For more information on Andreas Georgios Papandreou, visit Britannica.com.
(b. Chios, 5 Feb. 1919; d. 23 June 1996) Greek; Prime Minister 1981 – 9, 1993 – 6 The son of Georgios Papandreou, a Liberal Greek politician who served as Prime Minister, Andreas Papandreou was educated in Athens and the USA where he gained his Ph.D. in economics from Harvard in 1943. He served as a non-combatant in the US navy during the Second World War and took US citizenship. He subsequently became an academic economist (heavily influenced by J. M. Keynes) teaching in Harvard, Minnesota, and Berkeley, where he also headed the School of Economics (1956 – 9).
Papandreou returned to Greece in 1959, to continue his academic career. Yet he entered parliament in 1964, and became Minister of Co-ordination in a government headed by his father. He developed his own political profile and as a radical left-winger, he was often at odds with the country's establishment (including the monarchy) and renounced his US citizenship. Arrested by the military dictatorship in April 1967, he was freed after the intervention of President Johnson, who responded to pressure from American academics.
In exile in Canada and Sweden, he resumed an academic career and formed the socialist PAK (Panhellenic Liberation Movement) which constituted the basis of Pasok (the Panhellenic Socialist Movement), founded on his return to Greece in 1974. It was a one-man party and marked the beginning of a new era in Greek politics. Pasok quadrupled its percentage of the votes in seven years (from 13 per cent to 48 per cent) and in 1981 Papandreou formed his first socialist government. His government's policies were characterized by the development of the welfare state, designed to appeal to the less well off, public ownership, and leftist political rhetoric. He also adopted nationalist attitudes, demanding a renegotiation of Greece's terms of membership or withdrawal from the European Community, and promised Greek withdrawal from NATO and the removal of US bases in Greece. In government, however, these policies were moderated. The government was dogged by scandals and defeated in the 1989 elections, In 1989 he was indicted by Parliament to face charges of wire-tapping and involvement in a multi-million-dollar embezzlement of the Bank of Crete. In January 1992 he was acquitted by a single vote at a special tribunal. It seemed the end. Yet he made a spectacular comeback in the 1993 elections and returned to office for a third time. This final spell was a disaster. He was constantly shuffling his Cabinet and, in spite of ill-health, refused to delegate or name a successor. Scandal attached to the political role in his controversial third wife, a former air stewardess and thirty-nine years his junior, whom he made his Chief of Staff. He finally resigned, on the grounds of ill-health, in January 1996. He was probably the most charismatic Greek politician of his generation.
Founder of the Panhellenic Socialist Party (PASOK), Andreas Papandreou (1919-1996) is credited with introducing a socialist dimension into Greek politics, first as the leader of the opposition and then as prime minister of Greece.
Andreas Papandreou was undoubtedly one of the most controversial political figures of 20th-century Greece. His father, George Papandreou, was known as the "grand old man" of Greek politics. Andreas made his entry into Greek politics through his father who, as head of the Center Union Party, served as prime minister of the country in 1964.
Papandreou was born on February 5, 1919, on the island of Chios. He began his studies as a law student at the University of Athens in 1936. Papandreou displayed an early interest in politics, championing progressive ideas that got him into difficulties with the Metaxas dictatorship. He was arrested and tortured, and after his release left Greece to continue his education in the United States. Papandreou received his Ph.D. in economics from Harvard University in 1943. For the next two decades he made his home in the US, where he held various posts as lecturer and professor of economics at several universities, among them Harvard, Minnesota, Northwestern, and the University of California at Berkeley, where he was dean of faculty from 1956 to 1959.
His experiences with the Metaxas dictatorship in Greece, his progressive or leftist leanings, and his American experience gave Papandreou the dubious distinction of being branded by his political opponents as both a tool of the Kremlin and as an agent of the CIA. These ill-founded allegations contributed to the controversial profile of Andreas Papandreou as he became more involved in Greek politics in the 1960s.
