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National Railroad Passenger Corporation

Contact Information
National Railroad Passenger Corporation
60 Massachusetts Ave. NE
Washington, DC 20002
DC Tel. 202-906-3000
Fax 202-906-3306

Type: Government-owned
On the web: http://www.amtrak.com
Employees: 19,000
Employee growth: 0.0%

America's ambivalence with rail travel is reflected in Amtrak. The National Railroad Passenger Corporation, better known as Amtrak, carries more than 24 million passengers a year in 46 states (Wyoming, South Dakota, Alaska, and Hawaii are excluded). The company's system includes more than 21,000 route miles, most of which are owned by freight railroads. Yet Amtrak is a for-profit company that has never been profitable. The rail carrier is almost wholly owned by the US Department of Transportation and depends on subsidies from the federal government to maintain its operations.

Key numbers for fiscal year ending September, 2007:
Sales: $2,152.6M
One year growth: 5.4%
Net income: ($1,120.9)M

Officers:
President, CEO, and Director: Alexander K. Kummant
COO: William L. (Bill) Crosbie
VP Government Affairs and Corporate Communications: Joseph H. (Joe) McHugh

Competitors:
Greyhound
Southwest Airlines
US Airways

 
 
Company History: National Railroad Passenger Corporation

Founded: 1971
NAIC: 482110 Rail Transportation

The National Railroad Passenger Corporation, better known as Amtrak, is the United States' national rail passenger service, providing train transportation between major cities as well as commuter service and delivery of mail and express freight. A private corporation, Amtrak is almost wholly owned by the U.S. Department of Transportation.

On May 1, 1971, the first passenger trains operated by the National Railroad Passenger Corporation pulled out of stations around the country, beginning what was depicted as a two-year federal undertaking to revive (and save) long-distance, intercity rail passenger service in the United States.

Congress had created the company the previous year with the passage of the Railroad Passenger Service Act. The Act established a private company, incorporated in the District of Columbia. Most of the new company's stock was owned by the Department of Transportation, and it was governed by a board of directors made up of the Secretary of Transportation, the head of the corporation, and 11 other members, the majority appointed by the president. During its first year of existence, the corporation was known as Railpax. After it began operations, the nickname was changed to Amtrak, a contraction of the words America and track.

Amtrak was charged with accomplishing three goals, described in the Amtrak Source Book as: "To operate rail passenger service on a for-profit basis; to use innovative operating and marketing concepts to fully develop the potential of modern railway passenger service to meet intercity transportation needs; and to provide a modern, efficient intercity rail passenger service." Congress authorized grants of $40 million for operations and loan guarantees of $100 million for new equipment. Direct funding was to last only two years, by which time the corporation was to be completely self-supporting.

By the time Congress created Amtrak, intercity rail passenger service in the United States had been in a 20-year decline. Until the 1950s, railroads were the only way to travel long distances. But during that decade, the federal government began financing the interstate highway system, a $41 billion, 16-year project, and, as jet airplanes were introduced, significantly increased its support for the construction and improvement of airports.

Airplanes, personal automobiles, and buses began competing with the country's railroads for long-distance travel. The railroads responded to the competition with new equipment on their prestige long-distance routes, replacing steam locomotives with diesel engines, and introducing lightweight stainless steel passenger cars with air-conditioning and double glazed windows. But as the number of passengers continued to drop, the rail companies had little incentive to make major capital investments to upgrade their tracks, signaling, stations, and maintenance facilities. Why, they thought, should their profitable freight business subsidize a means of intercity transportation that was competing with systems receiving federal and state tax dollars? By 1958, rail service accounted for just 4 percent of intercity travel.

The decline in rail passenger service and the deterioration of passenger facilities continued during the 1960s. By the end of the decade, the number of passenger trains had dropped to 500, down from more than 20,000 some 40 years earlier, and only 12,000 passenger cars remained in service. Losses from passenger service operations in 1970 came to more than $1.8 billion dollars in 1997 dollars. Most of the loss was on long-distance, intercity travel. Commuter and suburban lines obviously were less affected by airlines and, at least during the 1960s, lost little ridership to buses and private cars. Many of the railroad companies filed applications to get out of the intercity service on most or all of their routes. Among the most critical was the proposal by Penn Central (the merged Pennsylvania Railroad and New York Central Railroad) to eliminate all its passenger service in the Northeast and Midwest.

The Railroad Passenger Service Act allowed the railroad companies to transfer their money-losing passenger operations to Amtrak in exchange for either a tax write-off or Amtrak stock. Only three lines, the Denver & Rio Grande Western, the Rock Island, and the Southern, did not join Amtrak, opting to continue their own passenger service.

The basic network of routes for the new corporation was developed by the Transportation Department with assistance from the Interstate Commerce Commission, the railroad unions, 15 railroad companies, 43 states, some 3,000 members of the public, and numerous U.S. Senators and Representatives. Factors considered in selecting the routes included existing routes, cost, ridership potential, size of the terminal cities (had to have a population of at least one million), and the condition of the tracks and facilities (no funds were allocated for improving these).

Between January and May 1971, as the new corporation got itself organized, a major argument developed regarding the company's objective: was it to reintroduce the traditional, and well-known, long-distance routes of the past, such as the "Empire Builder," "San Francisco Zephyr," and "Super Chief," or should it concentrate on introducing high speed (150 mph) rail corridors? Those two visions of passenger service in the United States would haunt Amtrak for decades.

Although it operated in 43 states over 24,000 miles of track, the enterprise Amtrak began managing on May 1, 1971 was hardly a national transportation system. Essentially, Amtrak was a travel broker. It operated 119 passenger trains, a multicolored assortment of some 1,200 cars--coaches, diners, sleepers, and observation cars--with an average age of 20 years. The individual railroads donated some cars to Amtrak but continued to own the stations, terminals, yards, locomotives, and maintenance facilities, and employed all the people who worked on the passenger trains and in the stations and yards. In its first year, Amtrak leased the crews and equipment, along with the seat reservation, booking, communication, and dispatching systems from the various freight lines. In 1972, Amtrak began buying the diesel locomotives from the railroads and initiated a program of rebuilding and refurbishing the engines to improve on-time performance.

The tracks Amtrak's "rainbow" trains ran on also were owned by the freight companies. For access to the rights of way, which was guaranteed by the legislation, Amtrak paid the freight companies a rental charge. That charge was determined by a formula established in the federal statute. The legislation also gave Amtrak trains priority dispatching over freight trains, but did not address the issue of liability in cases of injuries. Despite the logistical problems and uncomfortable rolling stock, Amtrak was able to keep the passengers it inherited in 1971, and during its first two years even increased ridership.

