
[Middle English custume, from Old French costume, from Latin cōnsuētūdō, cōnsuētūdin-, from cōnsuētus, past participle of cōnsuēscere, to accustom : com-, intensive pref.; see com- + suēscere, to become accustomed.]
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noun
adjective
Definition: habit
Antonyms: phenomenon, rarity
n
Definition: habitual action
Antonyms: departure, deviation, difference, divergence, irregularity
Public health workers consider the customs of people and communities, especially when they try to encourage the acceptance of health promotion and disease prevention programs or policies. Customs are more than aggregates of individual habits. They are regular, patterned, learned, and traditional ways of appearing or behaving in response to a given situation or occasion. Customs may be reflected in language, greetings, communications, religion, and certainly in health practices that distinguish one social group from another. The complexity of the study of customs was emphasized by the anthropologist Ruth Benedict, who noted in the 1930s that traditional customs the world over consist of a mass of detailed behaviors more varied than that which any one person could ever evolve individually.
Customs are derived from social norms, which are those rules or standards that guide, control, or regulate proper and acceptable behavior of a group. These norms define the shared expectations of a group and enable people to anticipate how others will interpret and respond to their words and actions if there is deviation from a custom. For example, if one has an infectious disease, typically the custom within the general community is to act in a manner to prevent infecting others. Failing that, the customary responses from others may range from ignoring the individual's behavior, verbally reprimanding, or even ostracizing him or her for threatening the health of other members.
A custom may exist at the level of a folkway or a more. Each of these concepts help demarcate the strength and importance of a custom held by a particular group relevant to a particular situation. The concept of folkways was developed by the American sociologist William Graham Sumner and his followers in the early 1900s. "The ways of the folk" arose and persisted over time as repetitive and accumulative patterns of expected behavior for responding to similar social situations or individual needs. They ultimately became incorporated into tradition and received some degree of formal recognition but were not considered of moral significance. Folkways may be reflected in the everyday habits and conventions people obey without giving much thought to the matter, for example, eating three meals a day, drinking alcohol but not to a state of drunkenness, or using the group's "right way" to cure disease. People who violate folkways may be labeled eccentrics and as a rule they are tolerated by the group.
When certain folkways become well established and are regarded by general agreement as highly important and obligatory, as evidenced by strong sentiments against deviation and by severe punishment for violation, they become mores. Mores are customs that represent the absolute truth to the particular group and are the norms people consider vital to their well being and to their most cherished values. They typically take the form of laws, for example, prohibitions against incest, drunk driving, and child abuse. In contrast to folkways, violations of mores by people or groups can provoke intense reactions ranging from being ostracized, beaten, jailed, exiled, or executed.
From the moment of birth, the customs into which the people are born shape their experiences and behavior. In many groups, health-related behavior may be custom bound and very normative—tradition sets the precedent and solves problems, whether by authority or by consensus. Individuals are required to learn about the specific customs that shape their health behavior and to perform what they have learned. In reality, however, by the time children can think independently, the health-related customs of the family group have become an intimate part of their personalities. They do not question these customs, which become deeply held and extremely difficult to change over time. For example, the manner of tobacco, alcohol, and drug use in some groups and communities have become customs or norms, even though such use carries major health risks. Any attempts to eliminate or modify or reverse behaviors so integrally tied to social customs often provokes hostile resistance to a new health program that intends to reduce health-related risks. Also, in many groups the custom is not to talk about certain sensitive topics, such as cancer or the sexual activities of adults or teenagers relevant to preventing pregnancy. For instance, in a particular ethnic group, the custom of its members may be to shun any discussion of cancer. The effect of this custom discourages individuals from initiating early screening behaviors that could save their lives.
Sometimes it is necessary to try to change or circumvent established customs in a community, particularly when this can bring modern health procedures for reducing particular health-related risks. Changing folkways and mores can be a very slow process, and it is not until their functional utility has disappeared that they may gradually change. New practices may then become embedded in the community as new values to be transmitted from one generation to the next. This requires public health workers to gradually adapt the customs and values of a community rather than trying to abruptly and totally change them.
(SEE ALSO: Acculturation; Assimilation; Benefits, Ethics, and Risks; Cultural Norms; Ethics of Public Health; Ethnicity and Health; Immigrants, Immigration)
Bibliography
Benedict, R. (1935). Patterns of Culture. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
Huff, R. M., and Kline, M. V., eds. (1999). Promoting Health in Multicultural Populations. Thousands Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Kroeber, A. L. (1948). Anthropology. New York: Harcourt, Brace.
Sumner, W. G. (1906). Folkways. Boston: Ginn.
— MICHAEL V. KLINE
Basically, the sages were opposed to communal disunity, some following one practice and others another. In case of doubt, the prevalent custom was to be followed (TJ Pe'ah 7:5). However, the many disputes among the sages made variations in custom inevitable, and they therefore warned against separatist tendencies. As the rabbis pointed out, Bet Shammai and Bet Hillel had differed over fundamental issues, yet "they did not hesitate to intermarry---an indication that there was affection and friendship among them" (Yev. 13b-14b).
