Aneurin Bevan

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(born Nov. 15, 1897, Tredegar, Monmouthshire, Eng.died July 6, 1960, Chesham, Buckinghamshire) British politician. As a young man, he entered Labour Party politics and was elected to the House of Commons in 1929. He overcame a speech impediment to become a brilliant orator. As minister of health in Clement Attlee's government (194551), Nye Bevan established the National Health Service. He was minister of labour (1951) but resigned in protest against rearmament expenditures that reduced spending on social programs. A controversial figure in the Labour Party, he headed its left-wing (Bevanite) group and was the party's leader until 1955.

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(b. Monmouthshire, 15 Nov. 1897; d. 6 July 1960) British; Minister of Health 1945 – 51, deputy leader of Labour Party 1959 – 60 The son of a blacksmith, Bevan began work in the coal mines at the age of 13 and, after active membership of the mineworkers' union, became its sponsored MP for Tredegar (later Ebbw Vale), which he represented from 1929 until his death.

Bevan's time as Minister of Health in the post-war Labour government represented the zenith of his political career. He played a leading part in the establishment of the welfare state and initiated a massive rehousing campaign; he introduced reforms of local government; and he was also a major force behind the institution of a comprehensive National Assistance scheme. But his greatest achievement was the establishment of the comprehensive, free National Health Service inaugurated in 1948.

Though transferred to the Ministry of Labour in 1951, Bevan remained fiercely protective of the NHS in Cabinet. He resisted cuts in its expenditure to meet Cold War rearmament costs. After several threats, he eventually resigned in April 1951 (along with a Cabinet colleague, Harold Wilson, and a junior minister, John Freeman) over a decision to impose Health Service charges. The resignation itself, and Bevan's subsequent widening of his differences with his former colleagues, provoked deep controversy within the party.

Bevan's political career prior to 1945 had been characterized by rebelliousness. In 1937 he had been a co-founder of the left-wing weekly Tribune. In 1939 he had been expelled from the party (along with Sir Stafford Cripps) for membership of the United Front movement. Readmitted later that year, after pressure on the party by the Mineworkers' Union, he had been an often virulent critic of Winston Churchill's wartime coalition government. In 1944 he only narrowly escaped withdrawal of the whip for opposing action against unofficial strikers in essential industries. He resumed this former undisciplined behaviour soon after Labour's defeat in the 1951 general election, and attracted over fifty backbench adherents. Attempts to curb the activities of these "Bevanites" became a constant preoccupation of the leadership and Bevan was himself temporarily deprived of the whip in 1955.

In the party leadership election following Clement Attlee's retirement, in 1955, Bevan was easily defeated by Hugh Gaitskell. Accepting defeat, he re-entered the shadow Cabinet, where his support for the policy of rejection of demands for unilateral nuclear disarmament alienated many of his left-wing adherents. But this latter-day moderation resulted in his unopposed election to the party's deputy leadership in 1959. He died after less than a year.

Bevan had a mercurial and charismatic personality and was one of the most effective parliamentary debaters and platform orators of his day. His verbal imagery was often memorable, such as, for instance, his reference to Gaitskell as a "dessicated calculating-machine" and his declaration that unilateral nuclear disarmament would "send a British Foreign Secretary naked into the conference chamber".

Aneurin Bevan (1897-1960), Labour minister of health and housing between 1945 and 1951, was responsible for the creation of the British National Health Service. Throughout his life he fought to make Britain an independent democratic socialist nation.

Aneurin Bevan, born in 1897 in Tredegar, Wales, grew up steeped in the traditions of Welsh miners' radicalism: self-help organizations, religious dissent, trade unionism, and socialism. Unprecedented industrial unrest marked Bevan's youth. Like others of his class, his formal education ended at age 14, when he started to work in the mines. He soon became an activist and, initially, a supporter of syndicalism. An opponent of World War I, he avoided service and immersed himself in socialist and labor politics, winning a miners' scholarship to the radical Central Labour College in London.

In 1920 Bevan returned to Tredegar and to intermittent unemployment. He entered politics in 1922 when he was elected to the Tredegar Urban District Council. The early 1920s were spent dealing with the problems of long term unemployment and miners' demands for greater control over their work. During the 1926 general strike Bevan was active on miners' relief committees and became a prominent figure at union meetings. The miners' defeat caused Bevan to look more favorably upon electoral politics to achieve working-class control and socialism.

