Bhumibol Adulyadej (Thai: ภูมิพลอดุลยเดช; IPA: [pʰuːmipʰon adunjadeːt]; Royal Institute: Phumiphon Adunyadet; 
listen?) (born December 5,
1927), is the current King of Thailand. Officially styled
"the Great" (Thai: มหาราช, Maharaja), he is also known as Rama IX, His name, Bhumibol Adulyadej, means "Strength of the Land, Incomparable
Power".[1] Having reigned since June 9, 1946, he is the world's longest-serving current head of state
and the longest-serving monarch in Thai history.[2]
Although Bhumibol is a constitutional monarch, he has several times made
decisive interventions in Thai politics, including the 2005-2006 Thai political crisis. He was credited with facilitating Thailand's
transition to democracy in the 1990s,
although in earlier periods of his reign he supported military regimes. Most recently, he endorsed the military junta which overthrew the elected government of Thaksin Shinawatra during the September 2006 coup. A
billionaire and one of the wealthiest men in the world, Bhumibol used part of his great
wealth to fund development projects, particularly in rural areas. He is immensely popular in Thailand, and is revered as a
semi-divine figure by many Thais. Critics, mostly outside Thailand, attribute this status to the suppression of criticism of the monarchy.[3]
Bhumibol was born in the United States and educated primarily in Switzerland. Bhumibol is also an accomplished musician, artist, and sailor.
Early life
Bhumibol was born in Cambridge, Massachusetts, in the United States, the youngest son of Mahidol
Adulyadej, Prince of Songkhla, and grandson of King Chulalongkorn and Mom Sangwal (later Somdej Phra Sri Nakarindhara Boromaratchachonnani). At the time of his birth, he was known
in Thailand as Phra Worawongse Ther Phra Ong Chao Bhumibol Adulyadej (พระวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าภูมิพลอดุลยเดช), reflecting the
fact that his mother was a commoner.[4] Had
he been born just a few years earlier, before his uncle King Prajadhipok passed a law
allowing children of a prince and a commoner to be called Phra Ong Chao (a
prince of a lesser status than Chao Fa), he would have been called
Mom Chao (the most junior class of the Thai princes), similar to his
older brother and sister.[5]
Bhumibol was brought back to Thailand in 1928, after Prince Mahidol obtained a
certificate from Public Health Program at Harvard University. After primary schooling
at the Mater Dei school in Bangkok, he left with the rest of his
family in 1933 for Switzerland, where he continued his secondary education at the
École Nouvelle de la Suisse Romande in Chailly-sur-Lausanne, and received the baccalauréat des lettres
(high-school diploma with major in French literature, Latin, and Greek) from the Gymnase Classique Cantonal of Lausanne. He was studying science at the University of Lausanne
when his elder brother, Phra Ong Chao Ananda Mahidol, was crowned King of Thailand in
1935. King Ananda Mahidol then elevated his brother and sister to Chao Fa status, the most senior class of the Thai princes and princesses. They came to
Thailand briefly in 1938, but returned to Switzerland for further study, where they stayed until 1945.[6]
Succession and marriage
Bhumibol ascended to the throne following the death of his brother, King Ananda
Mahidol, on June 9, 1946. Ananda Mahidol's death resulted
from a gunshot to the head while in his bedroom in the Baromphiman Palace in the Grand
Palace, under circumstances that to this day remain a mystery.[7] Bhumibol then returned to Switzerland in order to complete his education, and his uncle,
Rangsit, Prince of Chainat, was appointed Prince Regent. Bhumibol switched
over his field of study to law and political science in order to prepare himself more
effectively for his new position as ruler.
While finishing his degree in Switzerland, Bhumibol visited Paris frequently. It was in Paris
that he first met a first cousin once removed, Mom
Rajawongse Sirikit Kitiyakara, daughter of the Thai ambassador to France.[8] He was 21 and she was 15.
Bhumibol became a regular visitor to the ambassador's residence.
