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Various forms of modern mythologies among the native peoples of Melanesia, arising from folk recollections of the riches brought by white traders, missionaries, or other colonizers. The earliest form of cargo cults appears to have developed in Fiji in the late nineteenth century when prophets would announce the imminent return of ancestors or white men on ships laden with luxuries.
During World War II, another form of cargo cult developed around the Red Cross planes transporting medical supplies to the Pacific Islands; modern leaders erected red crosses in the hope of bringing back supplies. In New Hebrides, there was a group that believed a white man would arrive in a red airplane laden with good things, and sticks were used to mark out a magic airstrip. In the New Hebridean island of Tanna, a strong movement emerged around the mythical messianic figure "John Frum." He appears to favor particular individuals and makes legendary trips to America to visit the president. His "Second Coming" will be manifest to the whole island, and he will bring the good things of the world so long denied to the Tannese.
Cargo cults represent a tragic combination of exploitation by explorers and traders and the culture shock of Christian missionaries displacing native religion.
Sources:
Burridge, Kennelm. Mambu. New York: Harper Torchbook, 1978.
Lawrence, Peter. Road Belong Cargo. Melbourne, Australia: Melbourne University Press, 1964.
Rice, Edward. John Frum He Come. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1974.
Worsley, Peter. The Trumpet Shall Sound. New York: Schocken Books, 1962.
| Wikipedia: Cargo cult |
A cargo cult is a type of religious practice that may appear in traditional tribal societies in the wake of interaction with technologically advanced, non-native cultures. The cults are focused on obtaining the material wealth of the advanced culture through magical thinking, religious rituals and practices, believing that the wealth was intended for them by their deities and ancestors. Cargo cults are exclusively documented in New Guinea and other Melanesian and Micronesian societies in the southwest Pacific Ocean, and historically arose following contact with people from more technically advanced societies through exploration, colonization, missionary efforts, and international warfare. However, similar behaviors have appeared elsewhere in the world.
Cargo cults arose in remote parts of the western South Pacific beginning with the first significant arrivals of Westerners in the 19th century. The behavior increased significantly during and after World War II, when large amounts of manpower and materials were brought in by the Japanese and American combatants, and this was observed by the residents of these regions. Missionaries and colonial authorities normally present before World War II were evacuated from combat areas, and the local villagers were deprived of any knowledgeable explanations of these wide-spread and large scale war activities. Very little fraternization, or at least exchange of knowledge, occurred between US troops and the remote Melanesians, and, initially, relations with the Japanese Army were good, but this soon deteriorated into hostility in most regions. The situation was essentially that a small number of primitive peoples were observing, often right in front of their dwellings, the largest war ever fought in history and it was between the most advanced countries.
Cults that developed within remote Melanesian populations, caused by the World War II events, promised to bestow the cult followers with "cargos" of food, arms, jeeps, etc., from their own ancestors, or other sources, as had happened to the outsider armies. Cult behaviors usually involved mimicking the day to day activities and dress styles of US soldiers, such as performing parade ground drills with wooden or salvaged rifles. Interestingly, there are no reports of villagers mimicking the Japanese army. It was quickly understood by villagers that the white (US) tribe had won the conflict. Cargo cults typically were created by individual leaders, or strong men in the Melanesian culture, and it is not at all clear if these leaders were genuine, or were simply running scams on gullible populations. The leaders typically held cult rituals well away from established towns and colonial authorities, thus making reliable information about these practices very difficult to acquire. The most widely reported cargo cult, and one of the longest-lived, is probably the John Frum cult of Tanna Island in Vanuatu. This cult started before the war, and only became a cargo cult afterwards. A number of editions of the Papua New Guinea PostCourier from late 1969 report an apparent later-day cargo cult, but with more traditional practices involved.
