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Daniel Webster

 
US Supreme Court: Daniel Webster

(b. Salisbury, N.H., 18 Jan. 1782; d. Marshfield, Mass., 24 Oct. 1852), lawyer and statesman. At fifteen, Daniel Webster left his family's farm to attend Dartmouth College; after graduation he taught school, read law, and was admitted to the bar. He practiced in New Hampshire from 1805 until 1816, when he moved to Boston and to greater professional opportunities.

Webster had a remarkable career in politics and law. He was a conservative nationalist and Federalist‐Whig, serving as congressman (1813–1817 from New Hampshire and 1823–1827 from Massachusetts), senator (1827–1841, 1845–1850), and secretary of state (1841–1843, 1850–1852). He espoused policies to encourage economic growth and to preserve the Union, but sectionalism and slavery undermined those objectives and denied him the presidency as well. As a lawyer, he drew upon his political experience, particularly on constitutional questions.

Webster made many eloquent arguments before the Supreme Court, where he argued 249 cases. In Gibbons v. Ogden (1824), he supported a broad congressional commerce power. In Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1819), he defended his alma mater against state regulation by bringing corporate charters within the Constitution's Contract Clause (Article I, section 10). Frequently successful in the Marshall Court before 1835, he was less so in the Taney Court, as it shifted toward greater state power and less judicial protection of vested rights. In Charles River Bridge v. Warren Bridge (1837), Chief Justice Roger B. Taney rejected Webster's argument for an implied monopoly in a corporate charter.

— Maurice Baxter

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Biography: Daniel Webster
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Daniel Webster (1782-1852), a notable orator and leading constitutional lawyer, was a major congressional spokesman for the Northern Whigs during his 20 years in the U.S. Senate.

Daniel Webster was born in Salisbury, N. H., on Jan. 18, 1782. After graduating from Dartmouth College, he studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1805. He opened a law office in Portsmouth, N. H., in 1807, where his success was immediate. He became a noted spokesman for the Federalist point of view through his addresses on patriotic occasions. In 1808 he married Grace Fletcher.

Early Years in Politics

Elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1813, Webster revitalized the Federalist minority with his vigorous attacks on the war policy of the Republicans. Under his leadership the Federalists (with the help of dissident Republicans) often successfully obstructed war measures. After the War of 1812 he advocated the rechartering of the Bank of the United States, but he voted against the final bill, whose provisions he considered inadequate. As the representative of a region where shipping was basic to the economy, he voted against the protective tariff.

Webster's congressional career ended temporarily in 1816, when he moved to Boston. As a result of his success in pleading before the U.S. Supreme Court, his fame as a lawyer grew, and soon his annual income rose to $15, 000 a year. In 1819 he experienced a notable victory for the trustees of Dartmouth College, who were seeking to prevent the state from converting the college into a state-supported institution. Chief Justice John Marshall's opinion in the Dartmouth College case was not so much colored by Webster's emotion-charged argument as by Marshall's determination to take the opportunity to further bolster the contract clause. A few weeks later Webster secured an even greater triumph in defending the Bank of the United States in McCulloch v. Maryland. On this occasion Marshall drew from Webster's brief the doctrine that the power to tax is the power to destroy. In 1824 Webster was also successful on behalf of his clients in Gibbons v. Ogden.

When Webster returned to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1823, his speeches in behalf of the popular cause of the Greek revolution attracted national attention. President James Monroe, however, was able to prevent the passage of Webster's resolutions announcing American sympathy for the rebels. From 1825 to 1829 Webster was one of the staunchest backers of President John Quincy Adams, endorsing Federal internal improvements and supporting Adams in his conflict with Georgia over the removal of the Cherokee Indians.

The Senator

Upon his election to the Senate in 1827, Webster made the first about-face in his career when he became a proponent of the protective tariff. This shift reflected the growing importance of manufacturing in Massachusetts and his own close involvement with factory owners both as clients and as friends. It was largely due to his support that the "Tariff of Abominations" was passed in 1828. His first wife died shortly after he entered the Senate, and in 1829 he married Catherine Le Roy of New York.

In January 1830 Webster electrified the nation by his speeches in reply to the elaborate exposition of the Southern states'-rights doctrines made by John C. Calhoun's close friend Senator Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina. In memorable phrases Webster exposed the weaknesses in Hayne's views and countered them with the argument that the Constitution and the Union rested upon the people and not upon the states. These speeches, delivered before crowded Senate galleries, defined the constitutional issues which agitated the nation until the Civil War.

Webster was at the height of his powers in 1830. Regarded by contemporaries as one of the greatest orators of the day, he delivered his speeches with tremendous dramatic impact. He modulated his voice, speaking at one moment in stentorian tones, the next in a whisper. Yet, in spite of his emotional style and the florid character of his oratory, he rarely sacrificed logic for effect. His striking appearance contributed to the forcefulness of his delivery: tall, rather gaunt, and always clad in black; his face was dominated by deep, luminous black eyes under craggy brows and a shock of black hair combed straight back. As he grew older, his figure remained erect, but his eyes seemed to be more cavernous and to burn with greater intensity.

In private Webster was less formidable. He was fond of convivial gatherings and was a lively talker, although at times given to silent moods. His taste for luxury often led him to live beyond his means. While his admirers worshiped the "Godlike Daniel, " his critics felt that his constant need for money deprived him of his independence. During the Panic of 1837, he was in such desperate circumstances as a result of excessive speculation in western lands that only loans from business friends saved him from ruin. Again, in 1844, when it seemed that financial pressure might force him to leave the Senate, he permitted his friends to raise a fund to provide him with a supplementary income.

Secretary of State

Although Webster was one of the leaders of the anti-Jackson forces which coalesced in the Whig party, he un-hesitatingly endorsed President Andrew Jackson's stand during the nullification crisis in 1832. In 1836 the Massachusetts Whigs named Webster as their presidential candidate, but in a field against other Whig candidates he polled only the electoral votes of Massachusetts. In recognition of his standing in the party and in gratitude for his support during the campaign, President William Henry Harrison appointed him secretary of state in 1841. He continued in this post under John Tyler, who succeeded to the presidency when Harrison died a month after the inauguration. Webster was the only Whig to remain in the Cabinet after Tyler refused to approve the party program formulated by Henry Clay. Webster stayed on in the hope of using Tyler's influence to build up a following which would ensure his nomination as Tyler's successor. He won general approval for his skill in settling the Maine-Canada dispute in the Webster-Ashburton Treaty in 1843. This dispute had been a major source of Anglo-American tension for nearly a decade. He also sent Caleb Cushing to the Orient to establish commercial relations with China, although he was no longer in office when Cushing concluded the agreement. Late in 1843 Webster, feeling that he no longer enjoyed Tyler's confidence, yielded to Whig pressure and retired from office.