Member of Parliament

Elected Labour representative for Ebbw Vale, Bevan entered Parliament in 1929 at the time of the doomed Labour government of Ramsay MacDonald. Bevan and other left wing politicians pressed for more resolute economic action to deal with the depression and unemployment. In 1931 he criticized the formation of a "national" coalition government nominally under MacDonald but controlled by Conservatives.

From his very first years in Parliament Bevan articulated a lifelong position: he was committed to the Labour Party, but was highly critical of it - often volubly so - urging it to take more radical and socialist stands. He did not favor splitting up the party or consider becoming a Communist, but he wanted the party to be open to a wide spectrum of views. A spellbinding speaker who did not hesitate to use strong language, in the 1930s he criticized the government's and the Labour Party's inability to take a firm stand on the threat of fascism. He bemoaned Labour's failure to provide clear support to the Republicans in the Spanish Civil War and supported the formation of a popular front to unite Communists, socialists, and Labourites against fascism and the national government's appeasement of Hitler. In the late 1930s, along with other figures on the left of the Labour Party such as Stafford Cripps, Harold Laski, and Ellen Wilkinson, Bevan also was active in an independent Left publication, Tribune. Bevan's 1934 marriage to Jennie Lee, a Scottish socialist and Labour politician in her own right, provided emotional and political support in those troubled years.

World War II did not quiet Bevan's criticism. After Winston Churchill took over, Bevan was a loyal supporter of the wartime coalition. But he did not believe that the war should end all political discussion. Accordingly, he criticized Churchill for not forming a second front to aid the Russians and castigated the Labour Party for not pressing hard enough for socialist domestic policies. These opinions he expressed both in Parliament and in the Tribune, whose editor he became in 1942.

As the war drew to a close, Bevan argued that Britain should not participate in dividing the world into hostile Communist and non-Communist camps. European nations, particularly, should be free to form independent, democratic socialist governments. He also pressed for the continuation of public control of vital industries and the development of a comprehensive system of social services. Labour's 1945 landslide victory brought Bevan into the cabinet as minister of health and housing. This, combined with his membership on the Labour Party executive since 1944, placed him in a key position to shape the nature of post-war Britain.

National Health Service

The creation of the National Health Service probably was Bevan's greatest achievement, brought about by his unswerving commitment to a comprehensive, free, and high quality service and his sophisticated ability to cut through knotty political and administrative problems. Encountering strong opposition - particularly from doctors fearing that they would be turned into civil servants with little professional independence (and lower incomes) - the Health Service did not go into effect until 1948, but it soon had 93.1 percent of the population participating and doctors' general cooperation. Bevan was less successful in the area of housing. He was plagued by financial and material shortages and refused to compromise quality. Nevertheless, 1,016,349 permanent houses were built between 1945 and 1951.

From 1945 to 1950 Labour ministers worked together, notwithstanding debates and disagreements between the left and right wings of the party. The atmosphere changed in 1951 when an ambitious and costly arms program was launched, part of the growing Cold War. To fund this program, the new chancellor of the exchequer, Hugh Gaitskell, proposed charging fees for spectacles and dentures. Bevan believed that any dilution of the principle of a totally free and comprehensive service set a dangerous precedent. He particularly opposed the introduction of fees to fund the Cold War. When fees were imposed anyway, Bevan resigned from the government, where he held the post of minister of labour.

In late 1951 Conservatives came to power, and for the rest of Bevan's life - he died in 1960 - the Labour Party was in opposition. Bevan served as the leader of a left wing faction, the "Bevanites," arguing against rearmament and for an independent socialist foreign policy in Europe and the Third World, in opposition to the more conservative "Gaitskellites." The frequently acrimonious contest between the two groups was carried out through Tribune, in the press and Parliament, and on the national executive of the Labour Party. Bevan had the support of constituency parties, but was opposed by many important trade union leaders. Bevan shaped and often dominated Labour politics at this time, but Gaitskell and the moderates triumphed.

