. The AFT's first decades were marked by internal contentiousness, adversarial relations with the AFL, and public skepticism in a world polarized between wartime patriotism, anti-radical ethnocentrism, liberalism, and various socialist and communist ideologies. Functioning before public employee collective bargaining laws existed was a test of the AFT's mettle.

Organizing on the Home Front: the World War I Era, the Red Scare, and the 1920s

Controversies regarding World War I consumed the AFT. Discontent over gender relations and the onslaught of 100 percent Americanism divided its ranks. The female teacher activists in Chicago had recoiled at Stillman's election as AFT president and at Gompers's patriarchal AFL leadership. When Gompers and Stillman embraced U.S. entry into World War I, moreover, pacifists and socialists, including some women teachers, opposed the union leadership. Consequently, the AFT organized few elementary school teachers before 1930. Meanwhile, the NEA urged school boards to induce teachers to join their association, linking teacher membership in the NEA with patriotism and anti-union radicalism. The success of the NEA's school administrator leadership in promoting the association's anti-union, anti–collective bargaining posture hampered the AFT locals.

From World War I through the Red Scare and the 1920s, the AFT—sometimes in alliance with the American Civil Liberties Union and the American Association of University Professors—defended the academic freedom of teachers under attack for their political views. Together, they affirmed teachers' rights of free speech and association and fought to uphold teachers' due process rights, as when teachers' loyalty oaths were imposed. The AFT's reform agenda prompted some members to withdraw. Confrontation with Gompers over public employee strikes also divided the AFT.

During the 1920s, union loyalists broke new ground by electing two successive women national presidents. Florence Rood and Mary Barker were feminist activists and supporters of academic freedom. They worked with the ACLU in the defense of John Scopes, a Tennessee public school teacher tried for teaching Darwinian evolutionary theory. They also laid groundwork for state laws establishing tenure for teachers. Yet after Barker's retirement, no woman followed until Sandra Feldman's election in 1997.

The AFT also challenged the racial exclusivism of the craft union tradition. Beginning in 1916, the AFT established "colored" locals in segregated school districts. In 1918, the AFT demanded pay equalization for teachers, without racial distinction. Then, steadily by the 1930s, the AFT eliminated color barriers in most locals. During the 1930s, the AFT—in alliance with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People—sought equal rights and accommodations for all students in the South. The NEA, meanwhile, was apathetic about racial segregation in education until the mid-1960s.

Depression Years

The depression forced budget cuts on schools, colleges, and universities, which prompted growing numbers to join the AFT. A turn by AFT leaders from philosophical issues to more pragmatic concerns during the early 1930s produced a membership approaching 32,000 by 1940.

Leadership struggles during the mid-1930s, however, revealed generational and ideological fissures. In Chicago young, college-educated teachers with bleak job prospects were pitted against entrenched older union leaders. In New York City, Philadelphia, and Los Angeles, rival liberal, socialist, and sectarian Marxist factions battled for control of the local and national union organizations. The more conservative factions had secured control of the national AFT leadership by 1940. Soon after, the national AFL ousted the New York City and Philadelphia locals for succumbing to communist control. Later, new AFT locals were formed there.

Despite the internecine fighting, the AFT coordinated its local and state affiliates and worked with other labor organizations to enact tenure laws and to improve faculty retirement benefits. It also continued to defend academic freedom.

World War II Fallout and the Cold War

While teachers demonstrated wartime loyalty to the United States, inflation eroded their earnings. Because public employees were exempted from the National Labor Relations Act (1935) giving workers the right to bargain collectively, postwar teachers could not regain lost earning power. Also, funding for teachers and new schools in the postwar setting was insufficient and lobbying for state and federal legislative relief faltered. Consequently, frustrated teachers across the nation disregarded the AFT's own no-strike policy and walked out. Some teachers won favorable settlements; others faced jail.

Responding to rank-and-file defiance, the AFT Executive Council investigated allegations of communist subversion and collaboration with the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in defiance of AFT rules. Many suspect leaders in San Francisco and Los Angeles lost their jobs for disloyalty after they invoked their Fifth Amendment rights against self-incrimination before the House Un-American Activities Committee. Leaders of the successor AFT local in New York City refused to assist fellow teachers of the banned predecessor (reorganized as a rival CIO local), who were subjected to investigations for subversion. Not until 1953 did the AFT leadership reassess how the anticommunist investigations compromised the accused teachers' academic freedom and civil liberties.

Meanwhile, the AFT joined with civil rights activists to defeat segregation in public education. The goals of the AFT leadership were to advance social justice and to build union membership. To this end, the AFT filed amicus briefs for the plaintiffs in the desegregation cases Briggs v. Elliot (1952) and Brown v. Board of Education(1954), advocated the broadening of educational opportunities for all students, and supported the 1963 March on Washington and the mid-1960s voter registration drives. In 1957, the AFT revoked the charters of its few remaining segregated southern locals.