In spite of his disappointment at not receiving the presidential nomination in 1844, Webster actively campaigned for Henry Clay, his archival within the party. On his return to the Senate in 1844, Webster opposed the annexation of Texas and denounced the expansionist policies that culminated in the war with Mexico. After the war he worked to exclude slavery from the newly acquired territories and voted for the Wilmot Proviso. Yet, when confronted by the crisis precipitated by California's application for admission to the Union as a free state in 1849, he dismayed his constituents by supporting Clay's compromise.

Although Northern businessmen, desiring domestic tranquility, approved Webster's speech of March 1850 in defense of the new Fugitive Slave Law, the average citizen was outraged. Webster again became secretary of state in July 1850, in Millard Fillmore's Cabinet. In 1852 he lost his last hope for the presidency when the Whigs passed over him in favor of Gen. Winfield Scott, a former Democrat. Deeply outraged, he refused to support the party candidate. He died just before the election on Oct. 24, 1852.

Further Reading

Until the modern edition of Webster's correspondence under the editorship of Charles M. Wiltse appears, the old, inadequate editions must be used: The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, edited by Fletcher Webster (2 vols., 1857), and The Writings and Speeches of Daniel Webster, edited by J. W. Mclntyre (18 vols., 1903). The standard biography is Claude M. Fuess, Daniel Webster (2 vols., 1930). Richard N. Current, Daniel Webster and the Rise of National Conservatism (1955), is an excellent brief survey. Webster's important influence on American constitutional development is examined in Maurice G. Baxter, Daniel Webster and the Supreme Court (1966).

Political Dictionary: Daniel Webster
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(1782-1852) US Federalist (later Whig) politician notable for (1) his famous oratory, mostly in defence of retaining the Union of the United States in the years that led to the Civil War, a stance that alienated both Southern nullificationists (see Calhoun) and Northern abolitionists; (2) his proposed solution to the problem of apportionment. Webster's rule requires the scrutineers first to choose the size of the house to be apportioned. They must then find a divisor x such that, when x is divided into the qualifying number for each unit (population of each state, or votes cast for each party) and the quotients of all units are rounded off at ½, the entitlements of each unit (state or party) sum to the required number of seats. The Webster apportionment system is the fairest, and was used to apportion seats in the US House of Representatives to states between 1881 and 1931. It is exactly the same as the unmodified Ste-Lagüe algorithm for allocation of seats to parties in list proportional representation, although the procedures for the two applications seem very different.


(born Jan. 18, 1782, Salisbury, N.H., U.S. — died Oct. 24, 1852, Marshfield, Mass.) U.S. lawyer and politician. He served in the U.S. House of Representatives (1813 – 17). After moving to Boston (1816), he built a prosperous law practice and represented Massachusetts in the House (1823 – 27). He argued several precedent-setting cases before the U.S. Supreme Court, including the Dartmouth College case, McCulloch v. Maryland, and Gibbons v. Ogden. Elected to the U.S. Senate (1827 – 41, 1845 – 50), he became famous as an orator for his speeches supporting the Union and opposing the nullification movement and its advocates, John C. Calhoun and Robert Y. Hayne. As U.S. secretary of state (1841 – 43, 1850 – 52) he negotiated the Webster-Ashburton Treaty to settle the Canada-Maine border dispute.

For more information on Daniel Webster, visit Britannica.com.

US Government Guide: Daniel Webster
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Born: January 18, 1782, Salisbury, N.H.
Political party: Federalist, Whig
Education: Dartmouth College, graduated, 1801; studied law
Representative from New Hampshire: 1813–17
Representative from Massachusetts: 1823–27
Senator from Massachusetts: 1833–41, 1845–50
Died: October 24, 1852, Marshfield, Mass.

During his long career in Congress, Daniel Webster won fame as an orator and as the chief spokesman for New England's interests. He most notably promoted protective tariffs (taxes on foreign imports that would make it easier for American industry to develop) and national banking policies (the creation of a government-sponsored national bank to control the supply of money). Webster also devoted his debating skills to defending the Union against those who talked of secession, most notably in his famous reply to South Carolina senator Robert Y. Hayne in 1830. When Hayne promoted the idea that states could nullify, or overrule, federal laws, Webster responded that the United States was not a government of states but a “popular Government, erected by the people.” Warning of the possibility of civil war, Webster denounced as foolish the notion of “Liberty first and Union afterwards.” He declared instead for “Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable."

At the end of his career Webster risked his entire reputation with a memorable speech in favor of the Compromise of 1850. Seeking to organize the Western territories in a way that would appease both pro-slavery opinion in the South and antislavery sentiment in the North, Henry Clay (Whig-Kentucky) put together an omnibus bill with something for all sides. For New England, the bill's most controversial feature was its fugitive slave provision, which would permit slave owners to reclaim their slaves who had fled to freedom in the North. To win New England's support, Clay persuaded Webster to throw his prestige behind the compromise. On March 7, 1850, Webster rose in the Senate and said: “Mr. President—I wish to speak today not as a Massachusetts man, not as a Northern man, but as an American, and a member of the Senate of the United States.” Abolitionists and free-soil advocates, who opposed the spread of slavery into the territories, denounced Webster's March 7 speech as a betrayal. People in Massachusetts formed vigilance committees to protect runaway slaves. Webster's public standing plunged, and his Presidential aspirations were destroyed as a result of his efforts to hold the Union together through compromise. of 1850; Oratory, congressional

See also Compromise

Sources

  • Irving H. Bartlett, Daniel Webster (New York: Norton, 1978). Richard N. Current, Daniel Webster and the Rise of National Conservatism (Boston: Little, Brown, 1955)
US History Companion: Webster, Daniel
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(1782-1852), statesman, lawyer, and orator. Webster gained fame for his championship of a strong federal government, though he had been a rather extreme advocate of states' rights at the beginning of his forty years in public life. As a congressman (1813-1817) from New Hampshire, he opposed the War of 1812 and hinted at nullification. As a congressman (1823-1827) and a senator (1827-1841, 1845-1850) from Massachusetts, he became a leading proponent of federal action to stimulate the economy through protective tariffs, transportation improvements, and a national bank. He won renown as the defender of the Constitution by denouncing nullification when South Carolina adopted it. Long an opponent of slavery extension, he spoke against annexing Texas and against going to war with Mexico. He held, however, that no law was needed to prevent the further extension of slavery when he urged the Compromise of 1850 as a Union-saving measure.

As secretary of state (1841-1843, 1850-1852), Webster earned a reputation as one of the greatest ever to hold the office. His most notable achievement was the negotiation of the Webster-Ashburton Treaty, which settled a long-standing dispute over the Maine and New Brunswick boundary and ended a threat of war between Great Britain and the United States.

The most highly paid attorney of his time, Webster exerted considerable influence on the development of constitutional law. The Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Marshall adopted Webster's arguments in a number of significant cases, among them Dartmouth College v. Woodward, McCulloch v. Maryland, and Gibbons v. Ogden. These decisions strengthened the federal government as against the state governments, the judiciary as against the legislative and executive branches, and commercial and industrial as against agricultural interests.