On October 4, 1948, while Bhumibol was driving a
Fiat Topolino on the Geneva-Lausanne highway, he collided into the rear of a braking truck 10
km outside of Lausanne. He hurt his back and incurred cuts on his face that cost him sight in his
right eye.[9][10][11] He
subsequently wore an ocular prosthetic. While he was hospitalized in Lausanne, Sirikit
visited him frequently. She met his mother, who asked her to continue her studies nearby so that Bhumibol could get to know her
better. Bhumibol selected for her a boarding school in Lausanne, Riante Rive. A quiet engagement
in Lausanne followed on July 19, 1949, and the couple were married
on April 28, 1950, just a week before his coronation.
Bhumibol and his wife Queen Sirikit have four children:
One of Bhumibol's grandchildren, Bhumi Jensen, was killed in the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake. He was the son of Princess Ubol Ratana.
Coronation and titles
Bhumibol was crowned King of Thailand on May 5, 1950 at the Royal
Palace in Bangkok where he pledged that he would "reign with righteousness for the benefit and happiness of the Siamese people"
("เราจะครองแผ่นดินโดยธรรม เพื่อประโยชน์สุขแห่งมหาชนชาวสยาม").[12] His ceremonial name is:
- พระบาทสมเด็จพระปรมินทรมหาภูมิพลอดุลยเดช มหิตลาธิเบศรามาธิบดี จักรีนฤบดินทร์ สยามินทราธิราช บรมนาถบพิตร (Phrabat Somdej Phra
Paramindra Maha Bhumibol Adulyadej Mahitaladhibet Ramadhibodi Chakrinarubodindara Sayamindaradhiraj Boromanatbophit listen?)
On the same day, he made his consort Queen (Somdej Phra Boromarajini).
The date of his coronation is celebrated each May 5 in Thailand as Coronation Day, a public holiday. On June 9, 1996, Bhumibol celebrated his 50th anniversary as the King of Thailand, becoming the longest reigning monarch in
Thai history.[2]
Following the death of his grandmother Queen Savang Vadhana (สว่างวัฒนา, Sawang
Watthana Phra Phanvasa Aiyeekajao), Bhumibol entered a 15-day monkhood (October
22–November 5, 1956) at Wat Bowonniwet, as is customary at the death of elder relatives.[13] During this time, Sirikit was appointed his regent. She was later
appointed Queen Regent (Somdej Phra Boromarajininat) in recognition of
this.
Although Bhumibol is sometimes referred to as King Rama IX in English, the name "Rama" is never used in Thai. The name is used to approximate "Ratchakal ti Kao"
(รัชกาลที่ 9, literally "the Ninth Reign"). More commonly, Thais refer to him as Nai Luang or Phra Chao Yu Hua
(ในหลวง or พระเจ้าอยู่หัว: both mean "the King"). Formally, he would be referred to as Phrabat Somdej Phra Chao Yu Hua
(พระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัว) or, in legal documents, Phrabat Somdej Phra Paraminthara Maha Bhumibol Adulyadej
(พระบาทสมเด็จพระปรมินทรมหาภูมิพลอดุลยเดช), and in English as His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej. He signs his name as
ภูมิพลอดุลยเดช ป.ร. (Bhumibol Adulyadej Por Ror; this is the Thai equivalent of Bhumibol Adulyadej R[ex]).