The creation of Amtrak seemed to generate three conclusions. Some people believed the new entity was really expected to revive intercity rail traffic. The more skeptical seemed to think that this was a last gasp effort and that once the equipment finally gave out, that would be the end of it. Others within the industry and among the passengers saw it as a ruse to eliminate routes in sparsely populated areas while keeping rail service along corridors between major cities in the Northeast and on the West Coast.

None of these occurred after Amtrak's first two years because OPEC, the cartel of oil-producing countries, cut back the production of oil. The resulting energy crunch in 1973 and 1974 caused the price of gasoline (and airline tickets) to increase and lines at gas stations to grow long. Many Americans (and politicians) increased their support of alternative means of transportation, including rail passenger service. Congress approved funding for fiscal years 1972 and 1973 totaling $179.1 million in grants and $100 million in guaranteed loans. In 1973, Amtrak began ordering new equipment.

The new silver trains with the red and blue Amtrak logo attracted more riders and marketing became easier. A centralized and computerized reservations system also helped improve service. During the decade, the company purchased 600 Amfleet and Amfleet II cars and 284 Superliners, including locomotives, coaches, lounges, sleepers, and dining facilities.

Amtrak also began to take control of yard and station facilities, reservation offices, and all personnel except for train and engine crews. In 1972, Amtrak employed about 1,500 administrative and clerical workers. Within two years, as the company assumed responsibility for more of the passenger service operations, employment climbed to 8,500.

As Amtrak was placing its equipment orders, the major freight lines in the Northeast were going bankrupt. As creditors, shareholders, railroad unions, and other railroads (who shipped to and from the East) cried for some action, the federal government took a step that would have a huge impact on Amtrak. The Regional Rail Reorganization Act of 1973 created Conrail (Consolidated Rail Corporation), a federally supported freight company made up of seven bankrupt railroads operating in the Northeast. The legislation also supported funding for preliminary engineering work to improve the Northeast Corridor to cut passenger travel times between Boston, New York, and Washington, D.C.

Three years later, following the passage of the Railroad Revitalization and Regulatory Reform Act in 1976, Amtrak acquired 621 miles of right-of way from Conrail. Most of the routes, about 450 miles, were in the Northeast Corridor, from Washington, D.C. to Boston. The acquisition also included lines from Philadelphia to Harrisburg, Pennsylvania; from New Haven, Connecticut, to Springfield, Massachusetts; and from Porter, Indiana, to Kalamazoo, Michigan. For a switch, now freight trains would have to pay Amtrak to use these rails. As part of the legislation, Congress authorized $1.9 billion over five years to rebuild and improve the tracks and facilities in the NEC.

Along with the tracks, Amtrak also came into possession of rail yards, maintenance facilities, and all the stations along their new routes. The real estate included Pennsylvania Station in New York City and 30th Street Station in Philadelphia, along with some 100 smaller station properties, and half interests in Chicago's Union Station and in Washington, D.C.'s Union Station. With these acquisitions, Amtrak employment nearly doubled, to 16,500, as the company assumed new operations and maintenance responsibilities.

The capital investments made to reduce travel time in the Northeast Corridor by rebuilding tracks and introducing new equipment received most of the attention during the late 1970s. But development was begun on another high-speed corridor, between Los Angeles and San Diego, and other corridors were being studied for high-speed potential.

During the last half of the 1970s, Congress changed the way it financed Amtrak's capital improvements. Instead of loan guarantees, which had mounted to $900 million between 1971 and 1975, or a designated source of income as was provided for highways and airports, Amtrak began receiving direct capital grants, which had to be requested and approved annually, making it difficult to plan and finance capital investments. Amtrak continued to receive separate annual operating grants.

The company's annual revenue during the decade averaged $252 million, and represented less than 40 percent of its operating expenditures. The growing deficits led the Carter Administration to push for more efficient operations and cuts in costs. Proposals to eliminate routes as a means of reducing costs generally went nowhere as Senators and Representatives fought to keep trains running in their states, whether the routes were profitable or not. In fact, by 1977, the number of miles in the Amtrak system had grown to 27,000. Finally, under restructuring in 1979, several routes were dropped as the basic network was cut to 24,000 miles.

During the 1980s, Amtrak continued to move from supervising to operating the nation's passenger rail system. Early in the decade, Amtrak installed its new Arrow reservation system, with faster computers, and acquired the last non-Amtrak intercity passenger train, the Rio Grande Zephyr, from the Denver and Rio Grande Western.

In 1983, Amtrak, for the first time, directly employed engineers, conductors, and their assistants, beginning on Northeast Corridor trains. The takeover of the operating crews continued for the next several years, until, by 1987, Amtrak employed most of the crews operating passenger trains around the country. After 1982, under Amtrak's bargaining agreements, crews were paid based on a 40-hour work week, not on mileage and other factors as had been the case with the freight lines.

The company also expanded its position in the commuter train business, taking over the commuter trains in the northeast previously operated by Conrail. The company set up a wholly-owned subsidiary, Amtrak Commuter Services Corporation, to oversee its commuter operations.

Amtrak's partnerships with various states improved passenger service in their jurisdictions. Under Section 403(b) of the legislation that established it, Amtrak could operate intercity trains or routes funded by states. California, for example, paid for more trains between Los Angeles and San Diego, in the San Joaquin Valley, and, eventually, between San Jose and Sacramento. New York was one of the first to take advantage of Section 403(b), improving passenger service for the New York-Albany-Buffalo corridor.

But the core route and services faced financial cuts as the Reagan Administration convinced Congress to significantly reduce both the operating and capital grants each year. As President Reagan told an audience, "On the New York to Chicago train, it would cost the taxpayer less for the government to pass out free plane tickets."

Most historians agree that things would have been even worse for Amtrak except for Graham Claytor, a lawyer and railroad executive and the new president and CEO of Amtrak. According to Stephen Goddard, "The grandfatherly attorney left his comfortable office ... to give Amtrak what it needed--credibility before Congress, in whose hands the troubled railroad would rise or fall." Yet even as the cuts were being made, when Reagan fired the striking federal air traffic controllers, people turned to intercity trains.