As an orator, Webster had no equal among his American contemporaries. With the magic of the spoken word he moved judges and juries, visitors and colleagues in Congress, and vast audiences gathered for special occasions. His great occasional addresses, commemorating such historic events as the landing of the Pilgrims and the Battle of Bunker Hill, gave dramatic expression to his nationalism and conservatism. He reached the height of his eloquence in his reply to the nullificationist Robert Y. Hayne, a reply that concluded with the words "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable!"

In politics Webster along with Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun formed what was called a "great triumvirate," though the three seldom combined except in opposition to President Andrew Jackson. All were ambitious for the presidency. Webster rivaled Clay for leadership of the Whig party but never obtained the party's presidential nomination except in his own state of Massachusetts. Whigs generally considered him unavailable because of his close association with the Bank of the United States and with Boston and New York businessmen, from whom he received generous subsidies.

Although identified with the Boston aristocracy, Webster had come from a plain New Hampshire farm background. A college education, at Dartmouth, helped him to rise in the world. Despite his large income he remained constantly in debt as a result of high living, unfortunate land speculations, and expenses as a gentleman farmer.

Bibliography:

Irving H. Bartlett, Daniel Webster (1978); Maurice G. Baxter, One and Inseparable: Daniel Webster and the Union (1984).

Author:

Richard N. Current

See also Dartmouth College v. Woodward; Gibbons v. Ogden; McCulloch v. Maryland ; Webster-Hayne Debate; Whig Party.


 
Columbia Encyclopedia: Daniel Webster
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Webster, Daniel, 1782-1852, American statesman, lawyer, and orator, b. Salisbury (now in Franklin), N.H.

Early Career

He graduated (1801) from Dartmouth College, studied law, and, after an interval as a schoolmaster, was admitted (1805) to the bar. Webster practiced law at Boscawen and Portsmouth, N.H., and rapidly gravitated toward politics. As a Federalist and a defender of the New England shipping interests, he sat (1813-17) in the U.S. House of Representatives, where he opposed James Madison's administration, although he did not join forces with members of the Hartford Convention.

In 1816 he transferred his residence to Boston. Before he was returned (1822) to the House, Webster won fame as a lawyer, defending (1819) his alma mater in the Dartmouth College Case and the Bank of the United States in McCulloch v. Maryland. Again in Congress (1823-27), Webster began to gain repute as one of the greatest orators of his time; his brilliant speeches in the House were matched by his eloquent public addresses-notably the Plymouth address (1820), the Bunker Hill oration (1825), and the speech (1826) on the deaths of Thomas Jefferson and John Adams.

Senator and Secretary of State

As a U.S. Senator from Massachusetts (1827-41), he became a leading political figure of the United States. The dominant interest of his constituency had changed from shipping to industry, so Webster now abandoned his earlier free-trade views and supported the tariff of 1828. In the states' rights controversy that followed he took a strong pro-Union stand, defending the supremacy of the Union in the famous debate with Robert Y. Hayne in 1830. Although Webster supported President Jackson in the nullification crisis, he vehemently opposed him on most issues, especially those concerning financial policy.

Webster became a leader of the Whig party and in 1836 was put forward as a presidential candidate by the Whig groups in New England. However, he won only the electoral votes of Massachusetts. His prominence brought him into consideration in later presidential elections, but he never attained his ambition. After William Henry Harrison was elected (1840) President on the Whig ticket, Webster was appointed (1841) U.S. Secretary of State. Although every other cabinet officer resigned (1841) after John Tyler had succeeded to the presidency and had broken with the Whig leaders, Webster remained at his post until he had completed the settlement of the Webster-Ashburton Treaty (1843).

Again (1845-50) in the Senate, Webster opposed the annexation of Texas and war with Mexico and faced the rising tide of sectionalism with his customary stand: slavery was an evil, but disunion was a greater one. He steadily lost his following and was sorely disappointed when the Whig party nominated Zachary Taylor for President in 1848. Cherishing the preservation of the Union above his own popularity, Webster, in one of his most eloquent and reasoned speeches, backed the Compromise of 1850 and was reviled by antislavery groups in the North and by members of his own party. He served again (1850-52) as Secretary of State under President Millard Fillmore.

Bibliography

His writings were edited by J. W. McIntyre (18 vol., 1903). See biographies by G. T. Curtis (1869), C. M. Fuess (1930, repr. 1968), J. B. McMaster (1939), and R. N. Current (1955); N. D. Brown, Daniel Webster and the Politics of Availability (1969); R. F. Dalzell, Daniel Webster and the Trial of American Nationalism, 1843-1852 (1972); S. Nathans, Daniel Webster and Jacksonian Democracy (1973). The diary kept by his second wife, C. L. R. Webster, was published as Mr. W. & I (1942).

Works: Works by Daniel Webster
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(1782-1852)

1825"Bunker Hill Oration." A famous speech commemorating one of the earliest battles of the Revolutionary War, given at the laying of the cornerstone for the Bunker Hill Monument. In the speech Webster presents a vivid description of the battle and praises representative government. The speech wins him wide acclaim for his oratorical skills. He would give another famous speech at the dedication of the finished monument in 1843.
1850"Seventh of March Speech." Also known as "For the Union and Constitution," this Senate speech concerns the expansion of slavery into the land annexed from Mexico. Webster's speech is a response to John C. Calhoun, who had condemned Henry Clay's "Compromise of 1850." Webster argues in support of the compromise to preserve the Union at all costs and suggests that abolitionists temper their own beliefs. Abolitionists are outraged, and John Greenleaf Whittier would respond with one of his finest poems, "Ichabod."

History Dictionary: Webster, Daniel
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A Whig political leader and diplomat of the nineteenth century. Webster is remembered for his speaking ability and for his service as a senator from Massachusetts through most of the 1830s and 1840s. Webster defended national unity in the Senate against advocates of states' rights such as John C. Calhoun. In one debate, he spoke the famous words, “Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable!” He opposed the Mexican War and the admission of Texas as a slave state but supported the Compromise of 1850, including the Fugitive Slave Act. A member of the Whig party, he ran for president three times but was never nominated.

Quotes By: Daniel Webster
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Quotes:

"Philosophic argument, especially that drawn from the vastness of the universe, in comparison with the apparent insignificance of this globe, has sometimes shaken my reason for the faith that is in me; but my heart has always assured and reassured me that"

"When tillage begins, other arts follow. The farmers, therefore, are the founders of human civilization."

"The most important thought that ever occupied my mind is that of my individual responsibility to God."

"Philosophical argument has sometimes shaken my reason for the faith that was in me; but my heart has always assured me that the Gospel of Jesus Christ must be reality."

"The right of an inventor to his invention is no monopoly; in any other sense than a man's house is a monopoly."

"Liberty exists in proportion to wholesome restraint."