In his last years, however, Bevan and Gaitskell united to argue against the Conservative handling of the Suez crisis. He also backed Gaitskell in arguing that Britain should not abandon the hydrogen bomb. Bevan had fought to set limits on Britain's development of nuclear weapons, but did not join many of his followers in the growing antinuclear movement. He died, therefore, as he had lived, fighting hard for the things he believed in even if it meant alienating followers and friends.

Further Reading

A comprehensive two volume biography is Michael Foot's Aneurin Bevan (1962, 1973). Jennie Lee's autobiographical memoir This Great Journey (1963) and her My Life with Nye (1981) are also useful. Bevan published one book of essays, In Place of Fear (1952). Two good general works are Ralph Miliband, Parliamentary Socialism (1972) and Kenneth O. Morgan, Labour in Power (1984).

Additional Sources

Campbell, John, Aneurin Bevan and the mirage of British socialism, New York: Norton, 1987.

Campbell, John, Nye Bevan and the mirage of British socialism, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987.

Bevan, Aneurin (1897-1960). One of the most controversial of Labour Party politicians, Bevan was born in Tredegar, a miner's son in a dissenting family. His creation of the National Health Service in 1948 remains Labour's most enduring legacy. During the war years he was virtually a one-man opposition to Churchill and had no ministerial experience when Attlee appointed him minister of health in 1945. He resigned when his cabinet colleagues in 1951 imposed charges on dental and ophthalmic treatment. His followers, known as Bevanites, were accused of forming a party within a party around Tribune. But they also found Bevan difficult, especially after he denounced unilateral nuclear disarmament at the 1957 party conference, declaring that no Labour foreign secretary should be sent ‘naked into the conference chamber’. His jeer in 1948 (much interpreted) that the Tories were ‘lower than vermin’ gave his adversaries a propaganda feast.

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Bevan, Aneurin (ənī'rĭn bĕ'vən), 1897-1960, British political leader. A coal miner and trade unionist, he served (1929-60) in Parliament as a member of the Labour party. As minister of health (1945-51) he administered and developed the National Health Service instituted by the Labour government. A leader of the party's left wing, he resigned from the government in protest against the decisions to rearm Germany and cut social services. Briefly expelled from the party for insubordination in 1955, and unsuccessful in his contest with Hugh Gaitskell for the party leadership, he was reconciled to the party and became its spokesman for colonial and foreign affairs. In ensuing years he favored British diplomatic neutralism and nuclear disarmament.

Bibliography

See his autobiography (1952); biographies by M. Foot (2 vol., 1962-74), M. Jenkins (1979), and J. Campbell (1987).

Quotes By:

Aneurin Bevan

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Quotes:

"The worst thing I can say about democracy is that it has tolerated the Right Honorable Gentleman for four and a half years."

"Fascism is not in itself a new order of society. It is the future refusing to be born."

"Freedom is the by-product of economic surplus."

"I would rather be kept alive in the efficient if cold altruism of a large hospital than expire in a gush of warm sympathy in a small one."

"We know what happens to people who stay in the middle of the road. They get run over."

"It is an axiom, enforced by all the experience of the ages, that they who rule industrially will rule politically."

See more famous quotes by Aneurin Bevan

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The Right Honourable
Aneurin Bevan
Deputy Leader of the Labour Party
In office
4 May 1959 – 6 July 1960
Leader Hugh Gaitskell
Preceded by Jim Griffiths
Succeeded by George Brown
Shadow Foreign Secretary
In office
22 July 1956 – 4 May 1959
Leader Hugh Gaitskell
Preceded by Alfred Robens
Succeeded by Denis Healey
Minister of Labour and National Service
In office
17 January 1951 – 23 April 1951
Prime Minister Clement Attlee
Preceded by George Isaacs
Succeeded by Alfred Robens
Minister of Health
In office
3 August 1945 – 17 January 1951
Prime Minister Clement Attlee
Preceded by Henry Willink
Succeeded by Hilary Marquand
Member of Parliament
for Ebbw Vale
In office
31 May 1929 – 6 July 1960
Preceded by Evan Davies
Succeeded by Michael Foot
Personal details
Born 15 November 1897(1897-11-15)
Tredegar, Monmouthshire, Wales
Died 6 July 1960(1960-07-06) (aged 62)
Chesham, Buckinghamshire, England
Nationality British
Political party Labour