The Campaign for Collective Bargaining Laws

Without collective bargaining rights, teachers were left with low pay, without due process rights, and with no-strike clauses in their individual contracts. During the mid-1950s, the AFT took the offensive on collective bargaining, reversing its 1919 no-strike policy and educating both its members and the public about collective bargaining. State and local affiliates, allied with other public employee unions, lobbied for state and federal legislation reforming management–labor relations. AFT teachers in New York City staged one-day strikes in 1960 and 1962 to dramatize their demands. The pressure led to President John Kennedy's 1962 Executive Order 10988, extending collective bargaining rights to federal employees, and to enactment of state collective bargaining laws for teachers. Beginning in New York City, and then in urban centers across the nation, AFT locals won exclusive representation rights. Membership grew significantly. In 1965, the NEA had 943,000 members, although the union bargained for only 21,000 teachers. In this changing environment, the NEA democratized and gradually began functioning as a union. The AFT bargained for 74,000 teachers out of 110,000 members.

Aft's Tilt Rightward

In the late 1960s and the 1970s, the AFT moved rightward, although affiliates did not follow uniformly. Ethnic identity and community-based politics, U.S. military intervention in Southeast Asia, and a resurgent women's movement engaged teachers, while the AFT's focus on collective bargaining and ideological anticommunism nudged it towards the political right.

The 1968 clash over the establishment of New York City's Ocean Hill–Brownsville local school board polarized the membership and altered the relationship of the AFT to the civil rights movement. Previously, the AFT had opposed the NEA's centralized school administration concept. In 1968, however, Albert Shanker and the United Federation of Teachers (UFT), the New York City AFT local, resisted when city officials decentralized the Board of Education, establishing community councils to oversee local school boards. Many parents and neighborhood leaders supported community empowerment. Shanker, however, called two strikes to defend a contract just negotiated with the central board and to reverse involuntary faculty transfers imposed, without due process, by the Ocean Hill–Brownsville Board. Some local teachers, disagreeing with Shanker about bureaucratic centralization and the propriety of military engagement in Southeast Asia, crossed picket lines. Detroit, Newark, Washington, D.C., and Chicago locals opposed Shanker on community control. Civil rights groups and black power activists, some embracing anti-Semitism, denounced Shanker as racist. The historic ties between the AFT and the civil rights movement weakened further while Shanker was the union's national president (1974–1997), especially when the AFT supported the plaintiff in the 1978 Bakke case, overturning racial quotas in university admissions. The California Federation of Teachers' (CFT) opposition to this action exemplified internal union division on affirmative action policy.

Meanwhile, however, the AFT advanced goals of the women's movement from the early 1970s. The CFT spurred the national AFT to organize the Women's Rights Committee. State affiliates launched legislative campaigns against gender discrimination and promoted pay equity and maternity leave contract provisions. During the 1980s and 1990s, women once again assumed leadership roles in the local, state, and national AFT organizations.

Organizing and Negotiating Contracts in a New Collective Bargaining Environment

Numerous states enacted public employee collective bargaining laws during the 1960s and 1970s. With good contracts linked to the availability of state and federal funds, the national AFT and its state affiliates intensified lobbying for public education allocations, especially when the effects of the 1980s taxpayer revolt decreased state revenue. While New York teachers statewide took the lead in unionizing throughout the 1960s, California took center stage from the mid-1970s and into the early 1980s. There, certification elections gave the AFT exclusive rights to represent a minority of K-12 teachers, as well as community college faculty in many districts. In 1983 the AFT also won representation rights for nontenure-track lecturers and librarians in the University of California system. Meanwhile, beginning in 1977, the CFT organized K-12 and community college paraprofessionals and won certification in some school and community college districts. Similar patterns occurred in other states.

Aft-Nea Merger

The potential for a merger of the AFT and the NEA to pool resources and defuse counterproductive rivalries was first raised in 1965 by AFT president David Selden. The NEA, however, rejected the merger bid in 1968. As AFT president later on, Albert Shanker was skeptical about the advantages of a merger. Throughout the 1990s, the sticking point was whether the NEA members in a merged organization would accept AFL-CIO affiliation. The new NEAFT Partnership of 2001 makes AFL-CIO affiliation optional for them. The AFT and NEA collaboration was charted to strengthen the organizations' abilities to influence legislative outcomes and to negotiate favorable contracts in the twenty-first century.

Bibliography

American Federation of Teachers. "About AFT." Available from http://www.aft.org/about.

———. "NEAFT Partnership Document." Available from http://www.aft.org/neaft_partdoc.html.

———. "NEAFT Partnership Joint Council Communique, October 24, 2001." Available from http://www.aft.org/neaft/102401.html.

Fraser, James W. "Agents of Democracy: Urban Elementary-School Teachers and the Conditions of Teaching." In American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work. Edited by Donald Warren. New York: Macmillan, 1989.