See more famous quotes by Daniel Webster

Wikipedia: Daniel Webster
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Daniel Webster


In office
March 6, 1841 – May 8, 1843
President William Henry Harrison
John Tyler
Preceded by John Forsyth
Succeeded by Abel P. Upshur

In office
July 23, 1850 – October 24, 1852
President Millard Fillmore
Preceded by John M. Clayton
Succeeded by Edward Everett

In office
June 8, 1827 – February 22, 1841
Preceded by Elijah H. Mills
Succeeded by Rufus Choate
In office
March 4, 1845 – July 22, 1850
Preceded by Rufus Choate
Succeeded by Robert C. Winthrop

Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Massachusetts's 1st district
In office
March 4, 1823 – May 30, 1827
Preceded by Benjamin Gorham
Succeeded by Benjamin Gorham

In office
March 4, 1813 – March 3, 1817
Preceded by George Sullivan
Succeeded by Arthur Livermore

Born January 18, 1782(1782-01-18)
Salisbury, New Hampshire
Died October 24, 1852 (aged 70)
Marshfield, Massachusetts
Political party Federalist
National Republican
Whig
Spouse(s) Grace Fletcher Webster
Caroline LeRoy Webster
Alma mater Dartmouth College
Profession Politician, Lawyer
Religion Unitarian Universalism[1]
Signature

Daniel Webster (January 18, 1782 – October 24, 1852) was a leading American statesman during the nation's Antebellum Period. He first rose to regional prominence through his defense of New England shipping interests. His increasingly nationalistic views and the effectiveness with which he articulated them led Webster to become one of the most famous orators and influential Whig leaders of the Second Party System.

Daniel Webster was an attorney, and served as legal counsel in several cases that established important constitutional precedents that bolstered the authority of the Federal government. As Secretary of State, he negotiated the Webster-Ashburton Treaty that established the definitive eastern border between the United States and Canada. Primarily recognized for his Senate tenure, Webster was a key figure in the institution's "Golden days". So well-known was his skill as a Senator throughout this period that Webster became the northern member of a trio known as the "Great Triumvirate", with his colleagues Henry Clay from the west and John C. Calhoun from the south. His "Reply to Hayne" in 1830 was generally regarded as "the most eloquent speech ever delivered in Congress."[2]

As with Henry Clay, Webster's desire to see the Union preserved and conflict averted led him to search out compromises designed to stave off the sectionalism that threatened war between the North and South. Webster tried three times to achieve the Presidency; all three bids failed, the final one in part because of his compromises. Similarly, Webster's efforts to steer the nation away from civil war toward a definite peace ultimately proved futile. Despite this, Webster came to be esteemed for these efforts and was officially named by the U.S. Senate in 1957 as one of its five most outstanding members.[3]

Contents

Early life

Daniel was born on January 18, 1782, to Ebenezer and Abigail Webster (née Eastman) in Salisbury, New Hampshire, now part of the City of Franklin. There he and his nine siblings were raised on his parents' farm, a small parcel of land granted to his father. Daniel Webster's great-great-grandfather was Thomas Webster[4] (1631-1715), who was born in Ormesby St. Margaret, Norfolk, England and settled in New Hampshire. As Daniel was a “sickly” child, his family indulged him, exempting him from the harsh rigors of 18th-century New England farm life.[5]

A circa 1940 woodcarving by the New Hampshire artist and craftsman Leo Malm depicting the house in Franklin, New Hampshire where Webster was born and raised along with his fourteen siblings.
Webster Hall, at Dartmouth College, houses the Rauner Special Collections Library, in which some of Webster's personal belongings and writings are held.
His birthplace in Salisbury, New Hampshire

Webster attended Phillips Exeter Academy, a preparatory school in Exeter, New Hampshire, before attending Dartmouth College. After he graduated from Dartmouth (Phi Beta Kappa), Webster was apprenticed to the lawyer Thomas W. Thompson. When his older brother's own quest for education put a financial strain on the family that consequently required Webster's support, Webster was forced to resign and become a schoolmaster — as young men often did then, when public education consisted largely of subsidies to local schoolmasters. In 1802 he served as the headmaster of the Fryeburg Academy, Maine, for the period of one year.[6] When his brother's education could no longer be sustained, Webster returned to his apprenticeship. He left New Hampshire and got employment in Boston under the prominent attorney Christopher Gore in 1804. Clerking for Gore — who was involved in international, national, and state politics – Webster educated himself on various political subjects and met New England politicians.[7]

In 1805 Webster was accepted into the bar and returned to New Hampshire to set up a practice in Boscawen, in part to be near his ailing father. During this time, Webster took a more active interest in politics. Raised by an ardently Federalist father and taught by a predominantly Federalist-leaning faculty at Dartmouth, Webster, like many New Englanders, supported Federalism. Accordingly, he accepted a number of minor local speaking engagements in support of Federalist causes and candidates.[8]

After his father's death in 1806, Webster handed over his practice to his older brother Ezekiel, who had by this time finished his schooling and been admitted to the bar. Webster then moved to the larger town of Portsmouth in 1807, and opened a practice there.[9] During this time the Napoleonic Wars began to affect Americans, as Britain began to forcibly impress American sailors into their Navy. President Thomas Jefferson retaliated with the Embargo Act of 1807, ceasing all trade to both Britain and France. New England was heavily reliant upon commerce with the two nations and the region vehemently opposed Jefferson's attempt at "peaceable coercion." Webster wrote an anonymous pamphlet attacking it.[10]

Eventually the trouble with England escalated into the War of 1812. That same year, Daniel Webster gave an address to the Washington Benevolent Society, an oration that proved critical to his career. The speech decried the war and the violation of New England's shipping rights that preceded it, but it also strongly denounced the extremism of those more radical among the unhappy New Englanders who were beginning to call for the region's secession from the Union.

The Washington oration was widely circulated and read throughout New Hampshire, and it led to Webster's 1812 selection to the Rockingham Convention, an assembly that sought to formally declare the state's grievances with President James Madison and the federal government. He was a member of the drafting committee and was chosen to compose the Rockingham Memorial to be sent to Madison. The report included much of the same tone and opinions held in the Washington Society address, except that, uncharacteristically for its chief architect, it alluded to the threat of secession saying, "If a separation of the states shall ever take place, it will be, on some occasion, when one portion of the country undertakes to control, to regulate, and to sacrifice the interest of another."[9]

"The administration asserts the right to fill the ranks of the regular army by compulsion.... Is this, sir, consistent with the character of a free government? Is this civil liberty? Is this the real character of our Constitution? No, sir, indeed it is not.... Where is it written in the Constitution, in what article or section is it contained, that you may take children from their parents, and parents from their children, and compel them to fight the battles of any war, in which the folly or the wickedness of government may engage it? Under what concealment has this power lain hidden, which now for the first time comes forth, with a tremendous and baleful aspect, to trample down and destroy the dearest rights of personal liberty?
Daniel Webster (December 9, 1814 House of Representatives Address)

Webster's efforts on behalf of New England Federalism, shipping interests, and war opposition resulted in his election to the House of Representatives in 1812, where he served two terms ending March 1817. He was an outspoken critic of the Madison administration and its wartime policies, denouncing its efforts at financing the war through paper money and opposing Secretary of War James Monroe's conscription proposal. Notable in his second term was his support of the reestablishment of a stable specie-based national bank; but he opposed the tariff of 1816 (which sought to protect the nation's manufacturing interests) and House Speaker Henry Clay's American System.