Aneurin "Nye" Bevan (pronounced /əˈnrɪn/; Welsh: [aˈnəɨ.rin]; 15 November 1897 – 6 July 1960) was a Welsh Labour Party politician who was the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1959 until his death in 1960. The son of a coal miner, Bevan was a lifelong champion of social justice and the rights of working people. He was a long-time Member of Parliament (MP), representing Ebbw Vale for 31 years, and became recognised as one of the leaders of the party’s left wing, and of left-wing British thought generally. His most famous accomplishment came when, as Minister of Health in the post-war Attlee government, he spearheaded the establishment of the National Health Service, which provides medical care free at point-of-need to all Britons.

Contents

Youth

Bevan was born in Tredegar, Monmouthshire, in the South Wales Valleys and on the northern edge of the South Wales coalfield, the son of miner David Bevan and Phoebe née Prothero, a seamstress. Both Bevan's parents were Nonconformists; his father was a Baptist and his mother a Methodist. One of ten children, Bevan did poorly at school and his academic performance was so bad that his headmaster made him repeat a year. At age 13, Bevan left school and began working in the local Tytryst Colliery. David Bevan had been a supporter of the Liberal Party in his youth, but was converted to socialism by the writings of Robert Blatchford in the Clarion and joined the Independent Labour Party.

His son (Aneurin Bevan) also joined the Tredegar branch of the South Wales Miners' Federation and became a trade union activist: he was head of his local Miners' Lodge at only 19. Bevan became a well-known local orator and was seen by his employers, the Tredegar Iron & Coal Company, as a revolutionary. The manager of the colliery found an excuse to get him sacked. But, with the support of the Miners' Federation, the case was judged as one of victimisation and the company was forced to re-employ him.

In 1919, he won a scholarship to the Central Labour College in London, sponsored by the South Wales Miners' Federation. At the college he gained his life-long respect for Karl Marx. Reciting long passages by William Morris, Bevan gradually began to overcome the stammer that he had had since he was a child.

Bevan was one of the founding members of the "Query Club" with his brother Billy and Walter Conway. The club started in 1920 or 1921 and they met in Tredegar. They would collect money each week for any member who needed it. The club intended to break the hold that the Tredegar Iron and Coal Company had on the town by becoming members of pivotal groups in the community.[1]

The Tredegar Query Club by friends including Aneurin Bevan and Walter Conway. Conway is in the middle of the picture. Aneurin is second from right on the back row and his brother Billy is second right on front row.[1]

Upon returning home in 1921, he found that the Tredegar Iron & Coal Company refused to re-hire him. He did not find work until 1924 and his employer, the Bedwellty Colliery, closed down only ten months later. Bevan then had to endure another year of unemployment. In February 1925, his father died of pneumoconiosis.

In 1926, he found work again, this time as a paid union official. His wage of £5 a week was paid by the members of the local Miners' Lodge. His new job arrived in time for him to head the local miners against the colliery companies in what would become the General Strike. When the strike started on 3 May 1926, Bevan soon emerged as one of the leaders of the South Wales miners. The miners remained on strike for six months. Bevan was largely responsible for the distribution of strike pay in Tredegar and the formation of the Council of Action, an organisation that helped to raise money and provided food for the miners.

He was a member of the Cottage Hospital Management Committee around 1928 and was chairman in 1929/30.

Parliament

In 1928, Bevan won a seat on Monmouthshire County Council. With that success he was picked as the Labour Party candidate for Ebbw Vale (displacing the sitting MP), and easily held the seat at the 1929 General Election. In Parliament he soon became noticed as a harsh critic of those he felt opposed the working man. His targets included the Conservative Winston Churchill and the Liberal David Lloyd George, as well as Ramsay MacDonald and Margaret Bondfield from his own Labour party (he targeted the latter for her unwillingness to increase unemployment benefits). He had solid support from his constituency, being one of the few Labour MPs to be unopposed in the 1931 General Election and this support grew through the 1930s and the period of the Great Depression in the United Kingdom.