Glass, Fred, ed. A History of the California Federation of Teachers, 1919–1989. San Francisco: California Federation of Teachers, 1989.

Keck, Donald J. "NEA and Academe through the Years." Available from http://www.nea.org/he/roots.html.

Murphy, Marjorie. Blackboard Unions: The AFT and the NEA, 1900–1980. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990.

O'Connor, Paula. "AFT History: Grade School Teachers Become Labor Leaders." Available from http://www.aft.org/history/afthist/oconnor/oconnor/index.html.

—Jonathan W. McLeod

The American Federation of Teachers (AFT) is a nationwide union of more than one million public school teachers, higher education faculty and staff, public employees, nurses and health care professionals, and paraprofessionals and other school-related personnel. The AFT is affiliated with the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), a federation of trade and industrial unions representing more than thirteen million people. According to the AFT Futures II Report, adopted July 5, 2000, the union works "to improve the lives of our members and their families, to give voice to their legitimate professional, economic and social aspirations, to strengthen the institutions in which we work, to improve the quality of the services we provide, to bring together all members to assist and support one another and to promote democracy, human rights and freedom in our union, in our nation and throughout the world."

Program

Like other labor unions, the AFT works for higher pay and better benefits and working conditions for its members. The union also offers numerous benefits and services to its members, including low-cost insurance, retirement savings plans, credit union services, legal representation, and consumer discounts. The AFT, along with the AFL-CIO, strongly advocates continued access to free public education and affordable health care. The AFT also negotiates contract provisions relating specifically to the teaching profession, such as class size, student discipline codes, adequate textbooks and teaching materials, and professional development and evaluation.

In the past the AFT has worked to desegregate public schools, eliminate child labor, establish collective bargaining rights for teachers, and address the educational needs of disadvantaged and disabled children. Among the AFT's major educational reform initiatives during the 1990s and early 2000s was the Lesson for Life: Responsibility, Respect, Results campaign. Launched in 1995, this initiative promotes high academic standards, stronger curricula, and more safe and orderly classrooms. The AFT's annual Making Students Matter report examines and evaluates academic standards in all fifty states. The Educational Research and Dissemination Program is a professional development program that uses a "train-the-trainer" approach in which subject matter experts help teachers improve their teaching of core subjects. The AFT's Zero Tolerance initiative works toward implementing stricter policies for violent and disruptive behavior in schools so that teachers can teach and students can learn in a safe environment. The Support for the National Board for Professional Teaching Standards initiative promotes higher standards for teacher certification, including National Board certification, and salary increases for teachers who pass the board exam. Other AFT programs and initiatives address such issues as merit pay, distance learning, whistle blower protection, charter schools, and low performing schools. The AFT asserts that such reforms would be more effective in improving the quality of education than voucher systems of tuition payment or privatization of public schools.

The AFT also addresses issues of specific concern to the various branches of its membership. For members involved in higher education, the union tackles such issues as tenure, the role of part-time faculty, and the high cost of secondary education. For AFT members who are public employees, the union works to improve labor-management relations, job security, and the public perception of the value of government employees. The AFT must take on a wide range of issues, including professional certification and occupational safety, for the diverse body of workers called paraprofessionals and other school-related personnel. For nurses and health care professionals, the AFT's Health Care Quality First campaign fights to protect the quality of patient care and preserve safe staffing levels for nurses and other health care professionals in the face of profit-driven managed health care and restructuring in hospitals and clinics.

The AFT holds a large annual convention every summer, and sponsors numerous meetings and conferences throughout the year on a variety of topics. The AFT also sponsors scholarships and educational grants for members and their children. Since 1992 the Robert G. Porter Scholars Program has awarded $1,000 grants to AFT members who want to pursue courses in labor relations and related fields, and $8,000 four-year college scholarships for dependents of AFT members who wish to study labor, education, health care, or government service.

ATF periodical publications include the weekly e-mail newsletter Inside AFT, the monthly journal American Teacher, the semimonthly newsletter Health Wire for nurses and health care professionals, the quarterly newsletter PSRP Reporter for paraprofessionals and other school-related personnel, and the monthly magazine On Campus for higher education teachers and staff.

Organization

The national AFT is headed by a president, executive vice president, and a secretary treasurer who are elected by members. Local affiliates elect their own officers. The union is made up of five divisions: Pre-K - 12 Teachers, Higher Education Teachers, Health-care-Federation of Nurses and Health Professionals, the Federation of Public Employees, and Paraprofessional and School-Related Personnel. The Pre-K - 12 Teachers division represents public school kindergarten, elementary, middle, and high school teachers, counselors, and librarians. The Higher Education Division represents more than 120,000 faculty, graduate employees, and professional staff at over two hundred two-year and four-year colleges around the country. The Healthcare-Federation of Nurses and Health Professionals division represent about 60,000 nurses and other health professionals working in hospitals, clinics, home health agencies, and schools in nineteen states. The AFT Paraprofessional and School-Related Personnel Division represents approximately 200,000 support staff in schools from kindergarten through college, including custodians, bus drivers, food service workers, groundskeepers, secretaries, bookkeepers, mechanics, and a variety of other jobs. The Federation of Public Employees represents more than 100,000 city, county, and state employees in a variety of jobs in twentyone states.