In the course of time, differences in ritual and observance arose between Palestinian and Babylonian Jewries, and in Babylonia itself between the two geonic Academies of Sura and Pumbedita. Later still, more differences emerged between Ashkenazim and Sephardim, most of these being codified in the Shulḥan Arukh. Several originated in a ban pronounced by local (Ashkenazi) authorities, e.g., against Polygamy or the consuming of legumes on Passover (see Gezerah; Takkanah). Differences also arose with regard to the "minhag" observed by Ashkenazim and Sephardi-Oriental Jews in matters of prayer rite (see Nusaḥ). Such variations in custom were further accentuated in time as a result of the new practices introduced by Isaac Luria (16th cent.) and, from the mid-18th century, by ḥasidism.
Some distinctive practices are attributable to the Gentile environment in which Jews lived, since they did not remain immune to the customs or life style of their non-Jewish neighbors. (For religiously objectionable customs, see ḥukkat Ha-Goy.) This is evident from peculiarities of dress which Jews adopted and then endowed with religious significance. Thus, the ge'onim ruled that one should wrap oneself in one's Tallit (prayer shawl) "as the Ishmaelites [Arabs] do" (Tur, Oraḥ Ḥayyim 8). Ḥasidic Jews, on Sabbaths and festivals, likewise wear the Polish-style fur hat known as a shtraymel. Additional evidence is provided by the many different minhagim followed by various Jewish communities at wedding ceremonies. Even the use of a ring for the act of Betrothal was not originally a Jewish custom: it is not once mentioned by such an outstanding legal authority as Maimonides (12th cent.), yet was considered normative by the 16th-century codifier Moses ISSERLES. Significantly, too, numerous
At the same time, many practices dating back to the talmudic era, though no longer appropriate today , have been retained because of a general reluctance to abandon time-honored custom. The
A noticeable tendency has been for some local custom to spread to neighboring communities and eventually to be followed by more and more segments of the Jewish people. Where originally, in talmudic times, not every community accepted the rabbinic ban against eating fowl with milk (Shab. 130a), today it is observed universally. However, the period of time that must elapse after eating meat before one may eat dairy products varies to this day (from one to six hours); it is all a matter of local custom (cf. Ḥul. 105a).
The force of local custom is such that it is carried over from one generation to another; even if the situation is no longer the same, children have to observe "the custom of their fathers." A prominent example of this ruling is the observance of a
Custom becomes established law when it receives the sanction of the local rabbi or spiritual leader and he includes it in a code of Jewish law written for public guidance. Typical of such codifications is the Sefer Minhagé Maharil, recording the customs observed by Jacob
A pattern or habit of action. A custom may exist without any specific basis in reason, but can itself form the basis for rational action, if the custom gives rise to a norm of action. See convention.
Any established pattern of behaviour within a community or society. A custom is an accepted rule of behaviour that is informally regulated. Shaking hands with the umpire is the custom after a tennis match.
No written law has ever been more binding than unwritten custom supported by popular opinion.
— Carrie Chapman Catt (1859-1947).
Tutor's tip: It is the "custom" (the usual way of doing things) to wear a "costume" (special clothing worn in a play or masquerade) to this kind of party.
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Quotes:
"People usually think according to their inclinations, speak according to their learning and ingrained opinions, but generally act according to custom."
- Francis Bacon
"Custom reconciles us to everything."
- Edmund Burke
"Custom, that unwritten law, By which the people keep even kings in awe."
- Charles Davenport
"Of course poets have morals and manners of their own, and custom is no argument with them."
- Thomas Hardy
"Without the aid of prejudice and custom, I should not be able to find my way across the room."
- William Hazlitt
"Customs form us all, our thoughts, our morals, our most fixed beliefs; are consequences of our place of birth."
- Aaron Hill
See more famous quotes about Custom

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Custom in law is the established pattern of behavior that can be objectively verified within a particular social setting. A claim can be carried out in defense of "what has always been done and accepted by law." Customary law exists where:
Related is the idea of prescription; a right enjoyed through long custom rather than positive law.
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The modern codification of civil law developed from the tradition of medieval customaries, collections of customary law that developed in particular communities, slowly gathered, and later written down by local jurists. Customaries acquired the force of law when they became the undisputed rule by which certain rights, entitlements, and obligations were regulated between members of a community.[1] The Coutume de Paris - a major collection of the laws of the city of Paris - is an example.
In international law, customary law refers to the Law of Nations or the legal norms that have developed through the customary exchanges between states over time, whether based on diplomacy or aggression. Essentially, legal obligations are believed to arise between states to carry out their affairs consistently with past accepted conduct. These customs can also change based on the acceptance or rejection by states of particular acts. Some principles of customary law have achieved the force of peremptory norms, which cannot be violated or altered except by a norm of comparable strength. These norms are said to gain their strength from universal acceptance, such as the prohibitions against genocide and slavery. Customary international law can be distinguished from treaty law, which consists of explicit agreements between nations to assume obligations. However, many treaties are attempts to codify pre-existing customary law.