Soon after he entered parliament Bevan was briefly attracted to Oswald Mosley's arguments, in the context of Macdonald's government's incompetent handling of rising unemployment. However, in the words of his biographer John Campbell, "he breached with Mosley as soon as Mosley breached with the Labour Party". This is symptomatic of his lifelong commitment to the Labour Party, which was a result of his firm belief that only a Party supported by the British Labour Movement could have a realistic chance of attaining political power for the working class. Thus, for Bevan, joining Mosley's New Party was not an option.

He married fellow socialist MP Jennie Lee in 1934. He was an early supporter of the socialists in Spain and visited the country in the 1930s. In 1936 he joined the board of the new socialist newspaper Tribune. His agitations for a united socialist front of all parties of the left (including the Communist Party of Great Britain) led to his brief expulsion from the Labour Party in March to November 1939 (along with Stafford Cripps and C.P. Trevelyan). But, he was readmitted in November 1939 after agreeing "to refrain from conducting or taking part in campaigns in opposition to the declared policy of the Party."

He was a strong critic of the policies of Neville Chamberlain, arguing that his old enemy Winston Churchill should be given power. During the war he was one of the main leaders of the left in the Commons, opposing the wartime Coalition government. Bevan opposed the heavy censorship imposed on radio and newspapers and wartime Defence Regulation 18B, which gave the Home Secretary the powers to intern citizens without trial. Bevan called for the nationalisation of the coal industry and advocated the opening of a Second Front in Western Europe in order to help the Soviet Union in its fight with Germany. Churchill responded by calling Bevan "... a squalid nuisance".

Bevan was also critical of the leadership of the British Army which he felt was class bound and inflexible. After Auchinleck's defeat by Rommel and his disastrous retreat across Cyrenaica in 1942, Bevan made one of his most memorable speeches in the Commons in support of a motion of censure against the Churchill government. In this he said, "The Prime Minister must realise that in this country there is a taunt on everyone's lips that if Rommel had been in the British Army he would still have been a sergeant...There is a man in the British Army who flung 150,000 men across the Ebro in Spain, Michael Dunbar. He is at present a sergeant...He was Chief of Staff in Spain, he won the Battle of the Ebro, and he is a sergeant." How angry this criticism made Churchill can be seen from the following. Churchill devotes almost an entire page in his history "The Second World War" to a lengthy quotation of this speech, yet he never mentions Bevan as the speaker, referring to him only as, "One Member."[2] In fact, Michael Dunbar had been recommended for a commission, but he had himself turned the commission down.

Bevan believed that the Second World War would give Britain the opportunity to create "a new society". He often quoted an 1855 passage from Karl Marx: "The redeeming feature of war is that it puts a nation to the test. As exposure to the atmosphere reduces all mummies to instant dissolution, so war passes supreme judgment upon social systems that have outlived their vitality." At the beginning of the 1945 general election campaign Bevan told his audience: "We have been the dreamers, we have been the sufferers, now we are the builders. We enter this campaign at this general election, not merely to get rid of the Tory majority. We want the complete political extinction of the Tory Party."

After World War II, when the Communists took control of China, Parliament debated the merits of recognising the Communist government. Churchill, no friend of Bevan or Mao Zedong, commented that recognition would be advantageous to the United Kingdom for various reasons and added, "Just because you recognise someone does not mean you like him. We all, for example, recognise the Right Honourable Member from Ebbw Vale."

Government

The 1945 General Election proved to be a landslide victory for the Labour Party, giving it a large enough majority to allow the implementation of the party's manifesto commitments and to introduce a programme of far-reaching social reforms that were collectively dubbed the 'Welfare State' (see 1945 Labour Election Manifesto). These reforms were achieved in the face of great financial difficulty following the war. The new Prime Minister, Clement Attlee, appointed Aneurin Bevan as Minister of Health, with a remit that also covered Housing. Thus, the responsibility for instituting a new and comprehensive National Health Service, as well as tackling the country's severe post-war housing shortage, fell to the youngest member of Attlee's Cabinet in his first ministerial position. The free health service was paid for directly through public money. Government income was increased for the Welfare state expenditure by a severe increase in marginal tax rates for wealthy business owners in particular, as part of what the Labour government largely saw as the redistribution of the wealth created by the working class from the owners of large-scale industry to the workers.[3]