Role in Thai politics
Plaek Pibulsonggram era
In the early years of his reign, during the government of military dictator Plaek
Pibulsonggram, Bhumibol had no real power and was little more than a ceremonial front for the military-dominated
government. In August 1957, 6 months after parliamentary elections, General Sarit
Dhanarajata accused the government of Field Marshal Pibulsonggram of
lèse majesté due to its conduct of the 2,500th anniversary celebration of Buddhism.[14][15] On September 16, 1957, Pibulsonggram went to Bhumibol to seek support for his
government.[16] Bhumibol told the Field Marshal to resign
to avoid a coup; Pibulsonggram refused. That evening, Sarit Dhanarajata seized power, and two hours later Bhumibol decreed
martial law, named Sarit as "defender of the capital", and allowed Sarit to countersign royal decrees.[17]
Sarit Dhanarajata era
Bhumibol bestowing an honorary degree to Sarit Dhanarajata
During Sarit's dictatorship, the monarchy was revitalised. Bhumibol attended public ceremonies, toured the provinces and
patronised development projects. Under Sarit, the practice of crawling in front of royalty during audiences, banned by King
Chulalongkorn, was revived and the royal-sponsored Thammayut Nikaya order was revitalised. For the first time since the absolute monarchy was
overthrown, a king was conveyed up the Chao Phraya River in a Royal Barge Procession to offer robes at temples.[18][19]
Other disused ceremonies from the classical period of the Chakri dynasty, like the
royally-patronised ploughing ceremony (Thai: พิธีพืชมงคล), were also revived.[20] Upon Sarit's death in 8 December 1963, an unprecedented 21 days of mourning was declared in the palace. A royal five-tier umbrella shaded his body
while it lay in state. Long-time royal advisor Phraya Srivisarn Vacha later noted that no Prime
Minister ever had such an intimate relation with Bhumibol as Sarit.[21]
Contemporary thinkers differ in their views about the relationship between Bhumibol and Sarit. Paul Handley, writer of
The King Never Smiles, views that Sarit was Bhumibol's tool, whereas political
scientist Thak Chaloemtiarana views that Sarit used Bhumibol in order to build his own credibility.[22][23]
Thanom Kittikachorn era
Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn was appointed premier a day after Sarit's death
in 1963. He continued most of Sarit's policies for a decade. During the 1970s, Bhumibol was a key figure in the Village Scouts and Red Gaur paramilitary organizations. In October 1973
after massive protests and the deaths of a large number of pro-democracy demonstrators, Bhumibol opened the gates of the
Chitralada Palace to fleeing protestors, and held an audience with student leaders.
Bhumibol subsequently appointed the Thammasat University Rector Sanya Dharmasakti as the new Prime Minister, replacing Thanom. Thanom subsequently moved to the
United States and Singapore. A succession of civilian
governments followed, but the return of Field Marshal Thanom and his ordination as a novice monk at Wat Bowonniwet in 1976 led to renewed conflict. Protests against the ex-dictator escalated and came to a
head when two newspapers published doctored photographs depicting Thammasat students hanging the Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn in effigy.[24] With the public convinced that lèse majesté had been
committed, military and paramilitary forces attacked the University, leading to a bloody massacre on 6 October 1976.
Prem Tinsulanond era
The ensuing chaos was used as a pretext for a military coup that same evening. The junta submitted three names to the king to
choose from to become the next Premier: Deputy President of the king's Privy Council
Prakob Hutasingh, right-wing Bangkok Governor Thamnoon
Thien-ngern, and conservative Supreme Court judge Thanin Kraivixien.[25] Bhumibol chose Thanin. Thanin was
overthrown in a military coup in October 1977 by General Kriangsak Chomanan.
Kriangsak was succeeded in 1980 by Army Commander-in-Chief General Prem Tinsulanond,
future Privy Council President.
Bhumibol's refusal to endorse military coups in 1981 (the April Fool's Day
coup) and 1985 (the Share Rebellion) ultimately led to the victory of
forces loyal to the government, despite much violence, and in 1981, the seizure of Bangkok by rebel forces. The coups led many to
note that Bhumibol had misjudged Thai society and that his credibility as an impartial mediator between various political and
military factions had been compromised.[26][27][28]
Crisis of 1992
-
In 1992, Bhumibol played a key role in Thailand's transition to a democratic system. A coup on February 23, 1991 put Thailand back under military dictatorship. After a
general election, held in 1992, the majority parties invited General Suchinda
Kraprayoon, a leader of the coup group, to be the Prime Minister. This caused much dissent, and the conflict escalated to
demonstrations and then to a large number of deaths when the military was brought in to control the protesters. The situation
became increasingly critical as neither side would back down and the violence escalated.[29]
Bhumibol summoned Suchinda and the leader of the pro-democracy movement, Major General Chamlong Srimuang, to a televised audience. At the height of the crisis, the sight of both men
appearing together on their knees (in accordance with royal protocol) made a strong impression on the nation, and led to
Suchinda's resignation soon afterwards. It was one of the few public occasions where Bhumibol directly intervened in a political
conflict. A general election was held shortly afterward leading to a civilian government.[30]
Crisis of 2005–2006 and the September 2006 coup
-
Before the coup
Weeks before the April 2006 legislative election, a coalition
opposed to prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra (including the People's Alliance for Democracy) petitioned Bhumibol to appoint a replacement Prime
Minister and Cabinet to resolve the political crisis. However, demands
for royal intervention met with much criticism from the public. Bhumibol, in a speech on April
26, 2006, responded, "Asking for a Royally-appointed prime minister is undemocratic. It is,
pardon me, a mess. It is irrational".[31]
After publicly claiming victory in the boycotted April parliamentary
elections, Thaksin Shinawatra had a private audience with Bhumibol. A few hours later, Thaksin appeared on national
television to announce that he would not accept the Premiership, and would be taking leave from politics.
