Caste systems are traditional, hereditary systems of social restriction and
social stratification, enforced by law or common practice, based on
endogamy, occupation, economic status, race and ethnicity.
Definitions
Caste is described by the Oxford English Dictionary as both, "each of the hereditary classes of Hindu society, distinguished
by relative degrees of ritual purity or pollution and of social status," and, "any exclusive social class".[1]
Although Hinduism is often now associated with the word caste, it was first used by the Portuguese to describe inherited class
status in their own European society.
Vedas and other Indian scriptures speak of 'Varna', classification of the human society in general based on 'guna', or
personality traits, and 'Jati', or tribe. In "A New History of India," by Stanley Wolpert, "[s]uch a process of expansion,
settled agricultural production, and pluralistic integration of new peoples led to the development of India's uniquely complex
system of social organization, which was mistakenly labeled the caste system by the Portuguese. For what the Portuguese [...]
called "caste" in the sixteenth century was, in fact the Rig Vedic "class" (varna) system of Brahmanas (priests), Kshastriyas
(warriors), Vaishyas (merchants), and Shudras (artisans), whereas what Indians mean by caste is really a much more narrowly
limited, endogamous group related by "birth" (jati)." It should be noted that the Vedic classification of a society is universal
and is not limited to India. Further, the Vedic classification (varna categorization of society based on nature or profession) is
actually non-hereditary, individual, and can be changed by learning or practice. The word jati (tribe) is used to describe any
community, and not specific to any one religion. A person's jati (community or tribe or caste) is the social group (with its own
culture, religious practices, traditions, language, customs, regional origin, etc...) one is born into, and is hereditary. There
are countless castes or communities (jatis) in India. Many communities were known for certain occupations. Before universal
education, as in the rest of the world, job skills were often transferred within families and communities. Those communities
(jatis) known for a particular occupation or related occupations that could be categorized into one of the four varnas (priest,
warrior, merchant/agriculturist, or artisan), were over time known as belonging to one of the four varnas. However, it should be
noted that there are many Hindu religions in which animal sacrifices are common. The priests in those non-Brahminical temples,
Christian churches and Islamic mosques do not belong to the vedic priest (Brahmin) class.
A Caste's, or Jati's, association with a profession, or varna, can change with the chosen professions of it's members. Due to
tribal, racial, religious and ethnic affiliations, one almost always married within the community one was born into. Each
community governs itself without proselytizing, interfering or imposing their values on other communities, and this live and let
live attitude is the main reason why so many communities were able to maintain their diversity while living among other
communities in India.
Anthropologists use the term "caste" more generally, to refer to a social group
that is endogamous and occupationally specialized; such
groups are common in highly stratified societies with a very low degree of social mobility;[citation needed] that is to say, a caste system is
one in which an individual's occupation and marriage prospects are determined by his or her birth and heritage. In its broadest
sense, examples of caste-based societies include colonial Latin America under
Spanish and Portuguese rule (see Casta) and advanced countries like the United States of America,
apart from India.
The Estates in Europe
In medieval Europe, the estates of the realm were a caste system. The population
was divided into nobles, clergy, the commoners and in some regions, the latter was divided into burghers, peasants and the
estateless. Although originally based on occupation, one's estate was eventually inherited, because of low social mobility.
Castes in Africa
-
Countries in Africa who have societies with caste systems within their borders include Mali,
Mauritania, Senegal, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau,
Ivory Coast, Niger, Burkina
Faso, Cameroon, Ghana, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Algeria,
Nigeria, Chad, Ethiopia and
Somalia.
The Osu caste system in Nigeria and southern Cameroon are derived from indigenous religious beliefs and discriminate against
the "Osus" people as "owned by deities" and outcasts.
Similarly, the Mande societies in Senegal, Gambia, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ivory Coast and Ghana have caste systems
that divide society by occupation and ethnic ties.The Mande caste system regards the "Jonow" slave castes as inferior. Similarly,
the Wolof caste system in Senegal is divided into three main groups, the Geer (freeborn/nobles), jaam (slaves and slave
descendents) and the outcasted neeno (people of caste).