Members, leaders, and prophets of cargo cults maintain that the manufactured goods ("cargo") of the non-native culture have been created by spiritual means, such as through their deities and ancestors, and are intended for the local indigenous people, but that, unfairly, the foreigners have gained control of these objects through attraction of these material goods to themselves by malice or mistake[citation needed].
Cargo cults thus focus on efforts to overcome what they perceive as the undue influence of the others attracting the goods, by conducting rituals imitating behavior they have observed among the holders of the desired wealth and presuming that their deities and ancestors will, at last, recognize their own people and send the cargo to them instead. Thus, a characteristic feature of cargo cults is the belief that spiritual agents will, at some future time, give much valuable cargo and desirable manufactured products to the cult members[citation needed].
In other instances, such as on the island of Tanna in Vanuatu, cult members worship certain Americans, who brought the desired cargo to their island during World War II as part of the supplies used in the war effort, as the spiritual entity who will provide the cargo to them in the future. [1]
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An isolated society's first contact with the outside world can be a shock—often the natives first will assume that the newcomers are spiritual beings of some kind who possess divine powers. Attempts may be made to fit the contact into the existing beliefs of the culture. Sharing of wealth by leaders is often part of the beliefs and social traditions in the Micronesian native cultures. With time, however, it will inevitably become apparent that the outsiders are mortal, that their power comes from their equipment (or cargo), and that they are not sharing the materials with the natives. Reliance upon cultural traditions may suggest that proper rituals are not being followed, especially in a culture that has been altered by colonists and missionaries, but that devising new rituals may result in the fulfillment of their expectations.
Cargo cults tend to appear among people who covet this desired equipment but are unable to obtain it easily through trade or established traditions. Given their relative isolation, the cult participants generally have little knowledge of modern manufacturing and are liable to be skeptical about Western explanations. Instead, some symbols associated with Christianity and modern Western society often tend to be incorporated into their rituals as magical artifacts. Across cultural differences and large geographic areas, there have been instances of the movements organizing independently.
Notable examples of cargo cult activity include the setting up of mock airstrips, airports, offices, and dining rooms, as well as the fetishization and attempted construction of Western goods, such as radios made of coconuts and straw. Believers may stage "drills" and "marches" with sticks for rifles and use military-style insignia and national insignia painted on their bodies to make them look like soldiers, thereby treating the activities of Western military personnel as rituals to be performed for the purpose of attracting the cargo. The cult members built these items and "facilities" in the belief that the structures would attract cargo intended to be sent to them.
The history of cargo cults seems to have begun before historical records in the countries of Melanesia, and advances from materials that arrive with foreigners by canoe to sailing vessels, freighters, and airplanes. An indigenous tradition of exchange of goods and objects of wealth was tied to a belief that the ancestors and deities had an influence over these things and prophecies that they would return at some time laden with these objects of wealth for the members of the tribes.
Discussions of cargo cults usually begin with a series of movements that occurred in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. The earliest recorded cargo cult was the Tuka Movement that began in Fiji in 1885. Cargo cults occurred periodically in many parts of the island of New Guinea, including the Taro Cult in northern Papua New Guinea and the Vailala Madness that arose in 1919 and was documented by F. E. Williams, one of the first anthropologists to conduct fieldwork in Papua New Guinea. Less dramatic cargo cults have appeared in western New Guinea as well, including the Asmat and Dani areas.
Parkinson (Thirty Years in the South Seas.) notes a number of scams occurring around the Tolai areas of New Britain circa 1880, that were cult-like. Tolais used shell money and it was true currency, not merely decorative. Unscrupulous individuals had been observed to set up get-rich-quick schemes to fleece shell money from the masses. The most notable scheme was the Tabu (money) Tree, exactly like a modern day casino, but with an entry fee. These types of schemes, no doubt wide spread, show that scamming was well developed in Melanesian societies, before outside contact. The cargo cults found after WW2 could well have been nothing more than such deceptions, practised by a few cunning individuals.