In May 2006, the Sondhi Limthongkul-owned Manager
Daily newspaper published a series of articles describing the "Finland Plot",
alleging that Thaksin and former members of the Communist Party of Thailand
planned to overthrow the king and seize control of the nation. No evidence was ever produced to verify the existence of such a
plot, and Thaksin and his Thai Rak Thai party vehemently denied the accusations and sued
the accusers.
In a rare, televised speech to senior judges, Bhumibol requested that the judiciary take action to resolve the political
crisis.[31] On May 8, 2006, the Constitutional
Court invalidated the results of the April elections and ordered new
elections scheduled for 15 October 2006.[32] The
Criminal Court later jailed the Election Commissioners.[33][34]
On July 14, 2006, Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda addressed
graduating cadets of the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy,
telling them that the Thai military must serve the King - not the Government.[35]
On 20 July, Bhumibol signed a royal decree endorsing new House elections
for 15 October 2006. In an unprecedented act, the King wrote a note on the royal decree calling for a clean and fair
election. That very day, Bhumibol underwent spinal surgery.[36]
The coup
On the evening of September 19, 2006, the Thai military
overthrew the government and seized control of Bangkok in a bloodless coup. The junta, led by the Commander of the Army, called itself the Council
for Democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarchy and pledged its loyalty to the King. Martial law was declared, the
Constitution repealed, and the October elections were cancelled.[37] On 20 September, the King endorsed the coup, and asked the
civil servants to take orders from Gen. Sonthi, the leader of the military coup.
The King's role in the coup was the subject of much speculation among Thai
analysts and the international media. The King had an audience with Privy
Council President General Prem Tinsulanonda at the same time the first Special
Forces troops were ordered mobilized.[38]
In a BBC interview, Thitinan Pongsudhirak of Chulalongkorn University noted that "This coup was nothing short of Thaksin versus the King...
He is widely seen as having implicitly endorsed the coup." In the same interview, social critic Sulak Sivaraksa claimed that "Without his involvement, the coup would have been impossible." Sulak added
that the King is "very skillful. He never becomes obviously involved. If this coup goes wrong, Sonthi will get the blame, but whatever happens, the King will only get praise."[39] On Saturday 23 September 2006, the junta warned they
would "urgently retaliate against foreign reporters whose coverage has been deemed insulting to the monarchy."[40] The President of Bhumibol's Privy Council,
General Prem Tinsulanonda, supported the coup. The junta later appointed Privy Council member General Surayud Chulanont as Prime Minister.
After the coup
On his 79th birthday, the King praised the junta leadership in a nationally televised speech, calling it “wise and
experienced”.
The junta appointed a Constitutional Tribunal to rule on alleged
poll fraud cases concerning the Thai Rak Thai and Democrat parties. Guilty rulings would dissolve both parties, Thailand's largest and oldest,
respectively, and ban party leadership from politics for five years. The weeks leading up to the verdicts saw rising political
tensions. On 24 May 2007, about a week before the scheduled
verdict, Bhumibol gave a rare speech to the Supreme Administrative Court (the President of which is also a member of the
Constitutional Tribunal). "You have the responsibility to prevent the country from collapsing," he warned them in the speech,
which was shown on all national television channels simultaneously during the evening. “The nation needs political parties,” he
said. The practical meaning of Bhumibol's advice was not clear, and interpretations varied. Some observers saw it as suggesting
to the judges not make a compromise ruling. Others saw it as a warning against dissolving the two parties. Bhumibol, who spoke
standing but in a weak, rasping voice, was careful not to say where he stood on the merits of the case. "In my mind, I have a
judgment but I cannot say," he said. "Either way the ruling goes, it will be bad for the country, there will be
mistakes."[41][42][43] The Tribunal later acquitted the Democrat Party but dissolved the Thai Rak
Thai party and banned over 100 of its executives from politics for five years.