This opposition was in accordance with a number of his professed beliefs (and the majority of his constituents') including free trade, that the tariff's "great object was to raise revenue, not to foster manufacture," and that it was against "the true spirit of the Constitution" to give "excessive bounties or encouragements to one [industry] over another."[11][12]

After his second term, Webster did not seek a third, choosing his law practice instead. In an attempt to secure greater financial success for himself and his family (he had married Grace Fletcher in 1808, with whom he had four children), he moved his practice from Portsmouth to Boston.

Notable Supreme Court Cases

Webster had been highly regarded in New Hampshire since his days in Boscawen, and had been respected throughout the House during his service there. He came to national prominence, however, as counsel in a number of important Supreme Court cases.[5] These cases remain major precedents in the Constitutional jurisprudence of the United States.

In 1816, Webster was retained by the Federalist trustees of his alma mater, Dartmouth College, to represent them in their case against the newly elected New Hampshire Democratic-Republican state legislature. The legislature had passed new laws converting Dartmouth into a state institution, by changing the size of the college's trustee body and adding a further board of overseers, which they put into the hands of the state senate.[13] New Hampshire argued that they, as successor in sovereignty to George III, who had chartered Dartmouth, had the right to revise the charter.

"This, sir, is my case. It is the case not merely of that humble institution, it is the case of every college in our land... Sir, you may destroy this little institution; it is weak; it is in your hands! I know it is one of the lesser lights in the literary horizon of our country. You may put it out. But if you do so you must carry through your work! You must extinguish, one after another, all those greater lights of science which for more than a century have thrown their radiance over our land. It is, sir, as I have said, a small college. And yet there are those who love it!"

Daniel Webster (Dartmouth College v. Woodward)

Webster argued Dartmouth College v. Woodward to the Supreme Court (with significant aid from Jeremiah Mason and Jeremiah Smith), invoking Article I, section 10 of the Constitution (the Contract Clause) against the State. The Marshall court, continuing with its history of limiting states' rights and reaffirming the supremacy of the Constitutional protection of contract, ruled in favor of Webster and Dartmouth 3–1. This decided that corporations did not, as many then held, have to justify their privileges by acting in the public interest, but were independent of the states.[14]

Other notable appearances by Webster before the Supreme Court include his representation of James McCulloch in McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), the Cohens in Cohens v. Virginia (1821), and Thomas Gibbons in Gibbons v. Ogden (1824), cases similar to Dartmouth in the court's application of a broad interpretation of the Constitution and strengthening of the federal courts' power to constrain the states, which have since been used to justify wide powers for the federal government. Webster's handling of these cases made him one of the era's foremost constitutional lawyers, as well as one of the most highly paid.[15]

Webster's growing prominence as a constitutional lawyer led to his election as a delegate to the 1820 Massachusetts Constitutional Convention. There he spoke in opposition to universal suffrage (for men), on the Federalist grounds that power naturally follows property, and the vote should be limited accordingly; but the constitution was amended against his advice.[16] He also supported the (existing) districting of the State Senate so that each seat represented an equal amount of property.[17]

Webster's performance at the convention furthered his reputation. Joseph Story (also a delegate at the convention) wrote to Jeremiah Mason following the convention saying "Our friend Webster has gained a noble reputation. He was before known as a lawyer; but he has now secured the title of an eminent and enlightened statesman."[18] Webster also spoke at Plymouth commemorating the landing of the Pilgrims in 1620; his oration was widely circulated and read throughout New England. He was elected to the Eighteenth Congress in 1822, from Boston.

In his second term, Webster found Miles Bearden himself a leader of the fragmented House Federalists who had split following the failure of the secessionist-minded 1814 Hartford Convention that he avoided. Speaker Henry Clay made Webster chairman of the Judiciary Committee in an attempt to win his and the Federalists' support. His term of service in the House between 1822 and 1828 was marked by his legislative success at reforming the United States criminal code, and his failure at expanding the size of the Supreme Court. He largely supported the National Republican administration of John Quincy Adams, including Adams' candidacy in the highly contested election of 1824 and the administration's defense of treaty-sanctioned Creek Indian land rights against Georgia's expansionist claims.[19]

While a Representative, Webster continued accepting speaking engagements in New England, most notably his oration on the fiftieth anniversary of Bunker Hill (1825) and his eulogy on Adams and Jefferson (1826). With the support of a coalition of both Federalists and Republicans, Webster's record in the House and his celebrity as an orator led to his June 1827 election to the Senate from Massachusetts. His first wife, Grace, died in January 1828, and he married Caroline LeRoy in December 1829.

Senate

Webster Replying to Hayne by George P.A. Healy

When Webster returned to the Senate from his wife's funeral in March 1828, he found the chamber considering a new tariff bill that sought to increase the duties on foreign manufactured goods on top of the increases of 1816 and 1824, both of which Webster had opposed. Now, however, Webster changed his position to support a protective tariff. Explaining the change, Webster stated that after the failure of the rest of the nation to heed New England's objections in 1816 and 1824, "nothing was left to New England but to conform herself to the will of others," and now consequently being heavily invested in manufacturing, he would not now do them injury. It is the more blunt opinion of Justus D. Doenecke that Webster's support of the 1828 tariff was a result of "his new closeness to the rising mill-owning families of the region, the Lawrences and the Lowells."[9] Webster also gave greater approval to Clay's American System, a change that along with his modified view of the tariff brought him closer to Henry Clay.

The passage of the tariff brought increased sectional tensions to the U.S., tensions that were agitated by then Vice President John C. Calhoun's promulgation of his South Carolina Exposition and Protest. The exposition espoused the idea of nullification, a doctrine first articulated in the U.S. by Madison and Jefferson that held that states were sovereign entities and held ultimate authority over the limits of the power of the federal government, and could thus "nullify" any act of the central government it deemed unconstitutional. While for a time the tensions increased by Calhoun's exposition lay beneath the surface, they burst forth when South Carolina Senator Robert Young Hayne opened the 1830 Webster-Hayne debate.

An early daguerreotype of Daniel Webster

By 1830, Federal land policy had long been an issue. The National Republican administration had held land prices high. According to Adams' Secretary of the Treasury Richard Rush, this served to provide the federal government with an additional source of revenue, but also to discourage westward migration that tended to increase wages through the increased scarcity of labor.[20] Senator Hayne, in an effort to sway the west against the north and the tariff, seized upon a minor point in the land debate and accused the north of attempting to limit western expansion for their own benefit. As Vice President Calhoun was presiding officer over the Senate but could not address the Senate in business, James Schouler contended that Hayne was doing what Calhoun could not.[21]

The next day, Webster, feeling compelled to respond on New England's behalf, gave his first rebuttal to Hayne, highlighting what he saw as the virtues of the North's policies toward the west and claiming that restrictions on western expansion and growth were primarily the responsibility of southerners. Hayne in turn responded the following day, denouncing Webster's inconsistencies with regards to the American system and personally attacking Webster for his role in the so called "corrupt bargain" of 1824. The course of the debate strayed even further away from the initial matter of land sales with Hayne openly defending the "Carolina Doctrine" of nullification as being the doctrine of Jefferson and Madison.

