desertion

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(dĭ-zûr'shən) pronunciation
n.
    1. The act or an instance of deserting.
    2. The state of being deserted.
  1. Law. Willful abandonment of one's spouse or children or both without their consent and with the intention of forsaking all legal obligations to them.

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noun

    The act of forsaking: abandonment. See keep/release.

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n

Definition: abandonment
Antonyms: aid, assistance, help, staying

Desertion is where a member of the armed forces leaves his unit without permission and with no intention of returning. Desertion is distinguished from absenteeism, often known as Absence Without Leave (AWOL), by the motives of the deserter and, consequently, there is a degree of imprecision in both its definition and measurement. This, and the fact that the penalties for desertion are often extreme—incarceration or even death—make it a highly emotional subject. It is a concept fraught with controversy, and impossible to measure with accuracy—not only because of the difficult in divining the motives of the deserter, but also because most deserters have no wish to make themselves known to the authorities who collect such statistics. Students of the subject require circumspection as much as dedication.

Desertion occurs to some degree in every military force, and can be especially prevalent during periods of conflict, or where the force is poorly trained and disciplined. It was the bane of armies across history. One Prussian regiment lost the equivalent of its entire strength during the Seven Years War, and in 1809 there were estimated to be more than 20, 000 deserters in south-western France. Most of the 287 Union soldiers executed during the American civil war had been convicted of desertion.

Deserters, if caught, may expect to face a court martial. The problem of divining the motives of the alleged deserter would then fall upon the officers appointed to adjudicate—no small responsibility in the light of the harsh sentences to be imposed upon the guilty. The motivations of a single soldier to fight or run are seldom simple, and to attribute the desertion of thousands of men to any one factor can be misleading. Certain factors are closely linked with faltering morale, and may be highlighted here as the most common motives for desertion. The act of any deserter must first be set in the context. Geography, conditions, training, and experience all have a major influence on the deserter. For example, proximity to one's home and community may act as a spur to some to fight harder. Conversely, desertion can often become more prevalent in such situations because many men wish to defend their homes and family personally, or because proximity to home reminds a man of his civilian identity. In addition, during periods where an army is inactive, a soldier may wish to go home to visit the family he has not seen for some time. A short visit may all too easily slide into a longer one, as absenteeism becomes desertion.

Bad living conditions often accompanied by stress and fatigue can sometimes wear troops down to the point at which they can no longer accept their plight. Desertion could also become epidemic when confidence was lost. First, an individual may lose confidence that he will survive: he may, in short, succumb to fear. Alternatively, a soldier may desert because he no longer has confidence in the cause for which he is fighting. Some desert because they have lost confidence in the justice of the cause, but a more common cause for desertion is to avoid a senseless death when victory is manifestly impossible. In 1864-5 the experienced and unquestionably brave army under Lee was reduced to less than half its strength during the Petersburg campaign partly due to the conditions in which the men were fighting, but in greater part thanks to an awareness in the ranks that the war could not be won.

Finally, desertion must be understood in the context of the times being studied. The wars of the early modern period, for instance, were fought by armies which contained a high proportion of mercenaries and foreign nationals. These men were motivated by different factors from those that influenced the volunteers of 1914, or the ideologically charged soldiers of the Vietminh and Vietcong in the 1950s and 1960s. These forces were brought together for vastly different purposes, years or centuries apart, and desertion must be evaluated in the light of those purposes and times.

Bibliography

  • Lynn, John A., Bayonets of the Republic: Motivation and Tactics in the Army of Revolutionary France (Chicago, 1984).
  • Marshall, S. L. A., Men against Fire (New York, 1947)

— Andrew Haughton/Richard Holmes

Under American military law, desertion is the act of leaving one's service or duty without the intention of returning or being absent without authorization for more than a month.

In peacetime, desertion has been a continuing phenomenon in American military history, at least through the early twentieth century, although its extent has varied widely depending upon the circumstances facing the service people. Unlike European nations, the U.S. government had little control over its citizens, and deserters could escape relatively easily, particularly into the rural and frontier regions of the country. Low pay and poor conditions have contributed significantly to peacetime desertions.

The armed forces require enlisted men and women to serve tours of duty of specific duration. Unlike commissioned officers, enlisted personnel are not legally permitted to resign unilaterally. Thus, desertion constitutes an enlisted person's repudiation of his or her legal obligation.

A correlation has existed in peacetime between desertion rates and the business cycle. When the country experienced economic depression and high unemployment, fewer people abandoned the service. Yet in an expanding economy, with workers in demand and wage scales increasing, many more service men and women have forsaken the high job security but lesser monetary rewards of the military.

The highest peacetime desertion rates in American history were reached during periods of economic growth in the 1820s, early 1850s, early 1870s, the 1880s, early 1900s, and the 1920s, when the annual flow of deserters averaged between 7 and 15 percent of the U.S. Army. A peak of 32.6 percent was recorded in 1871, when 8,800 of the 27,010 enlisted men deserted in protest against a pay cut. (By contrast, the desertion rate in the British army was only about 2 percent.) Lured by higher civilian wages and prodded by miserable living conditions—low pay, poor food, inadequate amenities, and boredom—on many frontier western outposts, a total of 88,475 soldiers (one‐third of the men recruited by the army) deserted between 1867 and 1891.