Papandreou's controversial behavior was often exaggerated by those who interpret politics or policy entirely in terms of public statements. Still, his presence in Greek politics brought with it a critical attitude toward United States policy, especially the status of American bases in the country; a reserved attitude toward the European Union; a toughening of his position toward Turkey over the Cyprus issue; a policy of rapprochement toward the (former) Soviet Union; an open-arms' policy toward third world countries; and above all the introduction of socialism as a potentially viable political and economic system for Greece. With the exception of the latter, many of his policies had in fact been initiated by his predecessor, and careful analysis points to remarkably few radical departures despite alarming reports to the contrary. Even Papandreou's "socialism" deserved careful study.
Scholar and Politician
Papandreou was an impressive synthesis of a scholar-statesman. He was articulate and possessed a sharp, analytical mind that served him well in both professions. A prolific writer, he was the author of several scholarly and political monographs and contributed to scores of collaborative volumes, scholarly journals, and encyclopedias. He wrote in both Greek and English and many of his works were translated into Italian, Spanish, French, and Scandinavian languages.
This wide range of interests can be ascertained by a look at his major publications: A Test of Stochastic Theory of Choice (1957); The Course of Economic Thought (1960); Planning Resource Allocation for Economic Development (1962); "Theory Construction and Empirical Meaning in Economics, " American Economic Review (May 1963); Fundamentals of Model Construction in Macroeconomics (1962); A Strategy for Greek Economic Development (1962); An Introduction to Social Science: Personality, Work, Community, with A. Naftalin, B. Nelson, M. Sibley, D. Calhoun (1953, revised editions 1957, 1961); Competition and its Regulation, with J. T. Wheeler (1954); Economics as a Science (1958); Democracy at Gunpoint (1970); "Greece: Neocolonialism and Revolution, " Monthly Review (December 1972); "The Multinational Corporation, " The Canadian Forum (March 1973); "Multinational Corporations and Empire, " Social Praxis (1973); and "Greece: The November Uprising, " Monthly Review (February 1974).
It was Papandreou's activities as an economist that first involved him in earnest in Greek politics. In 1959 he left the University of California at Berkeley to return to Greece on an economic development research assignment. In 1961 he was appointed chairman of the board and director general of the Center for Economic Research in Athens, while serving as an adviser to the Bank of Greece (1961-1962).
Papandreou's political career began in 1962 with his election as deputy for Achaia in the Center Union Party, led by his father. After the national victory of the Center Union in 1964, he was appointed to the post of minister to the prime minister and later deputy minister of coordination. These activities were cut off by the military coup of April 21, 1967. As was expected, Papandreou was arrested by the colonels who headed the new regime. His release the following year was partly the result of a campaign mounted by many of his colleagues, fellow scholars, and political friends outside Greece.
After his release he first went to Sweden where he became professor of economics at Stockholm University (1968-1969) and from there to Canada where he taught at York University in Toronto. During one of his first appearances on American television, Papandreou said that his release was a major mistake of the colonels and that some day he was going to return to active politics in Greece. Indeed, during the colonels' regime he led an active anti-junta movement in Europe and the United States known as PAK (Panhellenic Liberation Movement) that was decidedly anti-colonel and critical of any nation which helped the colonels stay in power. PAK remained active until July 1974, when the dictatorship fell.
From Opposition Leader to Prime Minister
Papandreou returned to Greece in September 1974 and organized the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), of which he became chairman. In the next election, held in November 1974, PASOK obtained 15 seats in Parliament, winning 13.5 percent of the vote. That was only the beginning. Capitalizing on his experiences outside Greece, Papandreou organized PASOK as a socialistic political party, the first in Greece's history. The result was impressive. By the following elections (November 1977) PASOK doubled its vote percentage and became the main opposition party in Parliament with 93 seats. As leader of the opposition, Papandreou began a barrage of criticism of the New Democracy Party by insisting that a more fundamental change in Greece's domestic and foreign policy was needed. Indeed in the elections of October 18, 1981, Papandreou campaigned with the slogan Allaghi (change), which led to PASOK's triumph with 48 percent of the vote and 173 seats in Parliament. In the PASOK-dominated government sworn in on October 21, 1981, Andreas Papandreou became prime minister, assuming as well the portfolio of the ministry of defense.