In 1981, Congress told Amtrak to make better use of all its resources to minimize federal support. In addition to revenues from the commuter and 403(b) trains, by 1981, Amtrak's real estate revenues were generating about $9 million a year. In 1984 the company acquired the remaining one-half interest in Chicago Union Station.

To help increase its assets, the company established a corporate development department. One of its ventures was to lease the NEC right-of-way to telecommunication companies for installing fiber optics communications systems. MCI Communications was the first company to enter into such a lease, with MCI providing Amtrak with specific fibers and communication circuits as well as with cash. Amtrak used those high capacity circuits for their own network and marketed and leased them to large telecommunication users. Amtrak also turned to mail and express freight service for additional income.

In 1985, Amtrak's supporters argued that shutting down Amtrak completely would result in costly drops in productivity due to traffic jams and crowded airports in the major corridors, especially in the northeast. The prospect of more cars and planes (and the resulting pollution) effectively dampened enthusiasm for eliminating all support for Amtrak, at least for a while.

In 1986, Amtrak became the dominant carrier between New York and Washington, with 38 percent of the total air-rail market. In 1989, the company began another period of capital investment, as Amtrak purchased 104 short-distance passenger cars to alleviate crowding on routes in the Midwest and in California's San Joaquin Valley.

By the end of the decade, Amtrak operations were bringing in more than $1.2 billion in revenues. But with operating expenses in fiscal 1989 of nearly $2 billion, it continued to have an operating loss larger than the $554 million operating grant it received from the federal government. The general capital grant fell from $221 million in fiscal year 1981 to $2 million in fiscal 1986 then averaged $34 million for the rest of the decade.

In 1994, Congress and the Clinton Administration demanded that Amtrak operations become self-sufficient by 2002. To accomplish this, the company, under new CEO Thomas Downs, adopted a strategic and business plan for the period 1995 to 2000. As part of the plan, Amtrak decentralized itself into three business units to increase accountability and responsiveness: Northeast Corridor, covering services from Virginia to New England; Amtrak West, which operated state-supported corridor trains and the long-distance Coast Starlight on the West Coast; and Amtrak Intercity, responsible for most of the long-distance routes as well as corridor trains in the Midwest. The company also began raising fares, cutting routes and service, and implementing cost reduction programs for its operations.

However, Amtrak needed new rolling stock to replace old equipment, to achieve better travel times, and to meet the requests from states for new intrastate rail services. Through 1990, Amtrak had spent $1.6 billion for cars and locomotives and the capital investment continued during the decade with the delivery of new diesel locomotives, 195 bi-level Superliners, and, in 1996, 50 Viewliners, the first single-level sleeping cars made in the United States in 40 years. In California, 14 new dual-level dining cars were introduced on the state-supported routes, and in Washington, three pendular "tilt" Talgo trains were ordered by Amtrak and the Washington Department of Transportation for delivery in 1998. Trains able to travel 150 miles an hour were added to service the Northeast Corridor beginning in 1999.

Although revenues increased to $1.6 billion in fiscal year 1996, debt and capital lease obligations were almost $1 billion. By 1997, Amtrak was in danger of going bankrupt (in December of that year Downs resigned as CEO and a search was underway for his successor). Congress debated the company's request to designate one-half cent of the Interstate Highway Trust for capital expenditures, but instead passed a tax rebate package of $2.3 billion for Amtrak capital spending over two years and adopted a package of reforms changing various labor requirements, allowing Amtrak to alter the basic system of routes inherited in 1971, setting a cap on liability costs, and establishing a new Reform Board. Funding for the Department of Transportation for fiscal year 1998 included $344 million for Amtrak operations and $250 million for Northeast Corridor capital. It also included $23 billion for highways, $9 billion for aviation, and $4 billion for transit.

Despite the shakeup at the top and numerous skeptics, Amtrak survived. The company continued its efforts to improve service, spending $26.6 million to overhaul 212 passenger cars. Buttressed by the Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997 Amtrak launched a $360 million capital improvement program. They spent $100 million for eight new five-car train sets for San Diego service, purchased eight locomotives, 64 carriers, 43 coaches, several improved refrigerator cars, and numerous expensive equipment updates. New lines and improved travel times resulted in several cities. In December 1998 Amtrak agreed to purchase 44 RoadRailer Mailvans. Acting President and CEO George D. Warrington cited increasing rail revenues--which had been rising 10 percent each year--as reason for the investment, which he stated could only bolster their bottom line.

In January 1999 the Department of Transportation released a report accusing Amtrak of underreporting its losses, stating specifically that the 1998 year's loss was not the reported $95 million, but $854 million. A brief flap followed, but some in Congress pointed out that it was difficult for Amtrak to succeed when expectations for them constantly changed. Warrington continued to assemble a new management team, envisioning an Amtrak that featured high speed rail corridors across the country and high-quality service. Statistics backed up Warrington's assertions that Amtrak continued to improve--between 1998 and 1999 the percent of riders was the highest it had been in a decade, on-time arrival was the highest it had been in 13 years, and passenger revenues had topped $1 billion for the first time.

In March 2000 Amtrak introduced the Acela Regional passenger service, creating the long-awaited electrification of the Northeast Corridor linking Boston, New York, and Washington, D.C. The result was a reduction in travel time from Boston and New York by up to 90 minutes. Further improvements were unveiled in November 2000, after months of delay. The Acela Express, the nation's first high-speed rail system began travelling the Northwest Corridor's tracks at up to 150 miles per hour, reducing a Boston to New York trip to 3 hours and 15 minutes, a New York to Washington, D.C. trip to 2 hours and 28 minutes. The Acela beat its projected profits by 12 percent in the first quarter of 2001 and launched Amtrak into its most profitable year yet. The success prompted Congress to reconsider a controversial bill to allow Amtrak to issue bonds to raise $12 million dollars for the high-speed rail system.

Rail use rose significantly due to security concerns in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and Congress allocated over a billion dollars to improve Amtrak's security. Yet Congress had legislated a time bomb for Amtrak in 1997 that was set to go off by December 2002. Amtrak was to attain self-sufficiency by that December or prepare for liquidation. By December 2001, CEO Warrington was told by the federally appointed Amtrak Reform Council that he would have to prepare a liquidation plan. Amtrak was absolved of the responsibility to prepare its own liquidation plan by a defense act signed into law by President Bush in early 2002, but was told they still needed to attain self-sufficiency. Numerous ideas were floated by congressional agencies, including breaking Amtrak up into separate privatized industries.