The AFT's various departments include the Financial Services Department, which assists treasurers and other officers of local AFT affiliates with financial and administrative duties. The Human Rights and Community Relations Department keeps local and state affiliates informed of current trends, publications, and laws related to civil, human, and women's rights. The International Affairs Department provides information to members on important international issues, particularly human and trade union rights for teachers and other professionals around the world. The Union Leadership Institute helps develop the leadership skills of local AFT officers, trains AFT members in activism, and educates members about the union and its activities. The Legislative Action Center keeps track of how the U.S. Congress and state legislatures vote on issues of concern to the union, communicates official AFT positions to elected officials, and enables members to send faxes or e-mails directly to elected leaders on key issues. The Pre-K - 12 Educational Issues Department works to educate the public and institute reforms related to such issues as school standards, class size, early education, school choice, safety and discipline, and teacher quality.

History

The AFT was founded in Winnetka, Illinois, in 1916 by a small group of teachers from three Chicago unions and one Gary, Indiana, union who believed that their profession needed a national organization to speak for teachers and represent their interests. They called their new union the Teachers International Union of America, and named Charles B. Stillman as president. They were joined by other teacher unions in Pennsylvania, Oklahoma, New York, and Washington, D.C. Within days of its establishment, the new union contacted the powerful AFL and requested affiliation. AFL president Samuel Gompers supported the affiliation, but suggested changing the union's name to American Federation of Teachers. The AFL issued a charter to the AFT on May 9, 1916.

Since its early years, the AFT has been on the forefront of the fight for civil rights and was one of the first unions to extend full membership to African Americans. As early as 1918, the AFT called for equal pay for African-American teachers and, in subsequent years, for the election of African-Americans to local school boards and equal educational opportunities for African-American children. In 1954 the AFT filed a brief before the U.S. Supreme Court in support of the plaintiffs in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. During the 1960s the AFT was actively involved in the civil rights movement and lobbied extensively for passage of civil rights legislation.

The AFT had included paraprofessional and other school-related staff since its early years, but an increasing number joined in the last two decades of the twentieth century. After the 1960s the union's membership grew more diverse as nurses, health care workers, and public employees joined as constituent groups.

Bibliography

Eaton, William Edward. 1975. The American Federation of Teachers, 1916 - 1961: A History of the Movement. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press.

Murphy, Marjorie. 1990. Blackboard Unions: The AFT and the NEA, 1900 - 1980. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Mungazi, Dickson A. 1995. Where He Stands: Albert Shanker of the American Federation of Teachers. Westport, CT: Praeger.

— DAVID SELDEN, Revised by, JUDITH J. CULLIGAN

AFT

American Federation of Teachers
Founded	1916
Members	856,178 (2008)[1]
Country	United States
Affiliation	AFL-CIO, EI
Key people	Randi Weingarten, president
Office location	Washington, D.C.
Website	www.aft.org

The American Federation of Teachers or AFT is an American labor union founded in 1916 that represents teachers, paraprofessionals and school-related personnel, local, state and federal employees, higher education faculty and staff, and nurses and other healthcare professionals. It is affiliated with the AFL-CIO.

The AFT is the second-largest education labor union in the United States, representing about 856,000 members as of fall 2008.^[1] Unlike the 3.2-million member National Education Association, the AFT has since its founding been affiliated with the AFL-CIO. A proposed 1998 merger between the two was rejected by the NEA's annual meeting.

In general, AFT locals tend to be in large cities and on the East Coast, while the NEA's membership is more concentrated in rural and suburban areas and in the West. Another significant difference between the two organizations is that the AFT has made a serious effort to organize workers outside the field of K-12 public education. The union currently represents higher education faculty (including professors, non-tenure-track faculty, and graduate student employees), nurses working in private-sector hospitals, state public employees, school nurses, school librarians, and educational paraprofessionals, such as bus drivers and cafeteria workers.

Contents 1 Early history 2 Growth 2.1 Creation of the UFT 2.2 Political and civil rights activities 2.3 Ocean Hill-Brownsville strike 2.4 Expansion into other fields 3 Post-1970s history 4 AFT statement on shared governance in higher education 5 American Educator 6 Campaign for Children's Health Care 7 Opposition to Academic Boycotts of Israel 8 Critics 9 Notable AFT members 10 Notes 11 References 12 External links

Early history

The AFT was founded on April 15, 1916 as a labor union (as opposed to a professional association). After several failed attempts to form a national teachers' union, teachers from three Chicago unions and one from Gary, Indiana, met to organize the American Federation of Teachers. They were supported by teachers from Pennsylvania, Oklahoma, New York state and Washington, D.C.. The union sought and received a charter from the American Federation of Labor the same year.