Papandreou's victory was received as a breath of fresh air, and the confidence in his leadership was not different from that inspired by John F. Kennedy in the United States 20 years earlier. With his American wife Margaret Chadd and their four children, Papandreou proceeded to leave his mark on the Greek political scene. The emphasis was decidedly socialistic, although many foreign observers wondered whether Greek socialism was going to follow a Western European model - mainly, honoring civil liberties and democratic processes as guaranteed by the constitution of 1974 - or a third world model of socialism which could move the country in the direction of a single party state. Partly because of the interest of Papandreou's wife Margaret, PASOK actively championed women's rights, and on several issues PASOK policy widened the separation between church and state. Understandably, the Papandreou experiment faced formidable difficulties, the most serious being inflation, continuous devaluation of the drachma, and hesitation of foreign investors to take their chances with a country in "socialist transition."
The domestic policy was tied to Greece's foreign policy, especially its anti-NATO or anti-American stance automatically associated with Papandreou's general policy. Many called him "NATO's bad boy, " who was going to get rid of the American bases or at least have them renegotiated with terms more advantageous to Greece. Part of the change that Papandreou sought from the beginning was a change in the attitude of the great powers, especially the United States, who seemed to take the Greeks for granted. It was his way of searching for national dignity.
Papandreou's troubles with the Western alliance stemmed from Greece's troubles with Turkey over the Cyprus issue and with the economic and military aid extended to both Greece and Turkey by the United States. These tensions had their impact on the Greek economy and politics and account partly for the loss of some of PASOK's power in the June 2, 1985 elections and in the municipal elections the following year. Papandreou then became more conciliatory toward the West, even toning-down his rhetoric. In fact, his moderate policies left some socialists a bit disillusioned, whereas his former critics began to appreciate his stabilizing role positioned between East and West and his attempts to attract foreign investors to Greece.
One of the distinctive features of Papandreou's foreign policy was his emphasis on dètente, peace, and international cooperation. He advocated nuclear free zones in the Balkans and in northern Europe, as well as a nuclear free corridor in central Europe. But probably his most important move was with the "Initiative of the Six" - Greece, India, Argentina, Mexico, Tanzania, and Sweden - which urged the leaders of the superpowers to put an immediate halt to all nuclear weapon tests. The "Initiative of the Six" won the international peace prize of the Beyond War Foundation. On a personal level, Papandreou received honorary doctor degrees from York University (Canada), Humbold University (Berlin), and Cracow University (Poland).
In 1988 Papandreou underwent successful open heart surgery in London. He began campaigning for his third term as prime minister with his young mistress, Diamitra Liania. He divorced his wife Margaret and declared Diamitra as the new first lady of Greece. Shortly thereafter, Papandreou was accused of helping to embezzle hundreds of millions of dollars by ordering state corporations to transfer their holdings to the Bank of Crete, where the interest was allegedly used to benefit the Socialist party. The combination of the bank corruption scandal, his public extramarital affair, and Greece's economic downturn caused Papandreou to lose favor with his citizens; he lost the election to the New Democratics.
In 1992 Papandreou was cleared of all connections to the Crete Bank financial scandal, whereupon he called for immediate general elections with the charge that the New Democratics' 1990 victory was achieved as the result of false accusations. Papandreou returned to power as prime minister in 1993 with the promise to bring stability and economic development to Greece.
In January 1996, after being hospitalized for two months for heart and lung problems, Papandreou resigned from office stating that the country could not be "incapacitated" by his illness. He ordered the Socialist party to immediately proceed to elect a new prime minister. He was succeeded by Costas Simitis, former industry minister. Papandreou died on June 23, 1996 of heart complications at his home in Greece. Papandreou was survived by his wife Diamitra, and his four children.