In July 2003 two competing funding plans warred for prominence. The Bush administration announced that it would allocate $90 million, while a house committee approved a bill that would fund the company for $6 billion over the next three years. Congressional debate continued, with Senator John McCain and the Bush administration arguing for breaking Amtrak up and selling it. They faced stiff opposition from both Democrats and other Republican congressional leaders. By February 2004 the Amtrak supporters had won, and Amtrak was approved for $2 billion a year for six years.

Amtrak had won at least a reprieve. By the fall of 2004 it looked as though the company would remain intact, though it still faced significant hurdles. Throughout its history it was funded at a rate tens of times lower than the rate at which Congress has funded highways and aviation, and continued to own little of its own track. Still, with the new high-speed trains, rising passenger rates, and improved funding, the future looked, if not rosy, then far more promising than it had in many years.

Principal Competitors

Greyhound Lines Inc.

Further Reading

Bradley, Rodger, Amtrak: The U.S. National Railroad Passenger Corporation, Dorset, England: Blandford Press, 1985.

DePalma, Anthony, "Amtrak Tries to Learn How to Run a Railroad," International Herald Tribune, February 4, 2002, p. 2.

Goddard, Stephen B., Getting There: The Epic Struggle Between Road and Rail in the American Century, New York: Basic Books, 1994.

Hosansky, David, "Struggling Amtrak Seeks Share of Federal Highway Money," Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, March 29, 1997, p. 737.

Johnson, Bob, "States Show Amtrak the Way," Trains Magazine, July 1997, p. 36.

Miller, William H, "Amtrak's Unforgiving Timetable," Chief Executive (U.S.), December 2001 p. 29.

"Perspective--Derailing Amtrak," Investors Business Daily, November 6, 1997.

Vantuono, William C., "Blue-Ribbon Panel Spells the Blues for Passenger Rail," Railway Age, August 1997, p. 161.

Wilner, Frank N., "Amtrak at 25: The Railroad That Just Won't Quit," Railway Age, May 1996, p. 39.

— Ellen D. Wernick; Updated by Howard A. Jones


 

National Railway Passenger Corporation; federal agency that runs passenger trains throughout the United States.

 

Federally supported corporation that operates nearly all intercity passenger trains in the U.S. It was established by Congress in 1970 in the face of private railroads' heavy financial losses. Routes were cut back severely, with service maintained only in highly populated areas and between the largest cities. Amtrak pays the railroads to run passenger trains and compensates them for the use of tracks and terminals. Amtrak bears all administrative costs and manages scheduling, route planning, and ticket sales. Despite income from tickets and mail-carrying services, Amtrak requires federal support to cover its operating costs. See also Conrail; Railway Express Agency.

For more information on Amtrak, visit Britannica.com.

 

On 1 May 1971, the U.S. government made Amtrak responsible for managing and operating all national passenger train service in the United States. Its name was derived from the words "America" and "track." Amtrak was created as a quasi-public corporation—a unique blend of government funding and oversight with private management and accountability.

By the late 1960s, a precipitous fifty-year decline in the quantity, quality, and profitability of American passenger rail service prompted high-level government debate over the need for some measure of public assistance. Between 1929 and 1966, passenger train routes—measured in miles—declined by nearly two-thirds. Technological improvements in the automobile, increased government funding for highway construction, and the growth of the commercial airline industry all contributed to the decline. Poor track conditions, outdated equipment, and unreliable service made train travel far less desirable than these other forms of transport. By 1967, the industry's first year without U.S. mail service business, the annual loss for the combined passenger train industry was $460 million. After that year, many companies considered terminating their passenger routes.

After two years of negotiations aimed at averting the loss of the entire passenger rail system, President Richard Nixon signed the Railpax bill on 30 October 1970. By April 1971, the entity's name was changed to Amtrak, and twenty of the twenty-six eligible private rail companies had signed the contract to join the new corporation. Despite Amtrak's efforts to consolidate passenger routes into a more manageable, efficient structure, the initial mandate from the Department of Transportation required the continuation of many marginal routes. It would be eight years until the corporation was given more flexibility in the design of its route structure. There were other obstacles as well. The initial federal grant of $40 million was less than 10 percent of the annual losses sustained by the private companies in their last pre-Amtrak years and not nearly enough to begin a process of rebuilding the industry. The new corporation was also required to operate under the existing labor contracts of the member companies, and management had little flexibility in reallocating workers in the new operational structure. Amtrak was also faced with the nearly impossible task of reversing the long-term public ambivalence to train travel while being able to provide only old, uncomfortable, and unreliable equipment.

While total passenger volume increased from 17 million in 1972 to 23 million by 2002, there had been no net increase in ridership since 1988. Yet during this stagnant decade of Amtrak passenger growth, commuter train passenger volume jumped from 15.4 million to 58.2 million. This disparity indicated that Americans valued rail travel as a means to move to and from their occupations, or to move from suburb and countryside to large cities for shopping or entertainment, but as a means of transporting people from city to city, Amtrak faced stronger competition from the automobile and the airplane than it did in 1971.

Amtrak's most successful sector was the Northeast Corridor, the stretch of rails to and from Washington, New York, and Boston, and accounted for two-thirds of Amtrak's ridership and revenues. Ridership in the corridor went up after the introduction in 2001 of the Acela Express trains, which could achieve a top speed of 150 miles per hour, and after the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington on 11 September 2001. But the 1997 Amtrak Reform and Accountability Act set 2 December 2002 as an absolute deadline for Amtrak to reach operational self-sufficiency and the loss of federal support, and by the summer of that year, the Amtrak Reform Council was considering breaking off the Northeast Corridor as an independent entity and taking bids from private companies to finance long-distance trains elsewhere in the system.

Bibliography

Bradley, Roger. Amtrak. Poole, U.K.: Blandford Press, 1985.

Edmondson, Harold A., ed. Journey to Amtrak: The Year History Rode the Passenger Train. Milwaukee, Wis.: Kalmbach, 1972.

Nice, David C. Amtrak: The History and Politics of a National Railroad. Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1998.

Wilner, Frank. The Amtrak Story. Omaha, Neb.: Simmons-Boardman, 1999.

Zimmerman, Karl. Amtrak at Milepost 10. Park Forest, Ill.: PTJ, 1981.