The collective principle asserts that... no society can legitimately call itself civilised if a sick person is denied medical aid because of lack of means.
—Aneurin Bevan, In Place of Fear, p100

On the "appointed day", 5 July 1948, having overcome political opposition from both the Conservative Party and from within his own party, and after a dramatic showdown with the British Medical Association, which had threatened to derail the National Health Service scheme before it had even begun, as medical practitioners continued to withhold their support just months before the launch of the service, Bevan's National Health Service Act of 1946 came into force. After 18 months of ongoing dispute between the Ministry of Health and the BMA, Bevan finally managed to win over the support of the vast majority of the medical profession by offering a couple of minor concessions, but without compromising on the fundamental principles of his NHS proposals. Bevan later gave the famous quote that, in order to broker the deal, he had "stuffed their mouths with gold". Some 2,688 voluntary and municipal hospitals in England and Wales were nationalised and came under Bevan's supervisory control as Health Minister.

Bevan said:

The National Health service and the Welfare State have come to be used as interchangeable terms, and in the mouths of some people as terms of reproach. Why this is so it is not difficult to understand, if you view everything from the angle of a strictly individualistic competitive society. A free health service is pure Socialism and as such it is opposed to the hedonism of capitalist society.
—Aneurin Bevan, In Place of Fear, p106
Statue of Bevan in Cardiff by Robert Thomas

Substantial bombing damage and the continued existence of pre-war slums in many parts of the country made the task of housing reform particularly challenging for Bevan. Indeed, these factors, exacerbated by post-war restrictions on the availability of building materials and skilled labour, collectively served to limit Bevan's achievements in this area. 1946 saw the completion of 55,600 new homes; this rose to 139,600 in 1947, and 227,600 in 1948. While this was not an insignificant achievement, Bevan's rate of housebuilding was seen as less of an achievement than that of his Conservative (indirect) successor, Harold Macmillan, who was able to complete some 300,000 a year as Minister for Housing in the 1950s. Macmillan was able to concentrate full-time on Housing, instead of being obliged, like Bevan, to combine his housing portfolio with that for Health (which for Bevan took the higher priority). However critics said that the cheaper housing built by Macmillan was exactly the poor standard of housing that Bevan was aiming to replace. Macmillan's policies led to the building of cheap, mass-production high-rise tower blocks, which have been heavily criticised since (arguably due to many of them degenerating into new slums).

Bevan was appointed Minister of Labour (during which he helped to secure a deal for railwaymen which provided them with a big pay increase[4]) in 1951 but soon resigned in protest at Hugh Gaitskell's introduction of prescription charges for dental care and spectacles—created in order to meet the financial demands imposed by the Korean War. Two other Ministers, John Freeman and Harold Wilson resigned at the same time. See Bevan's speeches Later the same year, the Labour party lost power in a general election.

Opposition

In 1952 Bevan published In Place of Fear, "the most widely read socialist book" of the period, according to a highly critical right-wing Labour MP Anthony Crosland.[5] Bevan begins: "A young miner in a South Wales colliery, my concern was with the one practical question: Where does power lie in this particular state of Great Britain, and how can it be attained by the workers?" In March 1952, a poorly prepared (and possibly inebriated) Bevan came off the worse in an evening Commons debate on health with Conservative backbencher Iain Macleod: Macleod's performance led Churchill to appoint him Minister of Health some six weeks after his debate with Bevan.

Out of office, Bevan soon initiated a split within the Labour Party between the right and the left. For the next five years, Bevan was the leader of the left-wing of the Labour Party, who became known as Bevanites. They criticised high defence expenditure (especially for nuclear weapons) and opposed the more reformist stance of Clement Attlee. In 1954, Gaitskell beat Bevan in a hard fought contest to be the Treasurer of the Labour Party. When the first British hydrogen bomb was exploded in 1955, Bevan led a revolt of 57 Labour MPs and abstained on a key vote. The Parliamentary Labour Party voted 141 to 113 to withdraw the whip from him, but it was restored within a month due to his popularity.