Other caste systems in Africa include the Borana caste system of NE Kenya with the Watta as the
lowest caste, the "Ubuhake" castes in Rwanda and Burundi, and the Hutu undercastes in Rwanda who
committed genocide on the Tutsi overlords in the now infamous Rwandan Genocide.
Balinese caste system
-
The caste system in Bali is similar to the Indian caste system; however, India's caste system is
far more complicated than Bali's, and there are only four Balinese castes:
- Sudras - peasants making up more than 90% of Bali's population
- Wesias - the caste of merchants
- Satrias - the warrior caste, it also included some nobility and kings
- Brahmans - holy men and priests
Different dialects of the Balinese language are used to address members of a
different caste.
The Balinese caste system has completely dissipated and is no longer in use due to the untouchable rebellion of 1649.
Nonetheless, even though it is not written in law, most people still belong to the caste system.
Castes in India
-
Caste system among Hindus
-
Caste in India mistakenly links two categories - the varna (class/group) and the
jati (tribe). Prior to European colonization by Portugal and
Britain, the Portuguese word caste was not used to describe the Hindu term Varna and the Indian term Jati in India.
Varna as enunciated in the Hindu sacred scriptures of Vedas and the
non-sacred Manusmriti text, seems to have categorised the people in the Indian society based
on qualities and occupation. It formed ideologies of identity and status and may have been open to a changing process of the
coming and going of groups. Broadly speaking, the varnas are Brahmins (priests, scholars and teachers), Kshatriya (warriors and rulers),
Vaisya (traders and agriculturists), and Sudra (manual workers).
Brahmins have usually been described by the western orientalists as the priestly class, but this may not be very accurate. A
temple priest need not have been a Brahmin, but a Yajna priest always was. The Greeks and the
Muslims showed a better understanding when they described Brahmins as the Philosophers. The people who fell outside the four
varna included the Dalits (originally a part of Varna but fell out because they did not abide by
the rules of soceity), adivasis (because they were not a part of mainstream society), and
foreigners (all were called Mlechhas), probably because they did not subscribe to Vedas and the rules and values of the Vedic
society.
Over time, it is thought, influenced by economic and social factors, the social ranking became a traditional, hereditary
system of social stratification. It operated through thousands of endogamous
groups, termed jāti. Though there were several kinds of variations across the breadth of
India, the jati was the effective community within which one married and spent most of one's personal life. Often it was the
community (jati) which one turned to for support and also the community (jati) which one sought to promote. The community
(jati/tribe) system, usually with politically and economically derived hierarchies, has been followed across the Indian continent
with regional variations across India, Pakistan,
Bangladesh and Nepal. Different religious denominations have
traditionally followed different kinds of community (jati) stratification that has nothing to do with their respective religion.
With the assertion of "caste" identities under the British empire, communities (jatis) sought to place themselves within varna
and mobility in reference to it was not uncommon. Sanskritization is an example of this.
While the prevalence of the community (jati) social ranking has declined significantly over the course of the twentieth century,
remote and rural areas of the subcontinent continue to subscribe to community ranking. Contrary to popular belief, historically
there was a great deal of mobility and intermingling between Indian communities, and among Hindu varna categories, other than
Brahmins, largely based on economic or political status of the concerned group. While community (jati) endogamy remains quite
strong and though a diverse and rich range of communities is healthy and valuable, ongoing linking of communities to a particular
social status is perhaps the biggest obstacle to the process of dissolution of inherited social status. However, one significant
blow to inherited social status in India came about with the abolition of royalty when India gained its independence from the
British Empire. Ironically, India is in this regard ahead of several democratic European countries that still have kings, queens,
princes, princesses, including its former colonial master Britain. The remaining struggle in India is to separate the rest of the
communities regardless of the religion they follow from any social rank, while allowing for the uniqueness of each community.