—Patrick Amato

 
the National Railroad Passenger Corp., authorized to operate virtually all intercity passenger railroad routes in the United States. Amtrak was created by Congress in 1970 in response to more than two decades of continuous operating deficits by privately run passenger railroads; over 100 of the nation's 500 passenger railroad lines at the time had filed discontinuation-of-service petitions with the Interstate Commerce Commission. Given an initial funding of $40 million and $100 million in federal loan guarantees, Amtrak was designed to be a profit-making, quasipublic enterprise. Its board of directors includes three representatives of labor states and business appointed by the president, two representing commuter authorities, and two representing stockholders of the corporation's preferred stock. Amtrak began operation in 1971, reducing the number of intercity passenger rail routes by one half, retaining service mainly in areas of high density travel. Amtrak now runs about 265 trains per day to 500 stations over 22,000 route miles, and carries more than 23 million passengers a year, mainly in the Northeast and on the West Coast. It owns 730 miles, mostly in the Northeast corridor, while contracting with private railroads to run in the rest of the nation. In 1999 it began testing high-speed trains for service in the Northeast.


 
is short for:

National Railroad Passenger Corporation

 
Wikipedia: Amtrak
Amtrak
logo
Reporting marks AMTK, AMTZ
Locale Continental United States, as well as routes to Vancouver, Toronto, and Montreal
Dates of operation 1971 – present
Track gauge ft 8½ in (1435 mm) (standard gauge)
Headquarters Washington, D.C.
Amtrak Cascades service with tilting Talgo trainsets in Seattle, Washington.
Enlarge
Amtrak Cascades service with tilting Talgo trainsets in Seattle, Washington.
Amtrak train in downtown Orlando, Florida.
Enlarge
Amtrak train in downtown Orlando, Florida.

The National Railroad Passenger Corporation, doing business as Amtrak (AAR reporting marks AMTK and AMTZ), is a quasi-governmental corporation that was organized on May 1 1971, to provide intercity passenger train service in the United States. "Amtrak" is a portmanteau of the words "American" and "track".[1]

All of Amtrak's preferred stock is owned by the Federal government. The members of its board of directors are appointed by the President of the United States and are subject to confirmation by the United States Senate. Common stock was issued in 1971 to railroads that contributed capital and equipment; its current holders[2] consider the stock to be worthless but declined a 2002 buy-out offer by Amtrak.[3]

Amtrak employs nearly 19,000 people. It operates passenger service on 21,000 miles (33,800 km) of track primarily owned by other railroads connecting 500 destinations in 46 states.[4] Some routes serve Canada. In fiscal year 2006, Amtrak served 24.3 million passengers, a company record. According to estimates for fiscal year 2007, Amtrak has served over the 25 million passenger mark, a 6% increase from last year.[5]

History

Amtrak's old logo from 1971 to 2000, often called the "pointless arrow" or, less often but officially by Amtrak, the "inverted arrow." On July 6 2000 Amtrak unveiled "...a new logo whose shape and suggestion of movement convey the comfort and uniqueness of the rail experience."[6]
Amtrak's old logo from 1971 to 2000, often called the "pointless arrow" or, less often but officially by Amtrak, the "inverted arrow." On July 6 2000 Amtrak unveiled "...a new logo whose shape and suggestion of movement convey the comfort and uniqueness of the rail experience."[6]

Amtrak's origins are traceable to the sustained decline of private passenger rail services in the United States from about 1920 to 1970. In 1971, in response to the decline, the Congress and the President of the United States created Amtrak. For its entire existence, the company has been buffeted by political cross-winds and insufficiencies of capital resources and owned railway. Amtrak's recent years have been among its brightest, having completed a significant rail project in the northeast in the early 2000s while its major competitors — particularly airlines — were affected by bankruptcies and rising fuel costs.

Passenger rail service before Amtrak

From the middle 19th century until approximately 1920, if a person traveled from one city to another in the United States, the trip almost certainly was by rail. By 1910, close to 100% of intercity passenger trips were made by railroad.[7] The rails and the trains were owned and operated by private, for-profit organizations. Approximately 65,000 railroad passenger cars were in operation in 1929.[8]

For a long time after 1920, passenger rail's popularity plateaued and there were a series of pullbacks and tentative recoveries. Rail passenger revenues declined dramatically between 1920 and 1934,[7] but in the mid-1930s, railroads reignited the popular imagination with service improvements and introductions of new, diesel-powered streamliners, such as the gleaming silver Pioneer Zephyr and Flying Yankee.[7] Even with the improvements, on a relative basis, ridership continued to erode and by 1940 railroads held a far less dominant 67% share of all passenger-miles in the United States.[7] World War II broke the malaise. During the war, troop movements and restrictions on use of automobile fuel generated a sixfold increase in passenger traffic from the low point of the Depression.[7] After the war, railroads rejuvenated overworked and neglected fleets with a multitude of fast and often luxurious streamliners — epitomized by the Super Chief and California Zephyr — which inspired the last major resurgence in passenger rail travel. In 1948, Santa Fe CEO Fred G. Gurley reported a "complete reversal of our passenger traffic picture", with 1947 revenues exceeding those of 1936 by 220%.[citation needed] Inspired by America's leadership, European and Japanese railroads also launched their own streamlined, high-speed rail services.

The postwar resurgence was short-lived. In 1946, there remained 45% fewer passenger trains than in 1929,[7] and the pace of decline quickened despite railroad optimism. Passengers disappeared, and so did the trains. Between 1946 and 1964, the annual number of passengers declined from 770 to 298 million.[citation needed] The number of U.S. commuter trains declined by more than 80%, from greater than 2,500 in 1954 to fewer than 500 in 1969.[citation needed] Few trains generated profits; most produced losses. Broad-based passenger rail deficits appeared as early as 1948[7] and by the mid-1950s railroads claimed aggregate annual losses on passenger services of more than $700 million (almost $5 billion in 2005 dollars using CPI).[8][9] By 1965, only 10,000 rail passenger cars were in operation, 85% fewer than in 1929.[8] Passenger service was provided on only 75,000 miles of track, a stark decline.[8] Passenger rail service in the United States showed the signs of underinvestment. Rail facilities suffered from decrepit equipment, cavernous and nearly empty stations in dangerous urban centers, and management that seemed intent on driving away the few remaining customers. The 1960s also saw the end of railway post office revenues, which had helped some of the remaining trains break even despite the dearth of passengers.

Causes of decline of passenger rail

The causes of the decline of passenger rail were complex. The industry was hobbled by government regulation and labor inflexibility, which undermined passenger rail just as the industry faced an explosion of competition from massively subsidized automobile and airplane transportation.