After the 1955 general election, Attlee retired as leader. Bevan contested the leadership against both Morrison and Labour right-winger Hugh Gaitskell, but it was Gaitskell who emerged victorious. Bevan's remark that "I know the right kind of political Leader for the Labour Party is a kind of desiccated calculating machine" was assumed to refer to Gaitskell, although Bevan denied it (commenting upon Gaitskell's record as Chancellor of the Exchequer as having "proved" this). However, Gaitskell was prepared to make Bevan Shadow Colonial Secretary, and then Shadow Foreign Secretary in 1956. Bevan was as critical of the Egyptian dictator Colonel Nasser's seizure of the Suez Canal on 26 July 1956 as he was of the subsequent Anglo-French military response. He was a vocal critic of the government's actions in the Suez Crisis, noticeably delivering high profile speeches in Trafalgar Square on 4 November 1956 at a protest rally, and devastating the government's actions and arguments in the House of Commons on 5 December 1956. At the Trafalgar rally, Bevan accused the government of a "policy of bankrupcty and despair"”.[6] Bevan stated at the Trafalgar rally:

"We are stronger than Egypt but there are other countries stronger than us. Are we prepared to accept for ourselves the logic we are applying to Egypt? If nations more powerful than ourselves accept the absence of principle, the anarchistic attitude of Eden and launch bombs on London, what answer have we got, what complaint have we got? If we are going to appeal to force, if force is to be the arbiter to which we appeal, it would at least make common sense to try to make sure beforehand that we have got it, even if you accept that abysmal logic, that decadent point of view.

We are in fact in the position today of having appealed to force in the case of a small nation, where if it is appealed to against us it will result in the destruction of Great Britain, not only as a nation, but as an island containing living men and women. Therefore I say to Anthony, I say to the British government, there is no count at all upon which they can be defended.

They have besmirched the name of Britain. They have made us ashamed of the things of which formerly we were proud. They have offended against every principle of decency and there is only way in which they can even begin to restore their tarnished reputation and that is to get out! Get out! Get out!"[7]

That year, he was finally elected as party treasurer, beating George Brown.

In 1957, Bevan joined Richard Crossman and Morgan Phillips in a controversial lawsuit for libel against The Spectator magazine, which had described the men as drinking heavily during a socialist conference in Italy. Having sworn that the charges were untrue, the three collected damages from the magazine. Many years later, Crossman's posthumously published diaries confirmed the truth of The Spectator's charges.

Bevan dismayed many of his supporters when, speaking at the 1957 Labour Party conference, he decried unilateral nuclear disarmament, saying "It would send a British Foreign Secretary naked into the conference-chamber". This statement is often misconstrued: Bevan argued that unilateralism would result in Britain's loss of allies, and one interpretation of his metaphor is that nakedness would come from the lack of allies, not the lack of weapons.[citation needed] According to the journalist Paul Routledge, Donald Bruce, a former MP and Parliamentary Private Secretary and adviser to Bevan, had told him that Bevan's shift on the disarmament issue was the result of discussions with the Soviet government where they advised him to push for British retention of nuclear weapons so they could possibly be used as a bargaining chip in negotiations with the United States.[8]

In 1959, Bevan was elected as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. In pain, he checked into a hospital at the end of 1959 to undergo surgery for an ulcer, but malignant stomach cancer was discovered instead.[9] Bevan died the following year at the age of 62 at his home Asheridge Farm, Chesham, Buckinghamshire. His remains were cremated at Gwent Crematorium in Croesyceiliog.

His last speech in the House of Commons, in the Debate of the 3 November 1959 on the Queen's Speech,[10] in which Bevan referred to the difficulties of persuading the electorate to support a policy which would make them less well-off in the short term but more prosperous in the long term, was quoted extensively in subsequent years.

In 2004, over 40 years after his death, he was voted first in a list of 100 Welsh Heroes, this being credited much to his contribution to the Welfare State after World War Two.

See also

Bibliographic publications

  • Why Not Trust The Tories?, 1944. Published under the pseudonym, 'Celticus'. The title was intended ironically.
  • In Place of Fear, 1952. (ISBN 9781163810118)
  • Excerpts from Bevan's speeches are included in Greg Rosen's Old Labour to New, Methuen, 2005.