The Vedic priests were enjoined by their scriptures and texts, including the Manusmriti,
to live in poverty and to shun possessions and temporal power and to instead devote themselves to the study and teaching of
scriptures and other knowledge, to pure conduct, and to spiritual growth. In fact, they usually subsisted on alms from the rest
of the society, including from those in the Shudra varna. This is an important point in understanding the difference between
caste and class, which are usually equated in the westernised mind, with concepts of economic hierarchies and dominating power
structures deeply embedded in its world-view and belief systems[2]
"Caste" became an important element of Indian politics after the British imperialists used "caste"-based classifications as
the basis of classifying the colonized Indian population, especially the Hindus, in the population censuses of late 19th Century.
This became more specific in the 1901 Census, because the Indian population, not being aware of what the Brahmins thought of
them, by and large did not understand what was meant by "caste" and gave their occupation, religion, education, etc. as their
"caste".[2]. This time the census enumerators
insisted on slotting the population into the four varna categories, even if it meant a loose fit. Thus the British succeeded in
melding the empirical reality of jatis (communities) with the Brahmin's theoretical construct of varna (categorization of
occupations), as "caste"(inherited social status), causing the popular modern perception of Indian society having been "always"
divided into the four "hereditary" "caste" groups from "time immemorial".
Some activists consider that the "caste" (tribes and jatis) is a form of racial
discrimination.[3][4] This allegation has been rejected by many sociologists such as Andre Béteille, who writes that treating caste as a form of racism is "politically mischievous" and
worse, "scientifically nonsense" since there is no discernible difference in the racial characteristics between Brahmins and Scheduled Castes such as the
jatav. He writes that "Every social group cannot be regarded as a race simply because we want to
protect it against prejudice and discrimination".[5]
The Indian government denies the claims of equivalency between Caste and Racial discrimination, pointing out that the issues
of social status is essentially intra-racial and intra-cultural.The view of the "caste" system as "static and unchanging" has
been disputed. Sociologists describe how the perception of the "caste" system as a static and textual stratification has given
way to the perception of the "caste" system as a more processual, emprical and contextual stratification. Others have applied
theoretical models to explain mobility and flexibility in the "caste system" in India.[6] According to these scholars, groups of lower-caste individuals
could seek to elevate the status of their caste by attempting to emulate the practices of higher castes.
Sociologist M. N. Srinivas has also debated the question of rigidity in Caste.[7][8] For details see sanskritization.
Caste system among Indian Christians
-
Some converts to Christianity have retained the old caste practices of the Hindu religion.
Caste practice are usually holdovers from the former religion or the acculturation of the Hindu
practices into their new faith. In particular, Catholic Dalit
Christians in certain parts of India are regarded as an undercaste by upper-caste Catholic
Christian clergy, nuns, and Hindus and are discriminated against in society.
Modern status of the caste system
The inherited social status is gradually relaxing, especially in metropolitan and other major urban areas, due to higher
penetration of high education, co-existence of all communities and lesser knowledge about caste system due to alienation with
rural roots of people. But in the countryside and small towns, this system is still very rigid. However, the total elimination of
caste system seems distant, if ever possible, due to caste politics.
The Government of India has officially documented castes and subcastes, primarily
to determine those deserving reservation (positive discrimination in education and jobs) through the census.
The Indian reservation system relies entirely on quotas. The Government lists consist of
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes:
- Scheduled castes (SC)
- Scheduled castes generally consist of former "untouchables"
(the term "Dalit" is now preferred). Present population is 16% of total population of India i.e.
around 160 million. For example, the Delhi state has 49 castes listed as SC.[9]
- Scheduled tribes (ST)
- Scheduled tribes generally consist of tribal groups. Present population is 8% of total
population of India i.e. around 80 million.