The union grew slowly during its first 50 years. Many teachers in the United States rejected the AFT's assertion that teachers should join unions, and the legal and political climate discouraged collective bargaining in education. 'School boards mounted a campaign against the AFT, pressuring and intimidating teachers to resign from the union. By the end of the 1920s, AFT membership had dropped to fewer than 5,000—about half the membership of 1920.'^[2]

When many trade unions excluded African-Americans from membership, the AFT was one of the first American unions to extend full membership to minorities. In 1918, the AFT called for equal pay for African-American teachers, the election of African-Americans to local school boards and compulsory school attendance for African-American children. In 1919, the AFT demanded equal educational opportunities for African-American children, and in 1928 called for the social, political, economic and cultural contributions of African-Americans to be taught in the public schools.^[3]

In 1941, under pressure from the AFL-CIO, the union ejected Local 5 (New York City), Local 537 (the City College of New York) and Local 192 (Philadelphia) for being communist-dominated. The charter revocations represented nearly a third of the union's national membership.

In 1936 teachers in Butte, Montana negotiated the first AFT collective bargaining agreement. In 1948, the union stopped chartering segregated locals. It filed an amicus brief in the historic 1954 U.S. Supreme Court desegregation case Brown v. Board of Education. On December 10, 1956, Local 89 in Atlanta, Georgia left the AFT because it would not comply with the AFT directive that all locals integrate. In 1957, the AFT expelled all locals that refused to desegregate.

Throughout this period, the union also struggled over the issue of militancy. 'We realized,' said Margaret Haley, an early AFT leader, 'that we had to fight the devil with fire...' ^[4] But Haley's view was not shared by a majority of AFT members in the union's first decades. Like many unions of the era, the AFT relied heavily on making a statistical case for its wage and benefit proposals and then consulting with the school board rather than utilizing the power of collective action.

By the late 1940s, AFT was slowly moving toward collective bargaining as an official policy. The St. Paul Federation of Teachers struck on November 25, 1946. It was the first AFT local to ever strike. The local settled on January 1, 1947 after 38 days on the picket line. Nearly a decade later, the union held—and won—its first collective bargaining election in East St. Louis, Illinois on December 10, 1956. The vote tally was AFT-226, NEA-201. Robert G. Porter was treasurer of the East St. Louis Federation of Teachers at the time of the election and later went on to become the longest serving secretary-treasurer in the history of the national AFT. In 1963, the AFT convention voted to end the union's no-strike policy.

Growth

The AFT entered 1960 with about 65,000 members. But by the end of the decade, the union had swelled to more than 400,000 members. By 2000, the union had 1.1 million members.

Creation of the UFT

After the pro-communist purge in 1941, the Teachers Guild remained the sole AFT affiliate in New York City. In 1960, New York City social studies teacher Albert Shanker and Teachers Guild president Charles Cogen led New York City teachers out on strike. At the time, there were more than 106 teacher unions in the New York City public schools — many existing solely on paper with no real membership or organization. At the same time other unions flourished such as the Brooklyn Teachers Association.

The motives behind the strike were wages, establishment of a grievance process, reduced workloads and more funding for public education. But in order to win on these issues, Shanker and Cogen argued, the city's teachers had to be in one union. In early 1960, the Teachers Guild merged with a splinter group from the more militant High School Teachers Association to form the United Federation of Teachers or 'UFT'.

The UFT struck on November 7, 1960. More than 5,600 teachers walked the picket line, while another 2,000 engaged in a sick-out. It was a fraction of the city's 45,000 teachers. But intervention by national, state and local AFL-CIO leaders pressured New York City mayor Robert Wagner Jr. to appoint a pro-labor fact-finding committee to investigate conditions in the city's schools and recommend a solution to the labor problem.

The fact-finding committee recommended a collective bargaining law, which eventually was forced onto the city's Board of Education by the state of New York. Despite political infighting with the NEA, an infusion of cash by the national AFT and the AFL-CIO enabled the UFT to win the December 16, 1961, election with 61.8 percent of the votes.

Almost overnight, the AFT's membership swelled by 30 percent. In 1964, the Industrial Union Department of the AFL-CIO pledged to match dollar-for-dollar the expenditure of AFT funds to organize teachers.

Political and civil rights activities

In 1963, the AFT—- unlike most unions—- actively supported Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s 'March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.' Busloads of AFT members came to the nation's capital for the event.

In 1964, Albert Shanker was elected president of the UFT.

In 1965, the UFT put its funds in a bank that refused to have dealings with the apartheid regime in South Africa—20 years before most other unions began to campaign against apartheid.

In 1967, the New York state legislature passed the Taylor Law, which provided collective bargaining rights to public employees (but prohibiting them to strike). The AFT began rapidly organizing new members in New York state. Nearby states such as Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and New Jersey also saw large membership increases.