When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious Union; on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood! Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic... not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its motto, no such miserable interrogatory as "What is all this worth?" nor those other words of delusion and folly, "Liberty first and Union afterwards"; but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart,— Liberty and Union, now and for ever, one and inseparable!

Daniel Webster (Second Reply to Hayne)

On January 27, Webster gave his Second Reply to Hayne, in which Webster openly attacked Nullification, negatively contrasted South Carolina's response to the tariff with that of his native New England's response to the Embargo of 1807, rebutted Hayne's personal attacks against him, and famously concluded in defiance of nullification (which was later embodied in John C. Calhoun's declaration of "The Union; second to our liberty most dear!"), "Liberty and Union, now and for ever, one and inseparable!"

The so-called "Black Dan" portrait

While the debate's philosophical presentation of nullification and Webster's abstract fears of rebellion were brought into reality in 1832 when Calhoun's native South Carolina passed its Ordinance of Nullification, Webster supported President Andrew Jackson's sending of U.S. troops to the borders of South Carolina and the Force Bill, not Henry Clay's 1833 compromise that eventually defused the crisis. Webster thought Clay's concessions were dangerous and would only further embolden the south and legitimize its tactics. Especially unsettling was the resolution affirming that "the people of the several States composing these United States are united as parties to a constitutional compact, to which the people of each State acceded as a separate sovereign community." The usage of the word accede would, in his opinion, lead to the logical end of those states' right to secede.

At the same time however, Webster, like Clay, opposed the economic policies of Andrew Jackson, the most famous of those being Jackson's campaign against the Second Bank of the United States in 1832, an institution that held Webster on retainer as legal counsel and of whose Boston Branch he was the director. Clay, Webster, and a number of other former Federalists and National Republicans united as the Whig Party, in defense of the Bank against Jackson's intention to replace it. There was an economic panic in 1837, which converted Webster's heavy speculation in midwestern property into a personal debt from which Webster never recovered. His debt was exacerbated by his propensity for living "habitually beyond his means", lavishly furnishing his estate and giving away money with "reckless generosity and heedless profusion", in addition to indulging the smaller-scale "passions and appetites" of gambling and alcohol.[22]

Since I have arrived here [in Washington], I have had an application to be concerned, professionally, against the bank, which I have declined, of course, although I believe my retainer has not been renewed or refreshed as usual. If it be wished that my relation to the Bank should be continued, it may be well to send me the usual retainers.

Daniel Webster (A letter to officials at the bank)

In 1836, Webster was one of three Whig Party candidates to run for the office of President, but he only managed to gain the support of Massachusetts. This was the first of three unsuccessful attempts at gaining the presidency. In 1839, the Whig Party nominated William Henry Harrison for president. Webster was offered the vice presidency, but he declined.

As Secretary of State

Following his victory in 1840, President Harrison appointed Webster to the post of Secretary of State in 1841, a post he retained under President John Tyler after the death of Harrison a month after his inauguration. In September 1841, an internal division amongst the Whigs over the question of the National Bank caused all the Whigs (except Webster who was in Europe at the time) to resign from Tyler's cabinet. In 1842, he was the architect of the Webster-Ashburton Treaty, which resolved the Caroline Affair, established the definitive Eastern border between the United States and Canada (Maine and New Brunswick), and signaled a definite and lasting peace between the United States and Britain. Webster succumbed to Whig pressure in May 1842 and finally left the cabinet. Webster later served again as Secretary of State in President Millard Fillmore's administration from 1850 until 1852.

Later career and death

Daniel Webster: New England's choice for twelfth President of the United States

In 1845, he was re-elected to the Senate, where he opposed both the Texas Annexation and the resulting Mexican-American War for fear of its upsetting the delicate balance of slave and non-slave states. In the United States presidential election, 1848, he sought the Whig Party's nomination for the President but was beaten by the military hero Zachary Taylor. Webster was once again offered the Vice-Presidency, but he declined saying, "I do not propose to be buried until I am really dead and in my coffin."[23] The Whig ticket won the election; Taylor died 16 months later. This was the second time a President who offered Webster the chance to be Vice President died.

The Compromise of 1850 was the Congressional effort led by Henry Clay and Stephen Douglas to compromise the sectional disputes that seemed to be headed toward civil war. On March 7, 1850, Webster gave one of his most famous speeches, characterizing himself "not as a Massachusetts man, nor as a Northern man but as an American..." In it he gave his support to the compromise, which included the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 that required federal officials to recapture and return runaway slaves.

Webster was bitterly attacked by abolitionists in New England who felt betrayed by his compromises. The Rev. Theodore Parker complained, "No living man has done so much to debauch the conscience of the nation." Horace Mann described him as being "a fallen star! Lucifer descending from Heaven!" James Russell Lowell called Webster "the most meanly and foolishly treacherous man I ever heard of."[24] Webster never recovered the popularity he lost in the aftermath of the Seventh of March speech.

I shall stand by the Union...with absolute disregard of personal consequences. What are personal consequences...in comparison with the good or evil which may befall a great country in a crisis like this?...Let the consequences be what they will.... No man can suffer too much, and no man can fall too soon, if he suffer or if he fall in defense of the liberties and constitution of his country.

Daniel Webster (July 17, 1850 address to the Senate)

Resigning the Senate under a cloud in 1850, he resumed his former position as Secretary of State in the cabinet of Whig President Millard Fillmore.

Notable in this second tenure was the increasingly strained relationship between the United States and the Austrian Empire in the aftermath of what was seen by Austria as American interference in its rebellious Kingdom of Hungary (see Hungarian Revolution of 1848). This was especially manifest in very warm welcome extended to the exiled Hungarian leader Lajos Kossuth in the US: his ship was greeted with a hundred-gun salute when it passed Jersey City and hundreds of thousands of people came to see him set foot in New York; heralded as the Hungarian Washington, he was given a congressional Banquet and received at the White House and the House of Representatives. Webster himself wanted Kossuth's help in the upcoming presidential election, and spoke of "seeing the American Republican model develop in Hungary", although President Fillmore apologised to the Austrian chargé d'affaires for what he explained was an individual unofficial opinion. However, as chief American diplomat, Webster did author the Hülsemann Letter, in which he defended what he believed to be America's right to take an active interest in the internal politics of Hungary, while still maintaining its neutrality.

Webster also advocated for the establishment of commercial relations with Japan, going so far as to draft the letter that was to be presented to the Emperor Kōmei on President Fillmore's behalf by Commodore Matthew Perry on his 1852 voyage to Asia.