- Other Backward Classes (OBC)
- The Mandal Commission covered more than 3000 castes under OBC Category and stated
that OBCs form around 52% of the Indian population. However, the National Sample Survey puts the figure at 32%.[10] There is substantial debate over the exact number of OBCs in
India. It is generally estimated to be sizable, but many believe that it is lower than the figures quoted by either the Mandal
Commission and the National Sample Survey.[11]
The caste-based reservations in India have led to wide-spread protests, with
many complaining of reverse discrimination against the forward castes.
Though inter-caste marriages are now quite common in India, many Indians consider caste a major criterion for matrimonial
choices. Almost all Indian matrimonial websites and matrimonial columns in Indian newspapers contain caste-based
categories.[12]
Caste politics
-
Mahatma Gandhi, B. R. Ambedkar and
Jawaharlal Nehru had radically different approaches to caste esp. over constitutional
politics and the status of "untouchables".[13] Till the mid-1970s, the politics of independent
India was largely dominated by economic issues and questions of corruption. But since the 1980s,
caste has emerged as a major issue in the Politics of India.[13]
The Mandal Commission was established in 1979 to "identify the socially or
educationally backward",[14] and to
consider the question of seat reservations and quotas for people to redress caste
discrimination. In 1980, the commission's report affirmed the affirmative action practice under Indian law whereby members of lower castes were given exclusive
access to a certain portion of government jobs and slots in public universities. When V. P. Singh Government tried to implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission in 1989, massive protests were held throughout the country. Many alleged that the
politicians were trying to benefit personally from caste-based reservations for purely pragmatic electoral purposes.
Many political parties in India have openly indulged in caste-based votebank politics. Parties such as Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the
Samajwadi Party and the Janata Dal claim that they
are representing the backward castes, and rely primarily on OBC support, often in alliance with Dalit and Muslim support to win
the elections.[15]
Castes in Japan
-
Japan historically subscribed to a feudal caste system. While modern law has officially abolished the caste hierarchy, there
are reports of discrimination against the Buraku or Burakumin undercastes, historically referred to by the insulting term "Eta".[16] Studies comparing the caste systems in India and Japan have been performed, with
similar discriminations against the Burakumin as the Dalits. The Burakumin are regarded as
"ostracized".[17] The burakumin are one of the main
minority groups in Japan, along with the Ainu
of Hokkaidō and residents of Korean and
Chinese descent.
Castes in Korea
With the unification of the three kingdoms in the seventh century and the foundation of the Koryo dynasty in the Middle Ages,
Koreans systemized its own native caste system. At the top was the two official classes, the YANGBAN. Yangban means "two
classes". It was composed of scholars (Munban) and warriors (Muban). Within the Yangban class, the Scholars (Munban) enjoyed a
significant social advantage over the warrior (Muban) class, until the Muban Rebellion in 1170. Muban ruled Korea under
successive Warrior Leaders until the Mongol Conquest in 1253. SAM BYUL CHO, the private Army of the ruling Choe dynasty, carried
on the struggle against the Mongols until 1273, when they were finally wiped out to the last man in Chejudo. With the destruction
of the warrior class, the Munban gained ascendancy. In 1392, with the foundation of Joseon dynasty, the full ascendancy of munban
over muban was final. With the establishment of Confucianism as the state philosophy of Joseon, the Muban would never again gain
its former social standing in Korean society.
Beneath the Yangban class were the Jung-in. They were the technicians. They served in lower level government bureaucracy. They
were literate, yet were unable to rise into full bureaucratic positions despite passing the gwageo (central government entrance)
exam. This class was small and specialized.
Beneath the Jung-in were the Chun min. They were the landless peasants. These people composed the majority of Korean society
until the 1600s. They were illiterate, and forbidden from marrying into the Yangban class. During the Japanese invasion of 1592,
as many government genealogical record was burnt, many of them fabricated their social origin and moved into the Yangban class.