The most widely known period of cargo cult activity, however, was in the years during and after World War II. First, the Japanese arrived with a great deal of unknown equipment, and later, Allied forces also used the islands in the same way. The vast amounts of war materiel that were airdropped (or airlifted to airstrips) onto these islands during the Pacific campaign between the Allies and the Empire of Japan necessarily meant drastic changes to the lifestyle of the islanders, many of whom had never seen Westerners or Easterners before. Manufactured clothing, medicine, canned food, tents, weapons, and other useful goods arrived in vast quantities to equip soldiers. Some of it was shared with the islanders who were their guides and hosts. With the end of the war, the airbases were abandoned, and cargo was no longer dropped.
In attempts to get cargo to fall by parachute or land in planes or ships again, islanders imitated the same practices they had seen the soldiers, sailors, and airmen use. They carved headphones from wood and wore them while sitting in fabricated control towers. They waved the landing signals while standing on the runways. They lit signal fires and torches to light up runways and lighthouses. The cult members thought that the foreigners had some special connection to the deities and ancestors of the natives, who were the only beings powerful enough to produce such riches.
In a form of sympathetic magic, many built life-size replicas of airplanes out of straw and created new military-style landing strips, hoping to attract more airplanes. Ultimately, although these practices did not bring about the return of the airplanes that brought such marvelous cargo during the war, they did have the effect of eradicating most of the religious practices that had existed prior to the war.[citation needed]
Over the last sixty-five years, most cargo cults have disappeared. However, the John Frum cult is still active on the island of Tanna, Vanuatu.
From time to time, the term "cargo cult" is invoked as an English language idiom to mean any group of people who imitate the superficial exterior of a process or system without having any understanding of the underlying substance. The error of logic made by the islanders consisted of mistaking a necessary condition (i.e., building airstrips, control towers, etc.) for cargo to come flying in, for a sufficient condition for cargo to come flying in, thereby reversing the causation. On a lower level, they repeated the same error by e.g. mistaking the necessary condition (i.e. build something that looks like a control tower) for building a control tower, for a sufficient condition for building a control tower.
The inception of cargo cults often is defined as being based on a flawed model of causation, being the confusion between the logical concepts of necessary condition and sufficient condition when aiming to obtain a certain result. Based on this definition, the term "cargo cult" also is used in business and science to refer to a particular type of fallacy whereby ill-considered effort and ceremony take place but go unrewarded due to flawed models of causation as described above. For example, Maoism has been referred to as "cargo cult Marxism"[citation needed], and New Zealand's optimistic adoption of liberal economic policies in the 1980s as "cargo cult capitalism".[citation needed]
The term as an adjective is perhaps best known outside of anthropology because of a speech by physicist Richard Feynman at a Caltech commencement, wherein he referred to "cargo cult science", and which became a chapter in the book Surely You're Joking, Mr. Feynman!. In the speech, Feynman pointed out that cargo cultists create all the appearance of an airport right down to headsets with bamboo "antennas", yet the airplanes do not come. Feynman argued that some researchers often produce studies with all the trappings of real science, but which are nonetheless pseudoscience and unworthy of either respect or support.
A cargo cult is depicted in the novel Island of the Sequined Love Nun. In the science-fiction/murder mystery novel Dream Park cargo cults were used as a backdrop. In the documentary film Mondo Cane a South Pacific cargo cult was shown. The fictional movie The Gods Must Be Crazy included a cargo cult. In the book Guns, Germs, and Steel the author, Jared Diamond, poses as the initiating question "Why did you [Europeans] wind up with all the cargo?", as asked by a Papua New Guinean, Yali, who was the cargo cult-associated prophet and political leader prominent in Road Belong Cargo. A cargo cult plays an important part in a short story by JG Ballard, "A Question of Re-Entry". Cargo Culte is also a song by French composer Serge Gainsbourg, full of alliterations referring to the cargo cult of New Guinea.
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