Further Reading
There is no biography or monographic study of this charismatic and controversial figure. Much information about his ideas and political activities may be gathered from Papandreou's own book Democracy at Gunpoint (1970), which is largely autobiographical. Also useful for the 1950s and 1960s is Keith Legg, Politics in Modern Greece (1969) and for the later period Richard Clogg, editor, Greece in the 1980s (1983). Two more recent studies are Roy C. Macridis, Greek Politics at a Crossroads - What Kind of Socialism (1984) and Zafiris Tzannatos, editor, Socialism in Greece (1986). Finally, the following studies shed considerable light on Greece and Papandreou: Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe G. Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead, editors, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule. Southern Europe (1986); Jed C. Snyder, Defending the Fringe. NATO, the Mediterranean, and the Persian Gulf (1987); Frances Nicholson and Roger East, From Six to Twelve: the Enlargement of the European Communities (1987); and Richard Pomfret, Mediterranean Policy of the European Community. A Study of Discrimination of Trade (1986). Also see the Websites http://www.gaepis.org/bnews/reuters1.html and http://www.cnn.com/WORLD/9606/22/papandreou/.
In exile Papandreou formed what later became the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (Pasok). He returned to Greece after the fall (1974) of the junta and later served as the country's first socialist premier (1981-89). After leaving office he was tried and acquitted on charges of instigating the loss of government funds and accepting bribes. He overcame a personal scandal as well and, surprising many, again led Pasok to an electoral victory in 1993. In 1995 his health declined seriously, leading to a prolonged hospitalization, and in Jan., 1996, he resigned as premier.
| Andreas Papandreou Ανδρέας Παπανδρέου |
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|---|---|
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| Prime Minister of Greece | |
| In office 13 October 1993 – 17 January 1996 |
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| President | Konstantinos Karamanlis Konstantinos Stephanopoulos |
| Preceded by | Constantine Mitsotakis |
| Succeeded by | Costas Simitis |
| In office 21 October 1981 – 2 July 1989 |
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| President | Konstantinos Karamanlis Christos Sartzetakis |
| Preceded by | George Rallis |
| Succeeded by | Tzannis Tzannetakis |
| Leader of the Official Opposition | |
| In office 11 April 1990 – 13 October 1993 |
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| Preceded by | All-Party Coalition Government |
| Succeeded by | Miltiadis Evert |
| In office 12 October 1989 – 23 November 1989 |
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| Preceded by | Constantine Mitsotakis |
| Succeeded by | All-Party Coalition Government |
| In office 28 November 1977 – 21 October 1981 |
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| Preceded by | George Zigdis |
| Succeeded by | George Rallis |
| President of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement | |
| In office 3 September 1974 – 23 June 1996 |
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| Succeeded by | Costas Simitis |
| Personal details | |
| Born | 5 February 1919 Chios, North Aegean, Greece |
| Died | 23 June 1996 (aged 77) Athens, Attica, Greece |
| Nationality | Greek |
| Political party | Panhellenic Socialist Movement |
| Spouse(s) | Christina Rasia (1941–1951) Margaret Chant(1951–1989) Dimitra Liani (1989–1996) |
| Relations | George Papandreou Sr. (father) |
| Children | George Papandreou Andreas Papandreou Jr. Nikos Papandreou Sofia Papandreou Emilia Nyblom |
| Alma mater | National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Harvard University (MA, PhD) |
| Profession | Economist Academic Politician |
| Religion | Greek Orthodox |
| Website | Andreas G. Papandreou Foundation |
Andreas G. Papandreou (Greek: Ανδρέας Γ. Παπανδρέου);[1] 5 February 1919 – 23 June 1996) was a Greek economist, a socialist politician and a dominant figure in Greek politics. The son of Georgios Papandreou, Andreas was a Harvard-trained academic. He served two terms as Prime Minister of Greece (21 October 1981, to 2 July 1989, and 13 October 1993, to 22 January 1996).
