Critical race theory (CRT) is an interdisciplinary field of intellectual inquiry that draws from the academic disciplines of anthropology, history, law, philosophy, political science, and sociology. It has endeavored to study and transform the relationship among race, racism, and power. It has also sought to construct a conceptual framework that explores and challenges Eurocentric, essentialist, conservative, and liberal orthodoxies of the social construction of race. This effort has been based on the premise that race and racism lie at a nexus of human experiences primarily, but not exclusively, in the Western world.
Notions of the social construction of race, and the discrimination often associated with it, can be found in the writings of such contemporary CTR scholars as Derrick Bell , Kimberlé Crenshaw , Richard Delgado , Alan Freeman , bell hooks , Mari Matsuda , and William Tate . Early pioneers in the field included W. E. B. Du Bois and Max Weber . CRT is inextricably linked to the African American intellectual and activist discourse of the post–civil-rights era. The CRT movement, Delgado posits, engages some of the topics that mainstream civil rights and ethnic studies discourses take up, but it situates them in a broader context that embraces economics, history, group- and self-interest, and even emotions and the unconscious. Unlike traditional civil-rights scholars and activists who accept gradualism and incremental advancement, CRT theorists question the very edifice of the conservative and liberal order, including reasoning, Enlightenment rationalism, equality theory, and neutral tenets of constitutional law.
Scholars such as Bell, Delgado, and Crenshaw, and their intellectual progeny, have challenged the long-standing color-blind approach to social justice, which has been embraced by the traditional civil-rights establishment, as often ineffective in engendering racial equality in the modern political climate. For instance, Bell has posited that whites have and will promote racial advances for people of color only when it is in the best interest of whites. Thus, when civil-rights policies threaten white socioeconomic dominion, Bell maintains, whites generally oppose them or seek to undermine them. Such arguments have transformed traditional racial discourse and have prompted scholars and activists to investigate other barriers to the advancement of people of color, such as white privilege, inequalities in cultural capital, and wealth disparities.
CRT theorists have also worked to decentralize whiteness as the standard against which other racial identities are measured. They have begun to examine whiteness itself in the relatively new field of critical whiteness studies. Scholars who have risen to the top of this field include Kathleen Neal Cleaver , Eric Foner , Ruth Frankenberg , Reginald Horsman , John Howard Griffin , Andrew Hacker , Noel Ignatiev , Peggy McIntosh , Cherrie Moraga , and David Roediger . These thinkers, and their supporters, have posed many questions, including the following:
- How was whiteness invented, and why?
- How has the social construction of whiteness changed over time?
- Why did some immigrant groups, such as the Irish and Jews, start out as nonwhite and become white?
- Can some individuals be both white and nonwhite at different times?
- What does it mean to “pass for white”?
- At what point does white pride cross the line into white power or white supremacy?
- What can whites concerned over racial inequity or white privilege do about them?
Although race and gender are inextricably linked, the fight for gender equality and feminism “must exist apart from and as a part of the larger struggle to eradicate domination in all its forms,” hooks argues (p. 22). We must recognize, she argues, that patriarchal supremacy shares an ideological base with racism and other forms of group subjugation, and that it is unlikely that it can be erased while these practices continue. What distinguishes feminism from other liberation struggles and aspects of CRT is its sustained concern with sexism. Hooks's methodology, however, rests on the belief that sexism reflects a distinct mode of subjugation that can be differentiated from other forms, such as racism and homophobia, despite the fact that it is almost always interwoven with other forms of oppression. Many CRT theorists have argued that the same can be said about racism. The objective of CRT, in part, is to combat racism, but because of its relation to other forms of oppression, CRT scholars have come to believe that this necessarily requires multilayered intellectual, pedagogical, economic, and political struggles to end various interrelated forms of oppression. Feminists complicit in the promulgation of racist doctrines and behaviors, many CRT scholars have argued, will be unable to grasp the effects of sexism on the lives of women of color. Moreover, because sexist institutions are often racist, classist, and homophobic, CRT scholars maintain, dismantling sexist institutions will necessarily require a parallel, if not interlocked, struggle against other forms of associated domination.
The contemporary significance of CRT can be found not only in the debate over the interwoven nature of various forms of oppression in the predominant body of CRT literature but also in its increasing application to scholarship in education during the 1990s and the early twenty-first century. The link between race relations and education is demonstrated in long-standing battles over desegregation and affirmative action, in conflicts over bilingual education, and in the debate about the value and legitimacy of race and ethnic-studies departments at colleges and universities. CRT, in all of its dimensions, has become a powerful explanatory mechanism for the ongoing inequality that people of color experience in education and beyond.