Bevan's key speeches in the legislative arena are to be found in:

  • Peter J. Laugharne (ed) Aneurin Bevan - A Parliamentary Odyssey: Volume I, Speeches at Westminster 1929-1944, Manutius Press, 1996.
  • Peter J. Laugharne (ed), Aneurin Bevan - A Parliamentary Odyssey: Volume II, Speeches at Westminster 1945-1960, Manutius Press, 2000.
  • Peter J. Laugharne (ed), Aneurin Bevan - A Parliamentary Odyssey: Volumes I and II, Speeches at Westminster 1929-1960, Manutius Press, 2004.

Further bibliographic reading

The major biographies are the uplifting two-volume Aneurin Bevan by Michael Foot (1962 and 1974) [11] and the more sceptical Nye Bevan and the Mirage of British Socialism, by John Campbell (1987).

Bevan's widow, Jennie Lee, published My Life with Nye, in 1980.

Shorter biographical essays can be found in:

  • Kevin Jefferys (ed), Labour Forces, IB Taurus, 2002.
  • Peter J. Laugharne (ed), Aneurin Bevan - A Parliamentary Odyssey: Volume I, Speeches at Westminster 1929-1944, Manutius Press, 1996.
  • Peter J. Laugharne (ed), Aneurin Bevan - A Parliamentary Odyssey: Volume II, Speeches at Westminster 1945-1960, Manutius Press, 2000.
  • Peter J. Laugharne (ed), Aneurin Bevan - A Parliamentary Odyssey: Volumes I and II, Speeches at Westminster 1929-1960, Manutius Press, 2004.
  • Kenneth O. Morgan, Labour People, OUP, 1987.
  • Greg Rosen (ed), Dictionary of Labour Biography, Politicos Publishing, 2001
  • G D H Cole, Aneurin Bevan, Jim Griffiths, L F Easterbrook, Ait William Beveridge, and Harold J Laski, Plan for Britain: A Collection of Essays prepared for the Fabian Society(Not illustrated with 127 text pages).[12]
  • Dai Smith, 'Bevan, Aneurin (1897–1960)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2011 [1].

Notes

  1. ^ a b Aneurin Bevan: The greatest Welsh hero, Tredegar Development Trust, accessed May 2010
  2. ^ Winston Churchill, The Second World War, v4 p400, Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 1950
  3. ^ Bevan argues that the percentage of tax from personal incomes rose from 9% in 1938 to 15% in 1949. But the lowest paid a tax rate of 1%, up from 0.2% in 1938, the middle income brackets paid 14% to 26%, up from 10% to 18% in 1938, the higher earners paid 42%, up from 29%, and the top earners 77%, up from 58% in 1938. In Place of Fear, p146. If you earned over £800,000 per annum in 2005 money terms, (£10,000 in 1948) you paid 76.7% income tax.
  4. ^ Labour in Power, 1945-51 by Kenneth Morgan)
  5. ^ Crosland, Anthony, The Future of Socialism, p52
  6. ^ "Aneurin Bevan 1956". New Statesman. UK. 4 February 2010 2010. http://www.newstatesman.com/uk-politics/2010/02/aneurin-bevan-1956-speech. Retrieved 22 August 2011. 
  7. ^ "Aneurin Bevan 1956". New Statesman. UK. 4 February 2010 2010. http://www.newstatesman.com/uk-politics/2010/02/aneurin-bevan-1956-speech. Retrieved 22 August 2011. 
  8. ^ Routledge, Paul (2005-05-30). "Nye Bevan's sensational secret". New Statesman. http://www.newstatesman.com/200505300005. Retrieved 2008-10-13. 
  9. ^ Rubinstein, David (2006). The labour party and British Society: 1880–2005. Sussex Academic Press. p. 118. ISBN 1-84519-056-4. http://books.google.com/books?id=73-Trt8fqz8C&pg=PA118. 
  10. ^ "Debate On The Address". Hansard (Theyworkforyou.com) 612 (House of Commons Debate): Columns 860–985. 3 November 1959. http://www.theyworkforyou.com/debates/?id=1959-11-03a.860.1#g860.7. Retrieved 13 December 2009. 
  11. ^ Foot, Michael: Aneurin Bevan. MacGibbon and Kee. 1962 (vol 1); 1973 (vol 2) ISBN 0-261-61508-4
  12. ^ Detail taken from Plan for Britain published by George Routledge with a date of 1943 and no ISBN.

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