The junta-appointed Constitution Drafting Assembly later used the King in a propaganda
campaign to increase public support for its widely criticized draft
constitution. The CDA placed billboards saying, "Love the King. Care about the King. Vote in the referendum. Accept the
2007 draft charter." throughout the Northeast of Thailand, where opposition to the junta was
greatest.
Royal powers
- For a historical perspective on how Bhumibol's constitutional powers have changed over time, see the Constitutions of Thailand article
Bhumibol retains enormous powers, partly because of his immense popularity and partly because his powers - although clearly
defined in the Thai Constitution - are often subject to conflicting
interpretations. This was highlighted by the controversy surrounding the appointment of a new Auditor-General. The Constitution
Court ruled in July 2004 that the appointment of Jaruvan Maintaka to this post by the
State Audit Commission was unconstitutional. But Jaruvan refused to leave her position without an explicit order from Bhumibol.
When the Senate approved of a replacement for Jaruvan, Bhumibol, in a very rare move, refused to approve the replacement.[44] The Senate declined to vote to override his veto.[45] Finally in February 2006 the Audit Commission reinstated
Jaruvan when it became clear from a memo from the Office of the King's Principal Private Secretary that Bhumibol supported her
appointment, even if it was unconstitutional.
This raised the issue of whether Bhumibol was more powerful than the Constitution. Senator Kaewsan Atibhodi, a former member of the Constitution Drafting Committee, noted that under Article
Seven of the 1997 Constitution said that: "whenever no provision under this Constitution is applicable to any case, it shall be
decided in accordance with the constitutional practice in the democratic regime of government with the King as Head of the
State”. Kaewsan interpreted this as giving Bhumibol veto powers over the Senate's appointment of Wisut Montriwat to replace
Jaruvan: "Whenever [the King] considers [something as being] not beneficial to the people and being unjust, His Majesty has a
veto power".[46]
Bhumibol had vetoed legislation very rarely. In 1976, when the Parliament voted 149-19 to extend democratic elections down to
local levels, Bhumibol refused to sign the law.[47] The
Parliament refused to vote to overturn the King's veto. In 1954, Bhumibol vetoed parliamentary-approved land reform legislation
twice before consenting to sign it.[48] The law limited
the maximum land any individual could hold at 50 rai (20 acres), at a time when the Crown Property Bureau was the Kingdom's
largest land-owner. The law was repealed after General Sarit overthrew the elected government in a coup.
Bhumibol's hold over Thai public opinion was demonstrated following the 2003 Phnom
Penh riots in Cambodia, when hundreds of Thai protesters, enraged by the burning of the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh, gathered outside the Cambodian embassy in Bangkok, ripped the Cambodian seal out of the front
wall, and tried to break into the embassy. The situation was resolved peacefully when Police General Sant Sarutanonda told the
crowd that he had received a call from royal secretary Arsa Sarasin conveying Bhumibol's call for calm.[49]
Bhumibol has the constitutional prerogative to pardon
criminals. The 2006 pardon of several convicted paedophiles, including an Australian rapist
and child pornographer, has caused controversy.[50][51][52]
Royal projects
Bhumibol has been involved in many social and economic development projects, although the nature of his involvement has varied
by political regime.[53]
The military regime of Plaek Pibulsonggram (1951–1957) suppressed the monarchy;
however, during that period Bhumibol managed to initiate a few projects using his own personal funds. These projects included the
Royal Film and Radio Broadcasting Projects to help recover the palace's image.
In the military regime of Sarit Dhanarajata and his successors (1958–1980),
Bhumibol was reportrayed as the "Development King," and appropriated to the economic and political goals of the regime.