As Secretary of State Webster continued to strongly uphold the Compromise of 1850 and specifically the Fugitive Slave Law. In early 1851, when the anti-slavery Liberty Party was due to hold its state convention at Syracuse, New York, Webster sternly warned that the law would be enforced even "here in Syracuse in the midst of the next Anti-Slavery Convention."[25]. Actually, during the conference William Henry, an escaped slave from Missouri resident at Syracuse, was duly arrested and was about to be sent back to his master - to which the abolitionists reacted by storming the jail and setting the fugitive slave free (see Jerry Rescue), motivated in part by the desire to defy Webster.

In 1852 he made his final campaign for the Presidency, again for the Whig nomination. Before and during the campaign a number of critics asserted that his support of the compromise was only an attempt to win southern support for his candidacy, "profound selfishness," in the words of Ralph Waldo Emerson. Though the Seventh of March speech was indeed warmly received throughout the south, the speech made him too polarizing a figure to receive the nomination and Webster was again defeated by a military hero, this time General Winfield Scott.

He died on October 24, 1852 at his home in Marshfield, Massachusetts, after falling from his horse and suffering a crushing blow to the head, complicated by cirrhosis of the liver, which resulted in a cerebral hemorrhage.[26]

His son, Fletcher Webster, went on to be a Union Colonel in the Civil War commanding the 12th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry, but he was killed in action on August 29, 1862, during the Second Battle of Bull Run. Today a monument stands in his honor in Manassas, Virginia, as well as a regimental monument on Oak Hill at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania.

Historical evaluations and legacy

Ralph Waldo Emerson, who had criticized Webster following the Seventh of March address, remarked in the immediate aftermath of his death that Webster was "the completest man", and that "nature had not in our days or not since Napoleon, cut out such a masterpiece." Others like Henry Cabot Lodge and John F. Kennedy noted Webster's vices, especially the perpetual debt against which he, as Lodge reports, employed "checks or notes for several thousand dollars in token of admiration" from his friends. "This was, of course, utterly wrong and demoralizing, but Mr. Webster came, after a time, to look upon such transactions as natural and proper. [...] He seems to have regarded the merchants and bankers of State Street very much as a feudal baron regarded his peasantry. It was their privilege and duty to support him, and he repaid them with an occasional magnificent compliment."[22]

Several historians suggest Webster failed to exercise leadership for any political issue or vision. Lodge describes (with the Rockingham Convention in mind) Webster's "susceptibility to outside influences which formed such an odd trait in the character of a man so imperious by nature. When acting alone, he spoke his own opinions. When in a situation where public opinion was concentrated against him, he submitted to modifications of his views with a curious and indolent indifference."[27] Similarly, Arthur Schlesinger cites Webster's letter requesting retainers for fighting for the Bank, one of his most inveterate causes; he then asks how the American people could "follow [Webster] through hell or high water when he would not lead unless someone made up a purse for him?"

He served the interest of the wealthy Boston merchants who elected and supported him, first for free trade, and later, when they had started manufacturing, for protection; both for the Union and for a compromise with the South in 1850. Schlesinger remarks that the real miracle of The Devil and Daniel Webster is not a soul sold to the devil, or the jury of ghostly traitors, but Webster speaking against the "sanctity of the contract".

Secession! Peaceable secession! Sir, your eyes and mine are never destined to see that miracle. The dismemberment of this vast country without convulsion! ... There can be no such thing as a peaceable secession. Peaceable secession is an utter impossibility...We could not separate the states by any such line if we were to draw it...

Daniel Webster (March 7, 1850 A Plea for Harmony and Peace)

Webster has garnered respect and admiration for his Seventh of March speech in defense of the 1850 compromise measures that helped to delay the Civil War. In Profiles in Courage, Kennedy called Webster's defense of the compromise, despite the risk to his presidential ambitions and the denunciations he faced from the north, one of the "greatest acts of courageous principle" in the history of the Senate. Conversely, Seventh of March has been criticized by Lodge who contrasted the speech's support of the 1850 compromise with his 1833 rejection of similar measures. "While he was brave and true and wise in 1833," said Lodge, "in 1850 he was not only inconsistent, but that he erred deeply in policy and statesmanship" in his advocacy of a policy that "made war inevitable by encouraging slave-holders to believe that they could always obtain anything they wanted by a sufficient show of violence."[28]

More widely agreed upon, notably by both Senator Lodge and President Kennedy, is Webster's skill as an orator, with Kennedy praising Webster's "ability to make alive and supreme the latent sense of oneness, of union, that all Americans felt but few could express."[29][30] Schlesinger, however, notes that he is also an example of the limitations of formal oratory: Congress heard Webster or Clay with admiration, but they rarely prevailed at the vote. Plainer speech and party solidarity were more effective, and Webster never approached Jackson's popular appeal.[31]

Commemorative measures

Portrait of Daniel Webster chosen by Senator Kennedy to adorn the Senate Reception Room.

Webster's legacy has been commemorated by numerous means:

