Although the word 'fear' is used without difficulty in everyday language to mean the experience of apprehension, problems arise when it is used as a scientific term. It cannot be assumed that people are always able, or even willing, to recognize and then describe their fears. In wartime, admissions of fear are discouraged. Similarly, boys are discouraged from expressing fear. In surveys carried out on student populations, it has been found that the admission of certain fears by men is felt to be socially undesirable.
The social influences that obscure the accurate expression of fear complicate the intrinsic difficulties in recognizing and describing our own experiences or predicted experiences. For instance, it is regularly found that some people who state that they are fearful of a particular situation or object are later seen to display comparatively fearless behaviour when confronting the specified fear stimulus. Subjective reports of fear tend to be of limited value in assessing the intensity of the experience because of the difficulties involved in translating phrases such as 'extremely frightened', 'terrified', and 'slightly anxious' into degrees on a quantitative scale with stable properties.
For these reasons among others, psychologists have extended the study of fear beyond an exclusive reliance on subjective reports by including indices of physiological change and measures of overt behaviour. It is helpful to think of fear as comprising four main components: the subjective experience of apprehension, associated physiological changes, outward expressions of fear, and attempts to avoid or escape certain situations. When these four components fail to correspond, as they commonly do, problems arise. People can experience subjective fear but remain outwardly calm and, if tested, show none of the expected psychophysiological reactions. There can also be subjective fear in the absence of any attempt at avoidance. The fact that the four components do not always correspond makes it helpful in speaking of fear to specify which component one is referring to.
In our everyday exchanges we rely for the most part on people
telling us of their fears and then supplementing this information by interpreting their
facial and other bodily expressions. Unfortunately this kind of interpretation, when made in the absence of supporting contextual cues, can be misleading. Moreover, facial and related expressions register only certain kinds of fear, particularly those of an acute and episodic nature; diffuse and chronic fears are less visible. We may easily observe signs of fear in an anxious passenger as an aircraft descends, but fail to recognize it in a person who is intensely apprehensive about ageing.
While there are many types of fear, certain of them, such as neurotic fears, have understandably been studied more intensively than others. Among the many types, a major division can be made between acute and chronic fears. Acute fears are generally provoked by tangible stimuli or situations and subside quite readily when the frightening stimulus is removed or avoided (see
phobias): the fear of snakes is an example. (A less common type of acute fear is the sudden onset of panic which seems to have no tangible source, can last for as long as an hour or more, and often leaves a residue of discomfort.) Chronic fears tend to be more complex but are like the acute types in that they may or may not be tied to tangible sources of provocation. The fear of being alone is an example of a chronic, tangible fear. Examples of chronic, intangible fears are by their very nature difficult to specify; one simply feels persistently uneasy and anxious for unidentified reasons — a chronic state of aching fear that has been better described by novelists than by psychologists.
Repeated or prolonged exposure to fearsome stimulation can give rise to enduring changes in behaviour, feelings, and psychophysiological functioning. Clear examples of such changes are encountered during war conditions and after. Adverse reactions can be classified in two broad categories:
combat neuroses, which are persisting fear and related disturbances, and
combat fatigue (far more common), which is a temporary disturbance readily reversed by rest and sedation. Wartime observations and research on animal subjects suggest that the fear and
anxiety experienced by many patients with psychological troubles may well give rise to enduring psychophysiological changes, as well as to the more obvious behavioural changes such as marked and persistent avoidance of the frightening stimuli. However, given the nature of chronic anxiety, it can be difficult to confirm causal connections between it and specific psychological and physiological changes (a major problem, incidentally, in studying
psychosomatic disorders).
A distinction is sometimes made between fear and anxiety: fear is taken to refer to feelings of apprehension about tangible and predominantly realistic dangers, whereas anxiety is sometimes taken to refer to feelings of apprehension which are difficult to relate to tangible sources of stimulation. Inability to identify the source of a fear is often regarded as the hallmark of anxiety, and, in psychodynamic theories such as psychoanalysis, is said to be a result of repression.
A clinically useful distinction can be made between focal and diffuse fears. Generally speaking, focal fears are more easily modified, despite the fact that they are often of long standing.
The distinction between innate and acquired fears is an interesting one, although it may be of little practical value. The impact of early
behaviourism, with its massive emphasis on the importance of acquired behaviour, led to the demise of the notion that some fears may be innately determined. Even the possibility of such fears existing in animals was only reluctantly conceded. In recent years, however, the possible occurrence of innately determined fears in human beings has once again come under serious consideration. See Dolan and Morris (2000) for recent neuroimaging perspectives on innate and acquired fear.