Royally-initiated projects were implemented under the financial and political support of the government, including projects in
rural areas and communities under the influence of the Communist Party of
Thailand. Bhumibol's visits to these projects were heavily promoted by the Sarit government and broadcast on the
state-controlled media.
During the civilian governments of General Prem Tinsulanond (1981–1987), the
relationship between the Thai state and the monarch was at its closest. Prem, later to become President of Bhumibol's
Privy Council, officially allocated government budgets and manpower to support
royal projects. Most activities in this period involved the development of large scale irrigation projects.
During the modern period (post-1988), the structured development of the Royal Projects reached its apex. Bhumibol's
Chaipattana Foundation was established, promoting the Sufficiency Economy theory, an alternative to the export-oriented policies adopted by the period's elected governments.
Awards
In May 2006, UN Secretary-General, Kofi
Annan, presented the United Nations' first Human
Development Lifetime Achievement Award to Bhumibol.[54]
In 1960, Bhumibol was a recipient of the Royal Victorian Chain, a personal
award of the British Monarch.
Bhumibol, who serves as head of The National Scout Organization
of Thailand, was presented the Bronze Wolf award on June
20, 2006, World Organization of
the Scout Movement's highest award, for his support and development of Scouting in
Thailand by Carl XVI Gustav, King of Sweden
and Honourary President of the World Scout Foundation. The presentation took place at Chitralada Palace in Thailand and was witnessed by Chairman of the World Scout Committee Herman Hui.[55]
Bhumibol set a world record for receiving the greatest number of honorary university
degrees (136) in 1997.[56] Most of his degrees
came from Thai universities: for instance, Kasetsart University awarded him ten honorary doctoral degrees at once.
60th Anniversary celebrations
-
The emblem for the 60th Anniversary Celebration of King Bhumibol's Accession to the Throne.
Also called the Diamond Jubilee, the 60th Anniversary Celebrations of His Majesty the King's Accession to the Throne were a
series of events marking Bhumibol's reign. Events included the royal barge
procession on the Chao Phraya River, fireworks displays, art exhibitions, pardoning 25,000 prisoners,[57] concerts and dance performances.
Tied in with the anniversary, on May 26, 2006 United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan
presented Bhumibol with the United Nations Development Programme's
first Human Development Lifetime Achievement Award. National holidays were on June 9 and June
12–13, 2006. On June 9, the King and Queen appeared on the balcony of Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall
before hundreds of thousands of people. The official royal barge procession on June 12 was
attended by the King and Queen and royal visitors from 26 other countries. On June 13, a state
banquet for the royal visitors was held in the newly constructed Rama IX Throne Hall at the Grand
Palace, the first official function for the hall.
The Thai people also created the official Royal Flora Expo in Chiang Mai to honor their king. It was three months long, and
featured botanical exhibits from around the world. The king was prominent in several of the exhibits.
On January 16 2007, the junta officially declared the end of the 60th anniversary celebrations and commenced
year-long celebrations of Bhumibol's 80th birthday.[58]
Private life
Bhumibol is a painter, photographer, author and translator. His book Phra Mahachanok is based on a traditional
Jataka story of Buddhist scripture. The Story
of Thong Daeng is the story of his dog Thong Daeng.
In his youth, Prince Bhumibol was greatly interested in firearms.[59] He kept a carbine, a Sten gun, and
two automatic pistols in his bedroom, and he and his elder brother, King Ananda Mahidol, often used the gardens of the Baromphiman Palace
for target practice.
Bhumibol suffers from lumbar spine stenosis, a narrowing of the canal that contains
the spinal cord and nerve roots, which results in back and leg pain and numbness in the
legs. He received a microsurgical decompression in July 2006.[60][61]
King Bhumibol was taken to hospital on Saturday 13
October 2007, complaining he felt weak down his right side, doctors later found out through
scans that he had a blood shortage to his brain; he is currently under observation in Bangkok's Siriraj hospital. [62]
Music
Bhumibol is also an accomplished jazz musician and composer, thus putting him in the list of royal musicians. He was the first Asian composer awarded honorary membership of the Academy of Music and
Dramatic Arts in Vienna at the age of 32.[63] He used to
play jazz music on air on the Or Sor radio station. In his travels, he has played with such jazz legends as Benny Goodman, Jack Teagarden, Lionel Hampton, Maynard Ferguson, and Preservation Hall Jazz Band. His songs can often be heard at social gatherings and are
performed in concerts. They can be listened to here.