With the Manchu invasion in the 1627 and 1637 and numerous peasant rebellions that followed, the ranks of Yangban families
swelled up to more than 60% of the whole country by the late 1800's.
Beneath the Chun min were the Sang min, also called Ssangnom in the vernacular. These were the servant class.
Underneath them all were the Baekjeong. The meaning today is that of butcher. They originate from the Khitan invasion of Korea
in the 900s. As they were defeated, instead of sending them back to Manchuria, The Goryeo government retianed them as warriors,
spread out throughout Korea. As they were nomads skilled in hunting and tanning of leather, their skill was initially valued by
Koreans. Over the centuries, their foreign origins were forgotten, and were only remembered as butchers and tanners.
With Gabo reform of 1896, the caste system of Korea was officially abolished. However, the Yangban families carried on
traditional education and formal mannerisms into the 20th century. With the "democratization" of 1990s in South Korea, remnant of
such mannerisms and classism is now heavily frowned upon in the South Korean society, replaced by the myth of egalitarianism.
However, with rampant capitalism, a new aristocracy is slowly developing, caused by a major gap in income among the people of
Korea, with the resulting differences in education and mannerism.
-
The baekjeong were an “untouchable” outcaste group of Korea, often compared with the burakumin of Japan and the dalits of India and
Nepal. The term baekjeong itself means “a butcher”, but later changed into "common
citizens" to change the caste system so that the system would be without untouchables. In the early part of the Goryeo period (918 - 1392), the outcaste groups were largely settled in fixed communities. However,
the Mongol invasion left Korea in disarray and anomie, and these groups began to become
nomadic. Other subgroups of the baekjeong are the chaein and the hwachae.[citation needed] During the Joseon dynasty, they were
specific professions like basket weaving and performing executions. They were also considered in moral violation of Buddhist
principles, which lead Koreans to see work involving meat as polluting and sinful, even if they saw the consumption as
acceptable.
The opening of Korea to foreign Christian missionary activity in the late 19th century saw some improvement in the status of
the baekjeong; However, everyone was not equal under the Christian congregation, and protests erupted when missionaries
attempted to integrate them into worship services, with non-baekjeong finding such an attempt insensitive to traditional
notions of hierarchical advantage.[citation needed] Also around the same time, the baekjeong began to resist the open social
discrimination that existed against them.[18] hey focused
on social and economic injustices affecting the baekjeong, hoping to create an egalitarian Korean society. Their efforts included attacking social discrimination by the upper class,
authorities, and “commoners” and the use of degrading language against children in public schools.[19]
Castes in Latin America
-
Many Latin American countries have caste systems based on classification by race and
race mixture. An entire nomenclature developed, including the familiar terms "mulato", "mestizo", and "zambo" (whence "sambo"). The caste system was
imposed during colonial rule by the Spanish who had practiced a form of caste system in Spain prior to the expulsion of the Jews
and Muslims. While many Latin American countries have long since rendered the system officially illegal through legislation,
usually at the time of independence from Spain, prejudice based on degrees of perceived racial distance from Spanish ancestry
combined with one's socioeconomic status remain, an echo of the colonial caste system. The United States and many Caribbean
countries also share similar caste hierarchies based on race and race mixture. [20][21]
Nepalese caste system
-
The Nepalese caste system resembles that of the Indian Jāti system with numerous Jāti divisions
with a Varna system superimposed.
Caste system in Pakistan
-
A caste system similar to that in India is practiced in Pakistan, although with wide variability since the concept of caste is not actually recognized in
Islam. In the absence of "classical" castes, typically the proxies used are ethnic
background (Sindhi, Punjabi, Pusthun, Balochi, Mohajir etc.), tribal affiliations and religious
denominations or sects (Sunni, Shia, Ahmadiyya, Ismaili, Christian, Hindu etc.).
While caste/social stratification information can be found relating to specific areas in Pakistan, it is not known if any
studies have compared how relatively prevalent such attitudes are amongst the various ethnic groups, religious sects and
geographies. Also, it is not known if any tracking studies have documented changes in these social attitudes.