All this marked the path to oblivion. Rail interests were structured to sell access to elaborate, efficient, roads at a profit; they could not compete for passengers with parallel turnpikes, air strips, and highways in the sky. The competing modes were in many ways more convenient and faster. They fostered independence. But most importantly, as the costs of running a passenger railroad rose, highways in particular were cheaper, as they were built with public funds and without a profit motive. The decline was a failure of a business model as much as the failure of a technology.

Government regulation and labor issues

Passenger rail's vibrancy first was interrupted by government intervention. From approximately 1910 to 1921, a populist rate-setting scheme and a WWI wartime nationalization of the rail industry erased ample railroad profits, reversed growth of the rail system, and contributed to massive underinvestment in passenger rail facilities.[10] Meanwhile, labor costs advanced, and with them passenger fares, which discouraged passenger traffic just as automobiles gained a foothold.[10]

The primary regulatory authority affecting rail interest from early twentieth century was the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC). The ICC played a leading role in rate-setting and intervened in other ways detrimental to passenger rail. In 1947, the ICC ruled that passenger trains could not exceed 79 mph (127 km/h) without special in-cab signaling systems; the systems were criticized as being unnecessary and prohibitively expensive; after issuance of the regulation, plans to develop intercity high-speed rail services were shelved.[citation needed] In 1958, the ICC was granted authority to allow or reject modifications and eliminations of passenger routes (train-offs).[11] Many routes at that time required beneficial pruning, but the ICC delayed action by an average of eight months and when it did authorize modifications, the ICC insisted that unsuccessful routes be merged with profitable ones. Thus, fast, popular rail service was transformed into slow, unpopular service.[12] The ICC was even more critical of corporate mergers. Many combinations, which railroads sought to compete, were delayed for years and even decades, such as the merger of the New York Central Railroad and Pennsylvania Railroad, into what eventually became Penn Central, and the Delaware, Lackawanna and Western Railroad and Erie Railroad into the Erie Lackawanna Railroad. By the time the ICC approved the mergers in the 1960s, disinvestments by the federal government, years of deteriorating equipment and station facilities and the flight of passengers to the air and car had taken their toll and the mergers were unsuccessful.

At the same time, railroads carried a substantial tax burden. A World War II-era excise tax of 15% on passenger rail travel survived until 1962.[citation needed] Local governments, far from providing needed support to passenger rail, viewed rail infrastructure as a ready source for property tax revenues. In one extreme example, in 1959 the Great Northern Railroad, which owned about a third of one percent (.34%) of the land in Lincoln County, Montana, was assessed more than 91% of all school taxes in the county.[12]

Railroads also were saddled with antiquated work rules and an inflexible relationship with labor unions. Work policies did not adapt to technological change.[12] Average train speeds doubled from 1919 to 1959, but unions resisted efforts to modify their existing 100 to 150 mile work days. As a result, railroaders' work days were roughly cut in half, from 5 to 7½ hours in 1919, down to 2½ to 3¾ hours in 1959. Labor rules also perpetuated positions that had been obviated by technology. Between 1947 and 1957, passenger railroad financial efficiency dropped by 42% per mile.

Subsidized competition

While passenger rail faced internal and governmental pressures, new challenges appeared that undermined the dominance of passenger rail: highways and commercial aviation. The passenger rail industry wilted as government backed these upstarts with billions of dollars in construction.

Beginning roughly in the WWI era, cars became more attainable to most Americans. Soon, government actively began to support with public funds a non-profit network of roads not subject to property taxation that rivaled and then surpassed the for-profit network that the railroads had built in previous generations with corporate capital and government land grants.[citation needed] The Federal Highway Act funded the Interstates, local governments built compatible networks of local roads, and all told between 1921 and 1955 governmental entities financed more than $93 billion worth of pavement, construction, and maintenance.[12] In turn, more Americans embraced the flexibility, convenience and privacy of personal transportation by automobile over public transit alternatives. Intercity bus services also saw declines.

In the 1950s, a second and more formidable threat appeared: affordable commercial aviation. Government at many levels supported aviation. Governmental entities spawned sprawling urban and suburban airports, and funded construction of massive highways to provide access to the airports.

Pennsylvania Railroad Metroliner car, built by Budd, circa 1968
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Pennsylvania Railroad Metroliner car, built by Budd, circa 1968

Rail Passenger Service Act

In 1967, the National Association of Railroad Passengers (NARP) was formed to lobby for government funding to assure the continuation of passenger trains. Its lobbying efforts were hampered by the opposition of the Democratic Party to any sort of subsidies to the privately-owned railroads, and Republican Party opposition to the nationalization of the railroad industry. The proponents were aided by the fact that few in the federal government wanted to be held responsible for the seemingly-inevitable extinction of the passenger train, which most regarded as tantamount to political suicide. The urgency of the need to solve the passenger train problem was heightened by the bankruptcy filing of the Penn Central, the dominant railroad in the Northeastern United States, on June 21 1970.

Under the Rail Passenger Service Act of 1970, Congress created the National Railroad Passenger Corporation (NRPC) to subsidize and oversee the operation of intercity passenger trains. The Act provided that

  • Any railroad operating intercity passenger service could contract with the NRPC, thereby joining the national system.
  • Participating railroads bought into the NRPC using a formula based on their recent intercity passenger losses. The purchase price could be satisfied either by cash or rolling stock; in exchange, the railroads received NRPC common stock.
  • Any participating railroad was freed of the obligation to operate intercity passenger service after May 1 1971, except for those services chosen by the Department of Transportation as part of a "basic system" of service and paid for by NRPC using its federal funds.
  • Railroads that chose not to join the NRPC system were required to continue operating their existing passenger service until 1975 and thenceforth had to pursue the customary Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) approval process for any discontinuance or alteration to the service.

For some time, there was a veto threat from President Richard M. Nixon. The veto never materialized and the act was signed into law on October 30, 1970. The original working brand name for NRPC was Railpax, but shortly before the company started operating it was changed to Amtrak.

The Nixon administration and many Washington insiders viewed the NRPC as a politically expedient way for the President and Congress to give passenger trains the one "last hurrah" demanded by the public. Cynics expected Amtrak to quietly disappear as public interest waned.[13] Proponents also hoped that government intervention would be short-lived, but their view was that Amtrak would soon support itself. Neither view has yet proved correct. Popular support has allowed Amtrak to continue in operation longer than critics imagined while financial results have made infeasible a return to private operation.