His assumption of power in 1981 influenced the course of Greek political history, ending an almost 50-year long system of power dominated by conservative forces; the achievements of his successive governments include the official recognition of the Greek Resistance against the Axis, the establishment of the National Health System and the Supreme Council for Personnel Selection (ASEP), the passage of Law 1264/1982 which secured the right to strike and greatly improved the rights of workers, the constitutional amendment of 1985–1986 which strengthened parliamentarism and reduced the powers of the unelected President, the conduct of an assertive and independent Greek foreign policy, the expansion in the power of local governments, many progressive reforms in Greek Law, and granting permission to the refugees of the Greek Civil War to return home in Greece.[2][3][4] The Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) which he founded and led, was the first non-communist political party in Greek history with a mass-based organization, and introduced an unprecedented level of political and social participation in Greek society.[4] In a poll conducted by Kathimerini in 2007, 48% of those polled called Papandreou the "most important Greek Prime Minister".[5] In the same poll, the first four years of Papandreou's government after Metapolitefsi were voted as the best government Greece ever had.[6]
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Papandreou was born on the island of Chios, Greece, the son of the leading Greek liberal politician George Papandreou. His mother, born Zofia (Sofia) Mineyko, was half Polish. Before university, he attended Athens College a leading private school in Greece. He attended the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens from 1937 until 1938 when, during the Fascist Metaxas dictatorship, he was arrested for purported Trotskyism. Following representations by his father, he was allowed to leave for the US.[7]
In 1943, Papandreou received a PhD in Economics from Harvard University. Immediately after getting his PhD, Papandreou joined America's war effort and volunteered for the US Navy, serving as an examiner of models for repairing warships, and as a hospital corpsman at the Bethesda Naval Hospital for war wounded[8][9] becoming a United States citizen. He returned to Harvard in 1946 and served as a lecturer and associate professor until 1947. He then held professorships at the University of Minnesota, Northwestern University, the University of California, Berkeley (where he was chair of the Department of Economics), Stockholm University and York University in Toronto. In 1948, he entered into a relationship with University of Minnesota journalism student Margaret Chant.[10] After Chant obtained a divorce and after his own divorce from Christina Rasia, his first wife, Papandreou and Chant were married in 1951. They had three sons and a daughter. Papandreou also had with Swedish actress and TV presenter Ragna Nyblom a daughter out of wedlock, Emilia Nyblom, who was born in 1969 in Sweden.[11][12]
Papandreou returned to Greece in 1959, where he headed an economic development research program, by invitation of Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis. In 1960, he was appointed Chairman of the Board of Directors and General Director of the Athens Economic Research Center, and Advisor to the Bank of Greece. In 1963, his father George Papandreou, head of the Center Union, became Prime Minister of Greece. Andreas became his chief economic advisor. He renounced his American citizenship and was elected to the Greek Parliament in the Greek legislative election, 1964.[13] He immediately became Minister to the First Ministry of State (in effect, assistant Prime Minister).
Papandreou took publicly a neutral stand on the Cold War and wished for Greece to be more independent from the United States. He also criticized the massive presence of American military and intelligence in Greece, and sought to remove senior officers with anti-democratic tendencies from the Greek military.
In 1965, while the "Aspida" conspiracy within the Hellenic Army, alleged by the political opposition to involve Andreas personally, was being investigated, George Papandreou moved to fire the defense minister and assume the post himself. Constantine II of Greece refused to endorse this move and essentially forced George Papandreou's resignation. Greece entered a period of political polarisation and instability, which ended with the coup d'état of 21 April 1967.
When the Greek Colonels led by Georgios Papadopoulos seized power in April 1967, Andreas was incarcerated. Gust Avrakotos, a high ranking CIA officer in Greece who was close with the colonels who lead the coup, advised them to "shoot the motherfucker because he's going to come back to haunt you".[14] His father George Papandreou was put under house arrest. George, already at advanced age, died in 1968. Under heavy pressure from American academics and intellectuals, such as John Kenneth Galbraith, a friend of Andreas since their Harvard days, the military regime released Andreas on condition that he leave the country.[15] Papandreou then moved to Sweden with his wife, four children, and mother. There he accepted a post at Stockholm University. In Paris, while in exile, Andreas Papandreou formed an anti-dictatorship organization, the Panhellenic Liberation Movement (PAK), and toured the world rallying opposition to the Greek military regime. Despite his former American citizenship and academic career in the United States, Papandreou held the Central Intelligence Agency responsible for the 1967 coup and became increasingly critical of the Federal government of the United States.