Anecdotal evidence seems to suggest that there are quite significant differences in how social stratification is practised
within, and between, the various ethnic/religious groups in Pakistan.
The social stratification among Muslims in the "Swat" area of North Pakistan has been meaningfully compared to the Caste
system in India. The society is rigidly divided into subgroups where each Quom (meaning tribe or nation) is assigned a
profession. Different Quoms are not permitted to intermarry or live in the same community.[22] These Muslims practice a ritual-based system of social stratification. The
Quoms who deal with human emissions are ranked the lowest.[23]
The Caste system in Pakistan creates sectarian divides and strong issues along similar lines to those divides seen in
India. Lower castes are often severely persecuted by the upper castes. Lower castes are denied
privileges in many communities and violence is committed against them. A particularly infamous example of such incidents is that
of Mukhtaran Mai in Pakistan, a low caste woman who was gang raped by upper caste
men.[24] In addition, educated Pakistani women from the
lower castes are often persecuted by the higher castes for attempting to break the shackles of the restrictive system (that
traditionally denied education to the lower castes, particularly the women). A recent example of this is the case of Ghazala
Shaheen, a low caste Muslim woman in Pakistan who, in addition to getting a higher education, had an uncle who eloped with a
woman of a high caste family. She was accosted and gang-raped by the upper-caste family. The chances of any legal action are low
due to the Pakistani Government's inability to repeal the Hudood ordinance against
women in Pakistan,[25] though, in 2006, Pakistan president Pervez Musharraf proposed laws against Hudood
making rape a punishable offense,[26] which were ratified
by the Pakistani senate. The law is meeting considerable opposition from the Islamist parties
in Pakistan, who insist that amending the laws to make them more civilized towards women is against the mandate of Islamic
religious law.[27]
The late Nawab Akbar Bugti a freedom-fighter for the Balochistan Liberation Army fighting for secession from Pakistan, criticised Punjabi
attitudes to women when he said, "What respect we give to a woman, irrespective of her caste, religion or ethnicity, no Punjabi
can understand."[28]
Sri Lankan caste system
-
Castes in Yemen
In Yemen there exists a caste like system that keeps Al-Akhdam
social group as the perennial manual workers for the society through practices that
mirror untouchability.[29] Al-Akhdam
(literally "servants" with Khadem as plural) is the lowest rung in the Yemeni caste system and by far the poorest. According to
official estimates in Yemen, the total number of Khadem countywide is in the neighbourhood of 500,000, some 100,000 of which live
in the outskirts of the capital Sana’a. The remainder are dispersed mainly in and around the cities of Aden, Taiz, Lahj, Abyan,
Hodeidah and Mukalla.[30]
Origins
The Khadem are not members of the three castes--Bedouin (nomads), fellahin (villagers), and hadarrin (townspeople)--that
comprise mainstream Arab society.[30]They are
believed to be of Ethiopian ancestry. Some sociologists theorize that the Khadem are descendants of Ethiopian soldiers who had
occupied Yemen in the 5th century but were driven out in the 6th century. According to this theory the al-Akhdham are descended
from the soldiers who stayed behind and were forced into menial labor as a punitive measure.[30]
Discrimination
The Khadem live in small shanty towns and are marginalized and shunned by mainstream society in Yemen. The Khadem slums exist
mostly in big cities, including the capital, Sana’a. Their segregated communities have poor housing conditions. As a result of
their low position in society, very few children in the Khadem community are enrolled in school[30] and often have little choice but to beg for money and intoxicate themselves
with crushed glass.[31] A traditional
Arabic saying in the region goes: “Clean your plate if it is touched by a dog, but break
it if it’s touched by a Khadem".[30] Though
conditions have improved somewhat over the past few years, the Khadem are still stereotyped by mainstream Yemenese society,
considering them lowly, dirty, ill-mannered and immoral.[31]
Many NGO's and charitable organizations from other countries such as CARE International are working towards their
emancipation. The Yemenese government denies that there is any discrimination against the Khadem.[29][32]
See also
Notes
- ^ http://www.askoxford.com/concise_oed/caste?view=uk
- ^ a b G.S. Ghurye (1969)-Caste and Race in India, Popular Prakashan, Mumbai 1969
(1932)and Dirk "Castes of Mind" online
- ^ An Untouchable
Subject?