Early days

Amtrak began operations May 1, 1971. The corporation was molded from the passenger rail operations of 20 out of 26 major railroads in operation at the time. The railroads made contributions of rolling stock, equipment, and capital. In return, they received approval to discontinue their own passenger services, and at least some acquired common stock in Amtrak. Notably, Amtrak received no railroad track or right-of-way at its inception. Railroads that shed passenger operations were expected to host Amtrak trains on their tracks, for a fee.

Amtrak #928, a former PRR GG1, speeds through North Elizabeth, New Jersey in December 1975.
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Amtrak #928, a former PRR GG1, speeds through North Elizabeth, New Jersey in December 1975.

There was a period of adjustment. All of Amtrak's routes were continuations of prior service, although Amtrak immediately pruned about half of the existing passenger rail network. Out of the 364 trains that were operated previously, Amtrak only continued 182. On the trains that were continued, to the extent possible, schedules were retained with only minor changes from the Official Guide of the Railways. Former names largely were continued.

Several major corridors initially became freight-only, including New York Central Railroad's Water Level Route across New York and Ohio and Grand Trunk Western Railroad's Chicago to Detroit service, although service soon returned to the Water Level Route with introduction of the Lake Shore. Reduced passenger train schedules created headaches. A 19-hour layover became necessary for eastbound travel on the James Whitcomb Riley between Chicago and Newport News.

Amtrak also inherited problems dealing with station facilities, most notably stations with deferred maintenance, and redundant facilities resulting from competing companies that served the same areas. On the day it started Amtrak was given the huge responsibility of rerouting passenger trains from the then seven existing train terminals in Chicago (LaSalle, Dearborn, Grand Central, Randolph, Chicago Northwestern Terminal, Central, and Union) into just one, Union Station. In New York Amtrak had to pay to maintain Penn Station and Grand Central Terminal due to lack of track connections to bring trains from upstate New York into Penn Station, a problem that was not rectified until the building of the Empire Connection in 1991. In many cases Amtrak had to abandon service into the huge old Union Stations such as ones in Cincinnati, Saint Paul, Buffalo, Detroit, Kansas City, and Saint Louis and route trains into smaller Amtrak-built facilities down the line (although Amtrak has pushed to start reusing some of the old stations, most recently Cincinnati Union Terminal, and Kansas City Union Station).

On the other hand, merged operations also presented efficiencies such as the combination of three West Coast trains into the Coast Starlight, running from San Diego to Seattle. The Northeast Corridor received an Inland Route via Springfield, Massachusetts, thanks to support from New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts. The North Coast Hiawatha was implemented as a second Pacific Northwest route. The Milwaukee to St. Louis Abraham Lincoln and Prairie State routes also commenced. The first all-new Amtrak route, not counting the Coast Starlight, was the Montrealer/Washingtonian. That route was inaugurated September 29 1972, along Boston and Maine Railroad and Canadian National Railway track that had last seen passenger service in 1966.

Amtrak soon had the opportunity to acquire railway. Following the bankruptcy declaration of several northeastern railroads in the early 1970s, including the Penn Central which owned and operated the Northeast Corridor, Congress passed the Railroad Revitalization and Regulatory Reform Act of 1976. A large part of the act was directed to the creation of a Conrail, but in addition the law enabled transfer to Amtrak of the vital Northeast Corridor railway from Boston, Massachusetts to Washington, DC. That trackage became Amtrak's crown jewel. In subsequent years, various short route segments not needed for freight operations were transferred to Amtrak. Nevertheless, in general, Amtrak remained dependent on freight railroads for access to most of its routes.

Amtrak fell far short of achieving financial independence in its first decade, but it did find modest success rebuilding ridership. Outside factors discouraged competing modes of transportation, such as fuel shortages which increased costs of automobile and airline travel, and airline strikes which disrupted airline operations. Intensive investments in Amtrak's track, equipment and information resources also made Amtrak more relevant to America's transportation needs.[14] Amtrak's ridership increased from 16.6 million in 1972 to 21 million in 1981.[15]

Leaders and Political Influences

Unlike many large businesses, subsequent to its formation Amtrak has had only one active investor: the United States government. Like most investors, the Federal government has demanded a degree of accountability. Determination of congressional funding and selection of Amtrak's leadership have been infused with political considerations. As discussed below, funding levels and capital support have varied over time.

Some members of Amtrak's board and executive leadership have had little or no experience with railroads. Conversely, Amtrak also has benefited from the interest of highly motivated and politically-oriented public servants. For example, in 1982, former U.S. Secretary of the Navy and retired Southern Railway head W. Graham Claytor, Jr., brought his naval and railroad experience to the job. Claytor had served briefly as an acting U.S. Secretary of Transportation in the cabinet of President Jimmy Carter in 1979, and came out of retirement to lead Amtrak after the disastrous financial results during the Carter administration (1977-1981). He was recruited and strongly supported by John H. Riley, an attorney who was the highly skilled head of the Federal Railroad Administration (FRA) under the Reagan Administration from 1983-1989. Secretary of Transportation Elizabeth Dole also tacitly supported Amtrak. Claytor seemed to enjoy a good relationship with the Congress and was perceived to have done a good job, albeit through extensive use of short-term debt.[16]

In the 1990s, Claytor was succeeded at Amtrak's helm by a succession of career public servants. First, Thomas Downs, who had overseen the Union Station project, which experienced substantial delays and cost overruns, assumed the leadership. In January, 1998, after Amtrak weathered a serious cash shortfall, George Warrington succeeded Downs. Warrington previously led Amtrak's Northeast Corridor Business Unit.

Then in April, 2002, David L. Gunn was selected as president. Gunn had a strong reputation as a straightforward and experienced manager. He was not one to shy away from conflict with others. Years earlier (between 1991 and 1994), Gunn's refusal to "do politics" put him at odds with the WMATA (Metro) board, which included representatives from the District of Columbia and suburban jurisdictions in Maryland and Virginia. Gunn was an accomplished public servant and railroad person and his successes before Amtrak earned him a great deal of credibility, despite a sometimes-rough relationship with politicians and labor unions.

Gunn was polite but direct in response to congressional criticism of Amtrak, and his tenure was punctuated by successes in reducing layers of management overhead in Amtrak and streamlining operations. November 9 2005, David Hughes, Amtrak's Chief Engineer, succeeded Gunn as interim president. [17] Given Gunn's solid performance, many Amtrak supporters feared that Gunn's removal was Amtrak's death knell, although those fears have not been realized. On August 29 2006, Alexander Kummant was named as Gunn's permanent replacement effective September 12 2006.