In the early 1970s, during the latter phase of the dictatorship in Greece, Papandreou, along with most leading Greek politicians, in exile or in Greece, opposed the process of political normalisation attempted by Georgios Papadopoulos and his appointed PM, Spyros Markezinis. On 6 August 1974, Andreas Papandreou called an extraordinary meeting of the National Congress of PAK in Winterthur, Switzerland, which decided its dissolution without announcing it publicly.[16]
Papandreou returned to Greece after the fall of the junta in 1974, during metapolitefsi, and formed a new "radical" party, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement, or PASOK. Most of his former PAK companions, as well as members of other anti-dictatorial groups such as the Democratic Defense joined in the new party. He also testified in the first of the Greek Junta Trials about the alleged involvement of the junta with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
In the Greek legislative election, 1974, PASOK received only 13.5% of the vote, but in 1977 it polled 25%, and Papandreou became Leader of the Opposition. At the Greek legislative election, 1981, PASOK won a landslide victory over the conservative New Democracy Party, and Papandreou became Greece's first socialist Prime Minister.
In office, Papandreou backtracked from much of his campaign rhetoric and followed a more conventional approach. Greece did not withdraw from NATO, United States troops and military bases were not ordered out of Greece, and Greek membership in the European Economic Community continued, largely because Papandreou proved very capable of securing monetary aid for Greece. In domestic affairs, Papandreou's government immediately carried out a massive programme of wealth redistribution upon coming into office that immediately increased the prosperity of the common people. Pensions, together with average wages and the minimum wage, were increased in real terms, and changes were made to labour laws which up until 1984 made it difficult for employers to make workers redundant. The impact of the PASOK Government’s social and economic policies was such that it was estimated in 1988 that two-thirds of the decrease in inequality that occurred in Greece between 1974 and 1982 took place between 1981 and 1982.[17]
During its time in office, Papandreou's government carried through sweeping reforms of social policy by introducing a welfare state,[18] significantly expanding welfare measures,[19] expanding health care coverage (the "National Health System" was instituted, which made modern medical procedures available in rural areas for the first time,[20]) promoting state-subsidized tourism for lower-income families, index-linking pensions,[21] and funding social establishments for the elderly. Rural areas benefited from improved state services, the rights and income of low paid workers were considerably improved, and refugees from the Civil War living in exile from persecution were allowed to return with impunity.[22]
A more progressive taxation scheme was introduced and budgetary support for artistic and cultural programmes was increased.[23] The government also introduced a wage indexation system which helped to close the gap modestly between the highest and lowest paid workers, while the share of GNP devoted to social welfare, social insurance, and health was significantly increased.[24]
As part of Papandreou’s "Contract with the People," new liberalising laws were introduced which decriminalised adultery, abolished (in theory) the dowry system, eased the process for obtaining a divorce, and enhanced the legal status of women.[20] In 1984, for instance, women were guaranteed equal pay for equal work.[23] Papandreou also introduced various reforms in the administration and curriculum of the Greek educational system, allowing students to participate in the election process for their professors and deans in the university, and abolishing tenure.
In a move strongly opposed by the Church of Greece, Papandreou introduced, for the first time in Greece, the process of civil marriage. Prior to the institution of civil marriages in Greece, the only legally recognized marriages were those conducted in the Church of Greece. Couples seeking a civil marriage had to get married outside Greece, generally in Italy. Also, under PASOK, the Greek State also appropriated real estate properties previously owned by the Church.
A major part of Papandreou's allagi (change) involved driving out the "old families" ("tzakia" literally: fireplaces using the traditional Greek expression for the genealogy of families), which dominated Greek politics and economy and belonged to the traditional Greek Right.