- ^ Final Declaration of the Global Conference Against Racism and Caste-based
Discrimination
- ^ Discrimination that must be cast away,The Hindu
- ^ James
Silverberg (November 1969). "Social Mobility in the Caste System in India: An Interdisciplinary Symposium". The American
Journal of Sociology 75 (3): 443-444.
- ^ Srinivas, M.N, Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India by MN
Srinivas, Page 32 (Oxford, 1952)
- ^ Caste in Modern India; And other essays: Page 48. (Media Promoters &
Publishers Pvt. Ltd, Bombay; First Published: 1962, 11th Reprint: 1994)
- ^ List of Scheduled Castes Delhi
Govt.
- ^ Reply to SC daunting task for government, Tribune India
- ^ What is India's population of other backward classes?,Yahoo News
- ^ Vikas Kamat. India's Arranged
Marriages. Retrieved on 2006-12-12.
- ^ a b Danny Yee. Book review of Caste, Society and Politics in India: From the Eighteenth Century to the
Modern Age. Retrieved on 2006-12-11.
- ^ Bhattacharya, Amit. "Who are the OBCs?".
Retrieved on 2006-04-19. Times of India, April 8, 2006.
- ^ Caste-Based Parties. Country Studies US.
Retrieved on 2006-12-12.
- ^ http://www.hrdc.net/sahrdc/hrfeatures/HRF39.htm
- ^ William H. Newell (December 1961).
"The Comparative Study of Caste in India and Japan". Asian Survey 1 (10): 3-10.
- ^ Kim,
Joong-Seop (1999). "In Search of Human Rights: The Paekchŏng Movement in Colonial Korea", in Gi-Wook Shin and Michael Robinson:
Colonial Modernity in Korea, 326.
- ^ Kim,
Joong-Seop (2003). The Korean Paekjŏng under Japanese rule: the quest for equality and human rights,
147.
- ^ http://www.zonalatina.com/Zldata55.htm
- ^ http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-8762(197112)76%3A5%3C1626%3ARACILA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6
- ^ Leach, Edmund Ronald (November 24, 1971).
Aspects of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-West Pakistan (Pg 113). Cambridge University Press.
- ^ Leach, Edmund Ronald (November 24, 1971).
Aspects of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-West Pakistan (Pg 113). Cambridge University Press.
- ^ http://archives.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/asiapcf/south/08/31/pakistan.gang.rape/
- ^ Pakistani graduate raped to punish her low-caste family The Sunday Times - September 24,
2006
- ^ Pakistan senate backs rape bill,BBC
- ^ Strong feelings over Pakistan rape laws,BBC
- ^ Tribals looking down a barrel in Balochistan
- ^ a b Akhdam: Ongoing suffering for lost identity Yemen Mirror
- ^ a b c d e YEMEN: Akhdam people suffer history of discrimination,irinnews.org
- ^ a b Caste In Yemen by Marguerite Abadjian,Countercurrents.org archive of The Baltimore
Sun
- ^ Yemen Times
References
- Spectres of Agrarian Territory by David Ludden December 11, 2001
- "Early Evidence for Caste in South India", p. 467-492 in Dimensions of Social Life: Essays in honor of David G.
Mandelbaum, Edited by Paul Hockings and Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin, New York, Amsterdam, 1987.
External links
This entry is from Wikipedia, the leading user-contributed encyclopedia. It may not have been reviewed by professional editors (see full disclaimer)