The same year, the UFT held a three-week strike for smaller class sizes. Shanker was jailed in the Sing-Sing state prison for 15 days for violating the Taylor Law's prohibition on public employee strikes.

1967 also saw AFT president Carl Megel move the union's headquarters to Washington, D.C. The union occupied several buildings on and around Dupont Circle, growing out of its office space several times. In 1985, the AFT built its current headquarters at 555 New Jersey Avenue N.W.

Ocean Hill-Brownsville strike

On May 8, 1968 the union held a one-day strike in the Ocean Hill-Brownsville school district. The city of New York established the Ocean Hill-Brownsville area of Brooklyn as one of three decentralized school districts in 1968 in an effort to give the minority community more say in school affairs. The school district operated under a separate, community-elected governing board with the power to hire administrators.

The experiment had the early support of the UFT. But the UFT also argued that the new school district should retain its most experienced teachers in the schools.

The crisis began when the governing board fired 13 teachers and six administrators for what the board said were efforts to sabotage the decentralization experiment. Under the terms of the decentralization agreement, the teachers were returned to the control of the New York City public school system, where they sat idle in the school district offices.

UFT president Albert Shanker demanded due process. He declared that the UFT would not be passive while teachers were removed without specific charges being filed and without a chance to defend themselves.

Many observers argued that the decentralization experiment was a canard. Little educational advancement for the poverty-stricken students of Ocean Hill-Brownsville could be achieved without additional resources, which were not provided. But worried, angry parents who saw their children failing in school saw decentralization as something different—- and 'different' was better than the existing, failing school system.

There was a protracted dispute between those in the community who supported the Ocean Hill-Brownsville board and those supported UFT's argument that the teachers were denied their rights illegally.

A series of strikes ensued between September 9 and November 17, 1968. Many supporters of the local school board resorted to racial invective. Shanker was routinely branded a racist, and many African-Americans accused the UFT of being 'Jewish-dominated'.

Shanker was jailed for 15 days on February 3, 1969, for sanctioning the Ocean Hill-Brownsville strikes.

But the UFT prevailed. The teachers were re-instated and an agreement worked out reaffirming due process rights for New York City educators.

The Ocean-Hill Brownsville strike deeply affected the AFT. While the union formally recommitted itself to militancy, the AFT slowly began adopting a more moderate stand. Although AFT president David Selden would be arrested on February 23, 1970, during the Newark, New Jersey teachers' strike, becoming the third union president to go to jail, Selden's prison term would be the last major AFT strike.

Expansion into other fields

In 1969, the AFT successfully won the right to represent 10,000 preK-12 public school paraprofessionals in New York City. Although various AFT locals had represented school nurses, librarians and other school professionals, the UFT election formally ushered in the first major expansion into non-teaching professions. In the years that followed, the AFT organized nearly 300,000 paraprofessionals and school-related personnel.

After the U.S. Congress amended the National Labor Relations Act in 1974 to clarify and expand the rights of health care workers to join unions, the AFT amended its constitution to permit health care workers and public employees to join the union. On November 29, 1978, the AFT formed a new division, the Federation of Nurses and Health Professionals (FNHP; now known as AFT Healthcare). By 2005, the division represented more than 70,000 registered nurses and other health care workers in hospitals, visiting nurse agencies, nursing homes, blood banks and other health care facilities in the public and private sector—making the AFT the second-largest nurses' union in the AFL-CIO.

Public employee growth initially came much slower. The union did not create a separate division for public employees until 1985, when it formed the Federation of State Employees (later called the Federation of Public Employees, now called AFT Public Employees). But by 2005, the AFT represented more than 100,000 public employees.

Post-1970s history

On December 13, 1970, Shanker's first 'Where We Stand' column appeared in the New York Times. A paid advertisement on the newspaper's op-ed page, Shanker used the space to promote the union's policy views free from what he saw as the filtering and interference of the press.

On March 30, 1972, Shanker engineered a merger between the AFT and NEA affiliates in New York state to create the New York State United Teachers (NYSUT).

On October 20, 1973 Albert Shanker—still only president of the UFT—was elected to AFL-CIO executive council.

In 1974, Shanker defeated Selden for the presidency of the AFT after a bitter election contest. The same year, the AFT and NEA affiliates in Florida merged to form FEA-United.

In 1975, the AFT persuaded the New York State Teachers Retirement Fund to loan $150 million to New York City to prevent the city's bankruptcy.

As the 1970s drew to a close, the AFT's dwindling militancy led the union to turn inward. Organizing continued, with the AFT winning the right to represent faculty at the State University of New York (SUNY) system in 1978. While the union added about 200,000 members each decade, the 1990s witnesses a slowdown in organizing which accelerated in the new millennium. Shanker pressed for merger with the NEA, but merger seemed to be less and less likely. By the 1990s, merger was no longer one of Shanker's priorities.