Papandreou was comfortably re-elected in the Greek legislative election, 1985 with 46% of the vote, and won still further popularity in March 1987 by his strong leadership during a Greek-Turkish crisis in the Aegean Sea, but from the summer of 1988, his premiership became increasingly clouded by controversy, as the Bank of Crete scandal exploded. In 1989, he divorced his wife Margaret Papandreou and married Dimitra Liani, while in the same year he was indicted by the Hellenic Parliament in connection with a US$200 million Bank of Crete embezzlement scandal, and was accused of facilitating the embezzlement by ordering state corporations to transfer their holdings to the Bank of Crete, where the interest was allegedly skimmed off to benefit PASOK, and possibly some of its highest functionaries.
Following the many repercussions of the so-called Koskotas scandal, the Greek legislative election, June 1989 elections produced a deadlock, leading to a prolonged political crisis. In the subsequent Greek legislative election, November 1989 Papandreou's PASOK's won 40% of the popular vote, compared to the rival New Democracy's 46%, and, due to changes made in electoral law one year before the elections by the then reigning PASOK administration, New Democracy was not able to form a government. The Greek legislative election, 1990 followed.
In the wake of three consecutive elections between 1989 and 1990, the New Democracy leader, Constantine Mitsotakis, eventually received sufficient support to form a government. In January 1992, Papandreou himself was cleared of any wrongdoing in the Koskotas scandal after a 7–6 vote in the specially convened High Court trial, ordered by the Hellenic Parliament, with the support of both main parties, New Democracy and PASOK.
Papandreou confounded his critics by winning the Greek legislative election, 1993, and returned to power; however, his fragile health kept him from exercising firm political leadership. He was hospitalized with advanced heart disease and renal failure on 21 November 1995 and finally retired from office on 16 January 1996. He died on 23 June 1996, with his funeral procession producing crowds, ranging from "hundreds of thousands"[25] to "millions"[26] to bid farewell to Andreas. In 1999, Papandreou was posthumously awarded the Swedish Order of the Polar Star.
The expenditure programme of the Papandreou government during 1981–1990 has been described as excessive by its conservative critics.[27] The excessive expenditures were not accompanied by corresponding revenue increases and this led to increases in budget deficits and the public debt.[27] Many economic indicators worsened during 1981–1990 and the economic policies of his government were condemned as a failure by his critics.[28][29][30] On the other hand, according to his supporters they were very successful, drastically increasing the purchasing power of the vast majority of Greeks, with personal incomes growing by 26% in real terms during the course of the 1980s.[31] Papandreou's increased spending in his early years in power (1981–1985) was necessary in order to heal the deep wounds of the Greek society, a society that was still deeply divided by the brutal memories of the Civil War and the right-wing repression that followed;[32] furthermore, the postwar government philosophy of the Greek conservatives simply saw the state as a tool of repression, with very little money spent on health and education, and little interest on the well-being of society.[33]
Papandreou was praised for conducting an independent and multidimensional foreign policy, and proved to be a master of the diplomatic game,[34] thus increasing the importance of Greece in the international system;[35] he was co-creator in 1982 and subsequently an active participant in a movement promoted by the Parliamentarians for Global Action, the Initiative of the Six, which included, besides the Greek PM, Mexico's president Miguel de la Madrid, Argentina's President Raúl Alfonsín, Sweden's PM Olof Palme, Tanzania's president Julius Nyerere and India's Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.[36] The movement's stated objective was the "promotion of peace and progress for all mankind". After various initiatives, mostly directed at pressuring the United States and the Soviet Union to stop nuclear testing and reduce the level of nuclear arms, it eventually disbanded.[37]
Papandreou's rhetoric was at times antagonistic to the United States.[38] He was the first western prime minister to visit General Wojciech Jaruzelski in Poland.[38] According to the Foreign Affairs magazine Papandreou went on record as saying that since the USSR is not a capitalist country "one cannot label it an imperialist power."[38] According to Papandreou, "the Soviet Union represent[ed] a factor that restrict[ed] the expansion of capitalism and its imperialistic aims".[38] This antagonistic stance made him extremely popular, because the previous conservative governments were seen by the Greek people as slavishly loyal to US interests.[39]