The major causes of fear include exposure to traumatic stimulation, repeated exposure to subtraumatic (sensitizing) situations, observations (direct or indirect) of people exhibiting fear, and the receipt of fear-provoking information. Fears usually diminish with repeated exposure to a mild or toned-down version of the frightening situation. This decline in fear as a consequence of repetition can be facilitated by superimposing on the fearful reactions a counteracting influence, such as relaxation.
Fears can be thought of as existing in a state of balance, in which repeated exposures to a fear-evoking situation may lead to an increase in fear (sensitization) or, at other times and in other circumstances, to a decrease (desensitization). The balance tilts in the direction of increased or decreased fear according to the type of exposure, intensity of stimulation, the person's state of alertness, and other factors.
Fear and its first cousin, anxiety, play a major part in most neurotic disorders, and clinicians and their research colleagues have explored the effects of a variety of therapeutic means. Leaving aside the pharmacological methods which are often capable of dampening fear (but seldom of removing it), we are left with psychological methods. These can be divided into two main types: those that attempt to reduce the fear or anxiety directly (as in
behaviour therapy) and those that attempt to modify its putative underlying causes (as in
psychoanalysis and related techniques). The direct methods are comparatively new and are largely products of experimental psychology. The best-established and most extensively used, desensitization, has been joined recently by
flooding and by
modelling, methods that involve repeated practice in confronting the frightening situation. Of the indirect methods, psychoanalysis is of course the most famous and influential, and it has spawned many derivations. Most of them, like psychoanalysis itself, were developed by psychiatrists or psychologists. The most widely practised is psychotherapy (a confusingly wide term covering many types of activity), and not psychoanalysis, which is a comparatively rare form of therapy. Although there are many different techniques, the indirect methods share the assumption that a thorough exploration of matters seemingly unrelated to the pertinent fear is a prerequisite for its reduction.
There is no generally accepted theory to account for the genesis and persistence of fears. The psychoanalytic theory, originally proposed by
Freud, has undergone little revision, despite a great deal of criticism. The
conditioning theory, derived from the work of
Pavlov, appears incapable of providing a comprehensive account. The conditioning theory postulates that any neutral object or situation which is associated with painful or fearful experiences will acquire fear-evoking properties. Although there is some evidence to support this theory, there remain important observations that cannot be accommodated by it, such as the non-random distribution of human fears, and the non-appearance of fears in predicted circumstances.
Although fearlessness is often regarded as synonymous with courage, there is some value in distinguishing it from a particular view of courage: the occurrence of perseverance despite fear, which is perhaps the purest form of courage — it certainly requires greater endurance and effort. Despite frequent exposure to dangerous and stressful situations, most people acquire few lasting fears. Wartime surveys testify to the resilience of people subjected to air raids. Experimental analysis of programmes designed to train people in such dangerous tasks as parachute jumping provides further information about the nature of courage. Although fear during or immediately after exposure to danger is a common reaction, we apparently have the capacity to recover quickly. And our capacity to persevere and adapt when faced by fear and stress is remarkable.
Training for courage plays an important part in preparing people to undertake dangerous jobs, such as fire fighting or parachuting. One element of such training, gradual and graduated practice in the tasks likely to be encountered, seems to be of particular importance. This aspect of courage training is strikingly similar to the clinical method of reducing fear known as desensitization.
In the early stages of courage training, the probability of success is improved if the subject's motivation is raised appropriately, encouraging perseverance despite subjective apprehension. The successful practice of courageous behaviour should lead to a decrease in subjective fear and finally to a state of fearlessness. Novice parachute jumpers display courage when they persevere with their jumps despite subjective fear; veteran jumpers, having successfully adapted to the situation, no longer experience fear when jumping: they have moved from courage to fearlessness.
(Published 1987)— S. Rachman
Bibliography- Dolan, R. J., and Morris, J. S. (2000). 'The functional anatomy of innate and acquired fear: perspectives from neuroimaging'. In Lane, R. D. and Nadel, L. (ed.), Cognitive Neuroscience of Emotion.
- Freud, S. (1905). 'The analysis of a phobia in a five-year-old boy'. In Collected Papers, vol. iii.
- Gray, J. A. (1971). The Psychology of Fear and Stress.
- Marks, I. (1969). Fears and Phobias.
- Rachman, S. (1978). Fear and Courage.