The list of Presidents of Amtrak includes:

Modern history (1980s to present)

Ridership stagnated at roughly 20 million passengers per year amid uncertain government aid from 1981 to about 2000.[15][25] Ridership increased in the 2000s after implementation of capital improvements in the Northeast Corridor and rises in automobile fuel costs. Since 2002, Amtrak has had four consecutive years of record ridership. During fiscal year 2006, Amtrak reported more than 24.3 million passengers, its highest total to date.[26] According to Amtrak, an average of more than 67,000 passengers ride on up to 300 Amtrak trains per day.

In the 1990's, Amtrak's stated goal remained operational self-sufficiency. By this time, however, Amtrak had a large overhang of debt from years of underfunding, and in the mid-1990s, Amtrak suffered through a serious cash crunch. To resolve the crisis, Congress issued funding but instituted a glide-path to financial self-sufficiency, excluding railroad retirement tax act payments.[27] Passengers became "guests" and there were expansions into express freight work, but the financial plans failed. Amtrak's inroads in express freight delivery created additional friction with competing freight operators, including the trucking industry. Delivery was delayed of much anticipated high-speed trainsets for the improved Acela Express service, which promised to be a strong source of income and favorable publicity along the Northeast Corridor between Boston and Washington DC. Through the late 1990's and early 2000's, Amtrak could not add sufficient express revenue or cut sufficient other services to break even. By 2002, Congress had begun to be convinced that self-sufficiency was not an achievable goal.

A Michigan-bound Amtrak train passes through Porter, Indiana, after departing from Chicago in 1993.
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A Michigan-bound Amtrak train passes through Porter, Indiana, after departing from Chicago in 1993.

Amtrak's leader at the time, David Gunn was polite but direct in response to congressional criticism. In a departure from his predecessors' promises to make Amtrak self-sufficient in the short term, Gunn argued that no form of passenger transportation in the United States is self-sufficient as the economy is currently structured. Highways, airports, and air traffic control all require large government expenditures to build and operate, coming from The Highway Trust Fund and Aviation Trust Fund paid for by user fees, highway fuel and road taxes and in the case of The General Fund by people who own cars and do not. Before a congressional hearing, Gunn answered a demand by leading Amtrak critic Arizona Senator John McCain to eliminate all operating subsidies by asking the Senator if he would also demand the same of the commuter airlines, upon whom the citizens of Arizona are dependent. McCain, usually not at a loss for words when debating Amtrak funding, did not reply.

Under Gunn almost all of the controversial express business was eliminated. The practice of tolerating deferred maintenance was reversed to eliminated a safety issue. The policies improved labor relations to some extent, even as Amtrak's ranks of unionized and salaried workers thinned.

Acela 2038 tailing Acela 2030 en route to Washington, D.C., at Providence, RI, in 2005
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Acela 2038 tailing Acela 2030 en route to Washington, D.C., at Providence, RI, in 2005

Amtrak's current chief, Alexander Kummant, is committed operating a national rail network and he does not envision separating the Northeast corridor (the segment from Boston to Richmond) under separate ownership. He has said that shedding the system's long distance routes would amount to selling off national assets that are on par with national parks, and that Amtrak's abandonment of these routes would be irreversible. Amtrak presently is seeking annual congressional funding in the amount of $1 billion for ten years. Kummant has stated that the investment is moderate in light of Federal investment in other modes of transportation.[28]

Public funding

Northbound Silver Star heading to New York in Winter Park, FL.
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Northbound Silver Star heading to New York in Winter Park, FL.

Amtrak commenced operations in 1971 with $40 million in direct Federal aid, $100 million in Federally insured loans, and a somewhat larger private contribution.[29] Officials expected that Amtrak would break even by 1974, but those expectations proved unrealistic and annual direct Federal aid reached a 17-year high in 1981 of $1.25 billion.[30] During the Reagan administration, appropriations were halved. By 1986, Federal support fell to a decade low of $601 million, almost none of which were capital appropriations.[31] In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Congress continued the reductionist trend even while Amtrak expenses held steady or rose. Amtrak was forced to borrow to meet short-term operating needs, and by 1995 Amtrak was on the brink of a cash crisis and was unable to continue to service its debts.[32] In response, in 1997 Congress authorized $5.2 billion for Amtrak over the next five years -- largely to complete the Acela capital project -- on the condition that Amtrak submit to the ultimatum of self-sufficiency by 2003 or liquidation.[33] Amtrak made financial improvements during the period, but ultimately did not achieve self sufficiency.

In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, during which Amtrak kept running while airlines were grounded, the value of a national passenger rail service was briefly acknowledged in Washington. But when Congress returned to work following the attacks, the airlines received a $15 billion bailout package, and inattention toward Amtrak resumed.

In 2004, a stalemate in Federal support of Amtrak forced cutbacks in services and routes as well as resumption of deferred maintenance. In fiscal 2004 and 2005, Congress appropriated about $1.2 billion for Amtrak, $300 million more than President George W. Bush had requested. However, the company's board requested $1.8 billion through fiscal 2006, the majority of which (about $1.3 billion) would be used to bring infrastructure, rolling stock, and motive power back to a state of good repair. In Congressional testimony, the Department of Transportation's inspector-general confirmed that Amtrak would need at least $1.4 billion to $1.5 billion in fiscal 2006 and $2 billion in fiscal 2007 just to maintain the status quo. In 2006, Amtrak received just under $1.4 billion, with the condition that Amtrak would reduce (but not eliminate) food and sleeper service losses. Thus, dining service were simplified and now require two fewer on-board service workers. Only Auto Train and Empire Builder services continue regular made onboard meal service.

State governments have partially filled the breach left by reductions in Federal aid. Several states have entered into operating partnerships with Amtrak, notably California, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Michigan, Oregon, Washington, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Wisconsin and Vermont, as well as the Canadian province of British Columbia, which provides some of the resources for the operation of the Cascades route.

Controversy

2 Amtrak cars, one of them being numbered 82069.
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2 Amtrak cars, one of them being numbered 82069.

Aid to Amtrak by government was controversial from the beginning. Formation of Amtrak in 1971 was criticized as a bailout serving corporate rail interests and union railroaders, not the traveling public. Critics assert that Amtrak has proven incapable of operating as a business and does not provide valuable transportation services meriting public support,[34] a "mobile money-burning machine."