Sailing
Bhumibol is an accomplished sailor and sailboat designer.[64] He won a gold medal for sailing in the Fourth Southeast Asian Peninsular (SEAP) Games in 1967, together with HRH Princess
Ubol Ratana whom he tied for points.[65] This accomplishment is all the more remarkable given Bhumibol's lack of binocular depth perception. Bhumibol has also sailed the Gulf of
Thailand from Hua Hin to Toey Harbour in Sattahip, covering 60 nautical miles in a 14-hour journey on the "Vega 1," an OK Class dinghy he built.
Like his father, a former naval engineer, Bhumibol was an avid boat designer and
builder. He produced several small sail-boat designs in the International Enterprise, OK, and Moth
Classes. His designs in the Moth class include the “Mod,” “Super Mod,” and “Micro Mod.”
Patent
Bhumibol is the only Thai monarch—and possibly the only monarch in the world, to hold a patent;[66][67]
obtaining one in 1993 for a waste water aerator named "Chai Pattana" and several patents on rainmaking since 1955: the "sandwich" rainmaking patent in 1999 and lately the "supersandwich" patent in
2003.[68][69][70]
Wealth
Bhumibol is one of the wealthiest men in the world. Estimates of the post-devaluation (circa 1997–1998) wealth of the royal household range from 2 billion to 8
billion USD.[71] The wealth and properties of Bhumibol
and his family are managed by the Crown Property Bureau (CPB) and the Privy
Purse. The CPB was established by law but is independent of the Thai Government.
Through the CPB, Bhumibol owns massive amounts of land and equity in many companies. The CPB is the majority shareholder of
Siam Cement (the largest Thai industrial conglomerate), Christiani & Nielsen (one of the largest construction firms), Deves Insurance (which has monopoly on government properties and contracts), Siam Commercial Bank (one of the largest banks), and Shin
Corporation (a major telecommunications firm, through the CPB's holdings in Siam Commercial Bank). The CPB also rents or
leases about 36,000 properties to third parties, including the sites of the Four Seasons Hotel Bangkok, the Suan Lum Night
Bazaar, Siam Paragon and Central World Tower.
The CPB spearheaded a plan to turn Bangkok’s historical Rajadamnoen Avenue into a shopping street
known as the “Champs-Élysées of Asia” and in 2007, shocked longtime residents of
traditional marketplace districts by giving them eviction notices.[72] Bhumibol's substantial income from the CPB, at least five billion baht in 2004 alone, is exempt from taxes.[73][72] The
CPB receives many state privileges. Although the Ministry of Finance technically runs the CPB, in reality the decisions are made
by Bhumibol. The CPB's annual report is for the eyes of Bhumibol alone.[72]
In addition, the King has numerous personal investments independent of the CPB. He is personally the majority shareholder of
the Thai Insurance Company and Sammakorn, as well as many other companies.[74]
He also receives fees from public appearances and his presence in university graduation ceremonies.[75]
Bhumibol's personal aircraft is a Boeing 737-800. He has two spare aircraft: an
Airbus 319-300 and an Airbus ACJ319
(dubbed "Air Force One" by the media) that had been purchased by the Thaksin Shinawatra government for government use. Both Airbuses are used by other members of the
royal family.[76]
Lèse majesté
Scope of the law
Although Bhumibol is held in great respect by many Thais, he is also protected by lèse
majesté laws which allow critics to be jailed for three to 15 years.[77] The laws were toughened during the dictatorship of royalist Premier
Tanin Kraivixien, such that criticism of any member of the royal family, the royal
development projects, the royal institution, the Chakri Dynasty, or any previous Thai King was also banned.[78] Jail terms for Thai citizens committing lèse majesté are usually harsher
than for foreigners. Social critic Sulak Sivaraksa has been charged several times with
lèse majesté, but has always been acquitted. Politician Veera Musikapong was jailed and banned from politics for lèse majesté,
despite the palace's opinion that the remarks were harmless. Frenchman Lech Tomacz Kisielwicz
refused to switch off a reading light on a Thai Airways flight he shared with two Thai
princesses and was jailed under lèse majesté for two weeks after his flight landed in Bangkok.[79] He was acquitted after apologizing to the King.