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Cooke, George (1902). Unitarianism in America. Kessinger Publishing. p. 271. ISBN 1419192108. http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=NZt97oFb4EsC&pg=PA271&dq=%22daniel+webster%22+%22unitarian+universalism%22&as_brr=3. 
  2. ^ Allan Nevins, Ordeal of the Union" (1947) 1:288
  3. ^ United States Senate website at
  4. ^ "Family History and Genealogy Records". FamilySearch.org. http://www.familysearch.org/eng/default.asp. Retrieved 2009-08-05. 
  5. ^ a b "Daniel Webster." American Eras, Volume 5: The Reform Era and Eastern U.S. Development, 1815–1850. Gale Research, 1998. Student Resource Center. Thomson Gale. June 16, 2006.
  6. ^ Fryeburg Webster Centennial: Celebrating the Coming of Daniel Webster to Fryeburg 100 Years Ago. 1902]. [1]
  7. ^ Lodge (1883). Daniel Webster. pp. 12. 
  8. ^ Cheek, H. Lee, Jr. "Webster, Daniel." In Schultz, David, ed. Encyclopedia of American Law. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2002. Facts On File, Inc. American History Online.
  9. ^ a b c "Daniel Webster." Discovering Biography. Online Edition. Gale, 2003. Student Resource Center. Thomson Gale. June 16, 2006
  10. ^ Norton (2005). A People & A Nation. pp. 228. 
  11. ^ "WEBSTER, DANIEL (1782–1852)". Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th Edition.. http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/WAT_WIL/WEBSTER_DANIEL_1782_1852_.html. Retrieved 2006-06-18. 
  12. ^ Lodge (1883). Daniel Webster. pp. 54. 
  13. ^ Baker, Thomas E. "Dartmouth College v. Woodward." In Schultz, David, ed. Encyclopedia of American Law. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2002. Facts On File, Inc. American History Online.
  14. ^ O'Brien, Patrick K., gen. ed. "Dartmouth College case." Encyclopedia of World History. Copyright George Philip Limited. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2000. Facts On File, Inc. World History Online. Schlesinger Age of Jackson. p. 324–5
  15. ^ Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved June 18, 2006, from Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service: entry
  16. ^ Schlesinger (1945). The Age of Jackson. pp. 12–15. 
  17. ^ Lodge (1883). Daniel Webster. pp. 113. 
  18. ^ Lodge (1883). Daniel Webster. pp. 38. 
  19. ^ Lodge (1883). Daniel Webster. pp. 49. 
  20. ^ Schlesinger (1945). The Age of Jackson. pp. 347. 
  21. ^ Schouler, James (1891). History of the United States. New York: Dodd, Mead & Company. 
  22. ^ a b Lodge (1883). Daniel Webster. pp. 118. 
  23. ^ Binkley, Wilfred Ellsworth; Moos, Malcolm Charles (1949). A Grammar of American Politics: The National Government. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p. 265. http://books.google.com/books?id=FVSFAAAAMAAJ&q=%22I+do+not+propose+to+be+buried+until+I+am+really+dead+and+in+my+coffin.%22. 
  24. ^ Kennedy (2004). Profiles in Courage. pp. 69–70. 
  25. ^ Fergus M. Bordewich. Bound for Canaan: The Underground Railroad and the War for the Soul of America. Amistad, 2005. p. 333. ISBN 978-0060524302
  26. ^ Remini, p. 761
  27. ^ Lodge (1883). Daniel Webster. pp. 18. 
  28. ^ Lodge (1883). Daniel Webster. pp. 103,105. 
  29. ^ Kennedy (2004). Profiles in Courage. pp. 58. 
  30. ^ Lodge (1883). Daniel Webster. pp. 66. 
  31. ^ Schlesinger (1945). The Age of Jackson. pp. 50–2. 
  32. ^ "The "Famous Five" Now the "Famous Seven"". Senate Historical Office. http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/briefing/Famous_Five_Seven.htm. Retrieved 2006-10-26. 
  33. ^ "Webster Corners". Twp.webster.mi.us. 1992-09-09. http://www.twp.webster.mi.us/historyA.htm. Retrieved 2009-08-05. 
  34. ^ "Dan'l Webster Inn web site". Danlwebsterinn.com. http://danlwebsterinn.com/about_cape_cod_inn/hotel_history. Retrieved 2009-08-05. 

Bibliography

  • Bartlett, Irving H. (1978). Daniel Webster. 
  • Baxter, Maurice G. Daniel Webster and the Supreme Court (1966)
  • Brown, Thomas (1985). Politics and Statesmanship: Essays on the American Whig Party. 
  • Current, Richard Nelson. Daniel Webster and the Rise of National Conservatism (1955), short biography
  • Curtis, George Ticknor. Life of Daniel Webster (1870)
  • Formisano, Ronald P. (1983). The Transformation of Political Culture: Massachusetts Parties, 1790s–1840s. 
  • Hammond, Bray. Banks and Politics in America from the Revolution to the Civil War (1960), Pulitzer prize; the standard history. Pro-Bank
  • Holt, Michael F. (1999). The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics and the Onset of the Civil War. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505544-6. 
  • Kennedy, John F. (2004). Profiles In Courage. New York: Perennial Classics. ISBN 0-06-054439-2. 
  • Lodge, Henry Cabot. Daniel Webster (1883)
  • Allan Nevins, Ordeal of the Union: Fruits of Manifest Destiny, 1847–1852" (1947), highly detailed narrative of national politics.
  • Norton, Mary Beth (2005). A People & A Nation. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company. ISBN 0-618-37589-9. , college textbook
  • Ogg, Frederic Austin. Daniel Webster (1914)
  • Remini, Robert V. (1997). Daniel Webster. , the standard scholarly biography
  • Shade, William G. (1983). "The Second Party System". in Paul Kleppner, et al.. Evolution of American Electoral Systems. 
  • Smith, Craig R. "Daniel Webster's Epideictic Speaking: A Study in Emerging Whig Virtues" online

Primary sources

  • The works of Daniel Webster edited in 6 vol. by Edward Everett, Boston: Little, Brown and company, 1853. online edition
  • Howe, Daniel Walker (1973). The American Whigs: An Anthology. 
  • Wiltse, Charles M., Harold D. Moser, and Kenneth E. Shewmaker (Diplomatic papers), eds., The Papers of Daniel Webster, (1974–1989). Published for Dartmouth College by the University Press of New England. ser. 1. Correspondence: v. 1. 1798–1824. v. 2. 1825–1829. v. 3. 1830–1834. v. 4. 1835–1839. v. 5. 1840–1843. v. 6. 1844–1849. v. 7. 1850–1852—ser. 2. Legal papers: v. 1. The New Hampshire practice. v. 2. The Boston practice. v. 3. The federal practice (2 v.) -- ser. 3. Diplomatic papers: v. 1. 1841–1843. v. 2. 1850–1852—ser. 4. Speeches and formal writings: v. 1. 1800–1833. v. 2. 1834–1852.

External links

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United States House of Representatives
Preceded by
George Sullivan
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from New Hampshire's At-large congressional district

March 4, 1813 – March 3, 1817
Served alongside: Bradbury Cilley, Samuel Smith, Charles Atherton, William Hale, Roger Vose and Jeduthun Wilcox
Succeeded by
Arthur Livermore
Preceded by
Benjamin Gorham
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Massachusetts's 1st congressional district

March 4, 1823 – May 30, 1827
Succeeded by
Benjamin Gorham
United States Senate
Preceded by
Elijah H. Mills
United States Senator (Class 1) from Massachusetts
June 8, 1827 – February 22, 1841
Served alongside: Nathaniel Silsbee, John Davis
Succeeded by
Rufus Choate
Preceded by
Rufus Choate
United States Senator (Class 1) from Massachusetts
March 4, 1845 – July 22, 1850
Served alongside: John Davis
Succeeded by
Robert C. Winthrop
Political offices
Preceded by
Samuel Smith
Maryland
Chairman of the U.S. Senate Committee on Finance
1833–1836
Succeeded by
Silas Wright
New York
Preceded by
John Forsyth
United States Secretary of State
Served Under: William Henry Harrison, John Tyler

March 6, 1841 – May 8, 1843
Succeeded by
Abel P. Upshur
Preceded by
John M. Clayton
United States Secretary of State
Served Under: Millard Fillmore

July 23, 1850 – October 24, 1852
Succeeded by
Edward Everett
Party political offices
Preceded by
(none)
Whig Party presidential candidate
1836 (lost)(1)
Succeeded by
William Henry Harrison
Preceded by
''
Union Party presidential candidate
1852 (lost)(2)
Succeeded by
''
Notes and references
1. The Whig Party ran regional candidates in 1836. Webster ran in Massachusetts, William Henry Harrison ran in the Northern states, and Hugh Lawson White ran in the Southern states.
2. Daniel Webster died on October 25, 1852, one week before the election. However, his name remained on the ballot in Massachusetts and Georgia and he still managed to poll nearly seven thousand votes.

 
 

 

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