Customary law is a recognized source of law within jurisdictions of the civil law tradition, inferior to both statutes and regulations. In addressing custom as a source of law within the civil law tradition, John Henry Merryman notes that, though the attention it is given in scholarly works is great, its importance is "slight and decreasing."[2]
In Canada, customary aboriginal law has a constitutional foundation[3] and for this reason has increasing influence.[4]
In the Scandinavian countries customary law continues to exist and has great influence. Customary law is also used in some Third World countries, such as those in Africa, usually used alongside common or civil law.[5] For example in Ethiopia, despite the adoption of legal codes based on civil law in the 1950s according to Dolores Donovan and Getachew Assefa there are more than 60 systems of customary law currently in force, "some of them operating quite independently of the formal state legal system." They offer two reasons for the relative autonomy of these customary law systems: one is that the Ethiopian government lacks sufficient resources to enforce its legal system to every corner of Ethiopia; the other is that the Ethiopian government has made a commitment to preserve these customary systems within its boundaries.[6]
In 1995, President of Kyrgyzstan Askar Akaev announced a decree to revitalize the aqsaqal courts of village elders. The courts would have jurisdiction over property, torts and family law.[7] The aqsaqal courts were eventually included under Article 92 of the Kyrgyz constitution. As of 2006, there were approximately 1,000 aqsaqal courts throughout Kyrgyzstan, including in the capital of Bishkek.[8] Akaev linked the development of these courts to the rekindling of Kyrgyz national identity. In a 2005 speech, he connected the courts back to the country's nomadic past and extolled how the courts expressed the Kyrgyz ability of self-governance.[9] Similar aqsaqal courts exist, with varying levels of legal formality, in other countries of Central Asia.
The Somali people in the Horn of Africa follow a customary law system referred to as Xeer. It survives to a significant degree everywhere,[10] including the Somali communities in the Ogaden.[11] Economist Peter Leeson attributes the increase in economic activity since the fall of the Siad Barre administration to the security in life, liberty and property provided by Xeer in large parts of Somalia.[12] The late Dutch attorney Michael van Notten also draws upon his experience as a legal expert in his comprehensive study on Xeer, The Law of the Somalis: A Stable Foundation for Economic Development in the Horn of Africa (2005).[13]
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Custom is used in tort law to help determine negligence. Following or disregarding a custom is not determinative of negligence, but instead is an indication of possible best practices or alternatives to a particular action. The case R v. Boomsdale defines this principle with the courts ruling that Mr Boomsdale customary practice was not sufficient to be deemed an act of negligence
In India many customs are accepted by law. For example, Hindu marriage ceremonies are recognised by the Hindu Marriage Act.
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Dansk (Danish)
n. - kutyme, vane, stamkunder, toldvæsen, toldstation, hævd
adj. - lavet på bestilling, syet efter mål, som syr efter mål
idioms:
Nederlands (Dutch)
gewoonte, zede, klandizie, (mv) douaneheffing/ -dienst, gebruik
Français (French)
n. - coutume, usage, habitude, (Comm) clientèle, (Jur) coutume
adj. - personnalisé
idioms:
Deutsch (German)
n. - Brauch, Sitte, Kunden, Zoll
adj. - bestellt, auf Bestellung arbeitend, spezialgefertigt
idioms:
Ελληνική (Greek)
n. - έθιμο, (πατροπαράδοτη) συνήθεια, προσωπική συνήθεια, πελατεία, (πληθ.) τελωνείο, (επίθ.) κατ' επιλογήν του πελάτη, επί παραγγελία
idioms:
Italiano (Italian)
dogana, uso, usi, usanza, costume, consuetudine, abitudine, clientela
idioms:
Português (Portuguese)
n. - costume (m)
idioms:
Русский (Russian)
обычай, привычка, клиентура
idioms:
Español (Spanish)
n. - costumbre, usanza, uso, hábito, clientela
adj. - derechos de aduana, a medida, de medida
idioms:
Svenska (Swedish)
n. - sedvänja, skick o bruk, kutym, gammal hävd (jur.), kundkrets
中文(简体)(Chinese (Simplified))
习惯, 海关, 风俗, 订做的, 订制的
idioms:
中文(繁體)(Chinese (Traditional))
n. - 習慣, 海關, 風俗
adj. - 訂做的, 訂製的
idioms:
한국어 (Korean)
n. - 습관, 관습법, 관세
adj. - 주문의, 세관의
日本語 (Japanese)
n. - 慣習, 習慣, 関税, 愛顧, お得意先, 税関, 通関手続, 顧客
adj. - あつらえの, 注文で作る
idioms:
العربيه (Arabic)
(الاسم) عادة, تقليد, عرف, تعامل طويل مع متجر
עברית (Hebrew)
n. - מנהג, הרגל, נוהג, לקוח קבוע, קנייה קבועה, מכס
adj. - עשוי לפי הזמנה
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