There is controversy over whether criticism of members of Bhumibol's Privy Council also qualifies as criticism of
Bhumibol.[80] Police Special Branch Commander
Lt-General Theeradech Rodpho-thong refused to file charges of lèse majesté against activitists who launched a petition to oust
Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda, claiming that the law only applied to members of the royal family.[81] Two days later, he was demoted by Police
Commander Seripisut Temivavej.[82]
Bhumibol himself stated that he was not above criticism in his 2005 birthday speech. "Actually, I must also be criticised. I
am not afraid if the criticism concerns what I do wrong, because then I know. Because if you say the king cannot be criticised,
it means that the king is not human," he said. Irritated of the website Manusaya.com that criticized him with a column titled The
king can do no wrong, he answered "If the King can do no wrong, it is akin to looking down upon him because the King is not being
treated as a human being. But the King can do wrong."[83] Despite this, few have dared to call for the repeal of the law. Any doing so have been accused
of disloyalty and could also be charged with lèse majesté.[84] Political scientist Giles Ungpakorn noted that "the
lèse majesté laws are not really designed to protect the institution of the monarchy. In the past the laws have been used to
protect governments, to protect military coups. This whole [royal] image is created to bolster a conservative elite well beyond
the walls of the palace."
Political use of the lèse majesté law
Accusations of lese majesty are often politically motivated. Premier Thaksin
Shinawatra and his political opponent Sondhi Limthongkul both filed charges of
lèse majesté against each other during the 2005–2006 political crisis.
Thaksin's alleged lèse majesté was one of the stated reasons for the Thai military's 2006
coup.[85][86][87][88]
Inappropriate use of lèse majesté-related accusations can also put the accuser of defamation.
In 2005, the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) issued arrest warrants for two Swedish citizens, Abdulrosa Jehngoh and Chipley Putra Jehngoh, claiming that their Manusaya.com website
contained content insulting to Bhumibol.[89][90]
Chipley Putra Jehngoh also held Malaysian and Thai citizenship and at the time lived in the Middle East. Abdulrosa Jehngoh was
granted Swedish citizenship and lives in Sweden. The website was hosted in Canada and was linked
to separatist organization in southern Thailand or more specifically the website 'www.pulo.org' which incited separatist
movement.[91] In April 2007, A
Bangkok criminal court sentenced Sondhi for defamation for claiming on his Muang Thai Rai
Sapda talk show that Thaksin's Deputy Transport Minister, Phumtham Vejjayachai, was linked to the anti-royal Manusaya.com
website.[92]
Academics have been investigated for lese majesty for even questioning the role of the monarchy in Thai society. In 2007,
Assistant Professor Boonsong Chaisingkananon of Silapakorn University was investigated for lese majesty for asking students in an
exam if the institution of the monarchy was necessary for Thai society and how it may be reformed to be consistent with the
democratic system. The University cooperated with the police investigation, and even turned over students' answer sheets and the
marks the professor gave them.[93]
Insults to Bhumibol's image
Acts deemed insulting to Bhumibol's image are also criminal offenses in Thailand. Charges may be filed by anybody, except for
Bhumibol himself. In 2007, Oliver Jufer, a Swiss man, was sentenced to 10 years in jail for
daubing black paint on portraits of Bhumibol while drunk.[94] The Thai press was requested not to publish any information about the case. "This is a
delicate issue and we don't want the public to know much about it," noted chief prosecutor Manoon Moongpanchon.[95] The man originally pleaded innocent, but
eventually pleaded guilty to five acts of lèse majesté. Foreign reporters were barred from the hearing.[96] Saprang Kalayanamitr
publicly suspected that Jufer was hired to perform the vandalism and ordered a military investigation.[97] Jufer was pardoned by the king less than a
month after his conviction.
Internet-based insults