The release in 1983 of the United States Department of Education's 'A Nation at Risk,' a report highly critical of the U.S. education system, helped to cement the changes occurring in the AFT. Strong curriculum standards and professional development consumed the union's attention and resources. In 1995, the AFT undertook its own campaign to accomplish the goals of 'A Nation at Risk.' Titled 'Responsibilities, Respect, Results: Lessons for Life,' the campaign sought state legislation to strengthen curriculum and graduation standards; stronger disciplinary standards in classrooms, accompanied by new funding for the education of unruly students and to achieve smaller class sizes; and a new national emphasis on civic education, to strengthen democratic ideals. While praised, the campaign was not well-implemented by AFT affiliates and few successes were achieved.

Albert Shanker died of lung and brain cancer on February 22, 1997.

Sandra Feldman, Shanker's protege and president of the UFT, was elected AFT president in July 1998. Feldman was the first woman to serve as AFT's president since 1930, and was elected to the AFL-CIO executive council. During her presidency, AFT attempted to expand its organizing capacity, build state-level capacity to service existing units and organize new ones, and work with the John Sweeney administration at the AFL-CIO to reinvigorate the labor movement. In many ways, Feldman saw her presidency as one in which the legacy of Al Shanker would be implemented after his untimely death.

But Feldman was hampered by a lack of internal resources and a unified executive council whose allegiance was to Albert Shanker rather than her. Popular with members and advocating a new vision for the union, nevertheless Feldman struggled to overcome the AFT's institutional inertia. Feldman brought a new focus on educational issues to the AFT.

Feldman's relationship with the AFL-CIO was difficult to characterize. The AFT had opposed the election of John Sweeney as AFL-CIO president in 1995. But Feldman supported Sweeney's efforts to encourage new organizing and restructure the umbrella group. Yet Feldman was deeply critical of the Sweeney administration's interference in the internal politics of the Teamsters union. Feldman's position on the AFL-CIO executive council was strengthened in December 2001 when AFT secretary-treasurer Edward J. McElroy was elected to the body.

In early 2003, Sandra Feldman was diagnosed with breast cancer. After treatment, she resumed her duties in December 2003. A recurrence of the cancer in the spring of 2004 led Feldman to announce her retirement at the biennial AFT convention in July 2004. Sandra Feldman died September 18, 2005.

Edward J. McElroy, the AFT's secretary-treasurer since 1992, was elected president of the AFT to replace Feldman. McElroy's emphasis as president has been on the union basics such as external and internal organizing, collective bargaining, and political and legislative activity. McElroy was a strong supporter of John Sweeney during the 2004-05 debates over the future of the AFL-CIO, while acknowledging that SEIU president Andy Stern was correct in critiquing the AFL-CIO's organizing and servicing efforts.

On Feb. 12, 2008, McElroy announced he would retire at the union's regularly scheduled biennial convention in July. On July 14, Randi Weingarten was elected to succeed him. Weingarten served for 12 years—from 1997 to 2009—as president of the United Federation of Teachers (UFT). The UFT represents approximately 200,000 nonsupervisory educators in the New York City public school system, as well as home child care providers and other workers in health, law and education. In the months immediately following her election as AFT president, Weingarten launched major efforts to place education reform and innovation high on the nation's agenda. In September 2008, she led the development of the AFT Innovation Fund, a groundbreaking initiative to support sustainable, innovative and collaborative reform projects developed by members and their local unions to strengthen our public schools.

AFT statement on shared governance in higher education

Main article: Governance in higher education

In 2002, the Higher Education Program and Policy Council of the American Federation of Teachers also published a statement on shared governance. The policy statement is a response to the fact that many governing boards have adopted the "mantra of business” (American Federation of Teachers 2002). The AFT (2002: 5) iterates purpose by which higher education achieves democratic organizational processes between administration and faculty, believing shared governance is under attack in six ways: (1) The outsourcing of instruction, particularly to learning technologies; (2) Redirecting teaching to part time and temporary faculty; (3) Re-orienting curriculum to business oriented coursework; (4) The buying and selling of courseware for commercial exploitation; (5) For profit teaching and research; (6) Through the formation of a “commercial consortia with other universities and private investors."

American Educator

AFT publishes a quarterly magazine for teachers covering various issues about children and education called American Educator. In mid-2009, AFT estimated its total circulation at over 900,000.^[5]

Campaign for Children's Health Care

Main article: Campaign for Children's Health Care

AFT is a partner in the Campaign for Children's Health Care, a multi-year campaign to raise awareness about the problem of uninsured children in America. An AFT press release stated, "It is a moral imperative to ensure that all children have adequate healthcare coverage." ^[6]

Opposition to Academic Boycotts of Israel

Main article: Academic boycotts of Israel

In March 2009, the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) reiterated its opposition to an academic boycott of Israel but added that discussion of the Israel-Palestinian conflict should be encouraged. AFT President Randi Weingarten stated that:

"We believe academic boycotts were a bad idea in 2002 and are a bad idea now. Academic boycotts are inconsistent with the democratic values of academic freedom and free expression... We want to make clear that this position does not in any way discourage an open discussion and debate of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict or of ways to resolve it. However, we expect that such a discussion would not be one-sided and would consider the behavior of all the relevant actors. An academic boycott of Israel, or of any country, for that matter, would effectively suppress free speech without helping to resolve the conflict."^[7]

Critics

This section requires expansion.