Papandreou's government was the first in post-war Greece that redirected the nation's defense policy to suit its own security needs, and not those of the United States.[40] From 1947 until 1981, the US had more influence in Greece's military policy than the indigenous Greek high command.[41]
Papandreou supported the causes of various national liberation [disambiguation needed
] movements in the world, and agreed for Greece to host representatives offices of many such organisations.[42] He supported the cause of Palestinian liberation, met repeatedly with PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat and condemned Israeli policies in the occupied territories.[43]
Among both his supporters and his opponents, Papandreou was referred to simply by his first name, "Andreas", a unique situation in Greek political history, and a testament to his charisma and popularity.[44] Andreas was also famous for wearing his business suits with turtleneck sweaters (Ζιβάγκο in Greek),[45] instead of the traditional white shirt and tie; he thus created a huge fashion, mainly but not exclusively among his political supporters. His first appearance in the Greek Parliament with a black turtleneck instead of shirt and tie caused a massive uproar in the conservative press, who considered him disrespectful of Parliament; however, the whole issue only added to his popularity.[46]
Papandreou exercised a more independent foreign policy elevating Greece's profile among non-aligned nations. He affirmed Greece's independence in setting her own policy agenda, both internally and externally, free from any foreign domination.
His opponents on the left, on the other hand, including the KKE, accused him of supporting, in practice, the agenda of NATO and the United States.
Andreas Papandreou is widely acknowledged as having shifted political power from the traditional conservative Greek Right, which had dominated Greek politics for decades, to a more populist and centre-left locus. This included the so-called pariahs in politics as of the end of the Greek Civil War, which were given a chance to prove themselves in democratically elected governments.[47] This shift in the Greek political landscape helped heal some of the old civil war wounds;[47] Greece became more pluralistic, and more in line with the political system of other western European countries.[47] Papandreou also systematically pursued inclusionist politics which ended the sociopolitical and economic exclusion of many social classes in the post-civil war era.[47]
It is also acknowledged that Papandreou, along with Karamanlis, played a leading role in establishing Democracy in Greece during metapolitefsi.[48] He is described as both prudent and a realist, despite his appearance as a leftist ideologue and charismatic orator.[48] His choices to remain in the European Union and NATO, both of which he vehemently opposed for many years, proved his pragmatical approach.[48] Even his approach of negotiating the removal of the US bases from Greece was diplomatic, because although it was agreed to remove them, some of the bases remained.[48] His skillful handling of these difficult policies had the effect of providing common policy goals to the political forces of Greece.[48] Complementing this political realism, Andreas' ability to publicly say no to the Americans gave Greeks a sense of national independence and psychological self-worth.[49] Perhaps his most important achievement was the establishment of political equality among Greeks; during his years in power the defeated left-wingers of the Civil War were no longer treated like second-class citizens and a vital part of national memory was reclaimed.[50]
Papandreou's successor in office, Costas Simitis, broke with a number of Papandreou's approaches.
Papandreou's son, George Papandreou, was elected leader of PASOK in February 2004 and Prime Minister during the October 2009 general elections. A common slogan among PASOK followers in political rallies, invokes Andreas' legacy with the chant "Andrea, zis! Esi mas odigis!" ("Andreas, you are still alive! You're leading us!").
In two separate polls, conducted in 2007 and 2010, Andreas Papandreou was voted as the best Prime Minister of Greece since the restoration of democracy in 1974.[51][52]
| Political offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by George Rallis |
Prime Minister of Greece 1981–1989 |
Succeeded by Tzannis Tzannetakis |
| Preceded by Constantine Mitsotakis |
Prime Minister of Greece 1993–1996 |
Succeeded by Costas Simitis |
| Preceded by Evangelos Averoff |
Minister for National Defence of Greece 21 October 1981 – 25 April 1986 |
Succeeded by Ioannis Charalambopoulos |
| Party political offices | ||
| New political party | President of PASOK 1974–1996 |
Succeeded by Costas Simitis |
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