Critics of the AFT exist on both the right and left of the political spectrum. On the left, Paul Buhle has strong criticized AFT President Albert Shanker for supporting anti-communism and abandoning socialism, among other things.^[8] San Diego State University education professor and Marxist theorist Rich Gibson has criticized the AFT for embracing liberalism, abandoning the working class, and trying to force a merger with the NEA from the top down.^[9]

Notable AFT members

A number of famous people have been members of the AFT, including:

• Educator John Dewey
• Scientist Albert Einstein
• Writer and activist J. Quinn Brisben
• Vice president and senator Hubert Humphrey
• Pulitzer Prize-winning author Frank McCourt
• Nobel Peace Prize winner Elie Wiesel
• Former United States Senate Majority Leader and ambassador to Japan Mike Mansfield
• Former United States Secretary of Health and Human Services Donna Shalala
• Former United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Nobel Peace Prize winner Ralph Bunche.
• Political activist Michael Harrington
• U.S. Senator from Illinois Paul Douglas

Notes

• Media related to American Federation of Teachers at Wikimedia Commons

1. ^ ^{a b} Office of Labor-Management Standards. Employment Standards Administration. U.S. Department of Labor. Form LM-2 labor Organization Annual Report. American Federation of Teachers. File Number: 000-012. Dated September 26, 2008. Retrieved August 23, 2009.
2. ^ "History (July 2004)". American Federation of Teachers. http://www.aft.org/about/history/index.htm. Retrieved 2006-06-18. 
3. ^ Eaton, The American Federation of Teachers, 1916-1961, 1975, p. 61-72.
4. ^ Haley, Margaret (1982). Battleground: the autobiography of Margaret Haley (edited by Robert L. Reid). Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
5. ^ "American Educator". American Federation of Teachers Main Website. http://www.aft.org/pubs-reports/american_educator/index.htm. Retrieved August 4, 2009. 
6. ^ "American Federation of Teachers On the Campaign for Children's Health Care". American Federation of Teachers. http://www.aft.org/presscenter/releases/2006/071106a.htm. Retrieved 2007-03-30. 
7. ^ U.S. teachers reject academic boycott of Israel, Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA), March 12, 2009.
8. ^ http://www.wpunj.edu/newpol/issue23/buhle23.htm [Buhle, Paul. "Albert Shanker: No Flowers." New Politics. 6:3 (Summer 1997).]
9. ^ Gibson, Rich. "NEA-AFT-AFL-CIO? 'Not Just No, But HELL NO!' " Cultural Logic. 2:1 (Fall 1998).

References

• American Federation of Teachers. "Shared Governance in Colleges and Universities." Policy statement. 2002. Retrieved September 27, 2006.
• Archives of Labor History. Wayne State University. An American Federation of Teachers Bibliography. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1980. ISBN 081431659X
• Berube, Maurice R. Teacher Politics: The Influence of Unions, Vol. 26. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1988. ISBN 0313256853
• Braun, Robert J. Teachers and Power: The Story of the American Federation of Teachers. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1972. ISBN 0671211676
• Eaton, William Edward. The American Federation of Teachers, 1916-1961: A History of the Movement. Urbana, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1975. ISBN 0809307081
• Gaffney, Dennis. Teachers United: The Rise of New York State United Teachers. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 2007. ISBN 0791471918
• Gordon, Jane Anna. Why They Couldn't Wait: A Critique of the Black-Jewish Conflict Over Community Control in Ocean-Hill Brownsville, 1967-1971. Oxford: RoutledgeFalmer, 2001. ISBN 0415929105
• Haley, Margaret. Battleground: The Autobiography of Margaret A. Haley. Robert L. Reid, ed. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982. ISBN 0252009134
• Murphy, Marjorie. Blackboard Unions: The AFT and the NEA, 1900-1980. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991. ISBN 0801423651
• O'Connor, Paula. "Grade School Teachers Become Labor Leaders." Labor's Heritage. 7:2 (Fall 1995).
• Podair, Jerald. The Strike That Changed New York: Blacks, Whites, and the Ocean Hill-Brownsville Crisis. Princeton, NJ: Yale University Press, 2003. ISBN 0300081227
• Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University. AFT Historical Timeline. No date. Accessed June 18, 2006.

External links

Organized Labour portal

• American Federation of Teachers
• Campaign for Children's Health Care
• National Education Association

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