The peacetime navy had its own desertion problems. In the nineteenth century, many of the enlisted men had grim personal backgrounds or criminal records or were foreigners with little loyalty to the United States. A rigid class system and iron discipline contributed to high rates of alcoholism and desertion. In 1880, there were 1,000 desertions from an enlisted force of 8,500 seamen.

During wartime, desertion rates in all the military services have varied widely but have generally been lower than in peacetime—perhaps reflecting the increased numbers of service people, national spirit, and more severe penalties prescribed for combat desertion. The end of hostilities, however, generally was accompanied by a dramatic flight from the military. After almost every war, the desertion rate doubled temporarily as many regular enlisted personnel joined other Americans in returning to peacetime pursuits. The variation in wartime desertion rates seems to result from differences in public sentiment and prospects for military success. Although many factors are involved, generally the more swift and victorious the campaign and the more popular the conflict, the lower the desertion rate. Defeat and disagreement or disillusionment about a war have been accompanied by a higher incidence of desertion.

In the Revolutionary War, desertion depleted both the state militias and the Continental army after such reverses as the British seizures of New York City and Philadelphia; at spring planting or fall harvesting times, when farmer‐soldiers returned to their fields; and as veterans deserted in order to reenlist, seeking the increased bounties of cash or land that the states offered new enlistees. Widespread desertion, even in the midst of battle, plagued the military during the setbacks of the War of 1812. In the Mexican War, 6,825 men, or nearly 7 percent of the army, deserted; and one unit of the Mexican Army, the San Patricio Artillery Battalion, was composed of American deserters.

The Civil War produced the highest American wartime desertion rates because of its bloody battles, new enlistment bounties, and the relative ease with which deserters could escape capture, particularly in the mountain regions. The Union armies recorded 278,644 cases of desertion, representing 11 percent of the troops. As the Confederate military situation deteriorated, desertion reached epidemic proportions. The Appalachian Mountains, Florida swamps, and Texas chaparral became the domain of armed bands of Southern deserters. In the final year of the war, whole companies and regiments, sometimes with most of their officers, left together to return to their homes. In all, Confederate deserters numbered 104,428, or 10 percent of the South's armies.

The brief and successful Spanish‐American War resulted in 5,285 desertions, or less than 2 percent of the armed forces in 1898. However, the rate climbed to 4 percent during the long and arduous Philippine War between 1900 and 1902. In World War I, because conscription regulations classified any draftee failing to report for induction at the prescribed time as a deserter, the records of 1917–18 showed 363,022 deserters, who would have been more appropriately designated draft evaders. Traditionally defined deserters amounted to 21,282, or less than 1 percent of the army in World War I.

In World War II, desertion rates reached 6.3 percent of the armed forces in 1944, and during the American reverses at the Battle of the Bulge, the army executed one American soldier, Private Ernie Slovik, for desertion in the face of the enemy as an example to other troops. Desertion rates dropped to 4.5 percent in 1945. During the Korean War, the use of short‐term service and the rotation system helped keep desertion rates down to 1.4 percent of the armed forces in fiscal year (FY) 1951 and to 2.2 percent or 31,041 in FY 1953.

The divisive Vietnam War generated the highest percentage of wartime desertion since the Civil War. From 13,177 cases—or 1.6 percent of the armed forces—in FY 1965, the annual desertion statistics mounted to 2.9 percent in FY 1968, 4.2 percent in FY 1969, 5.2 percent in FY 1970, and 7.4 percent (79,027 incidents of desertion) in FY 1971. Like the draft resisters from this same war, many deserters sought sanctuary in Canada, Mexico, or Sweden. In 1974, the Defense Department reported that between 1 July 1966 and 31 December 1973, there had been 503,926 incidents of desertion in all services during the Vietnam War.

The end of the draft and the Vietnam War, together with the enhancement of pay and living conditions in the All‐Volunteer Force, dramatically reduced desertions, although there was somewhat of another upsurge during the Persian Gulf War (1991).

[See also Military Justice; Morale, Troop.]

Bibliography

  • Ella Lonn, Desertion During the Civil War, 1928, 1966
  • William B. Huie, The Execution of Private Slovik, 1954, 1991
  • Russell F. Weigley, History of the United States Army, 1967
  • Jack D. Foner, The United States Soldier between the Two Wars: Army Life and Reforms, 1865–1898, 1968
  • Thomas L.Hayes, American Deserters in Sweden, 1971
  • Robert L. Alotta, Stop the Evil: A Civil War History of Desertion and Murder, 1978
  • Edward M. Coffman, The Old Army: A Portrait of the American Army in Peacetime, 1784–1898, 1986

Desertion from military service has been a continual phenomenon in American history although its extent has varied widely depending upon the circumstances that have confronted soldiers. The armed forces require enlisted men and women to serve tours of duty of specific duration and, unlike commissioned officers, enlisted personnel may not legally resign before the end of that period. Thus desertion—being absent without authorization for over a month—constitutes the enlisted person's repudiation of his or her legal obligation.

In peacetime there has been a direct correlation between desertion rates and the business cycle. When the country has experienced a depression and a labor surplus, fewer soldiers have abandoned the army. By contrast, in an expanding economy, with workers in demand and wage scales increasing, many more servicemen and women have forsaken the high job security but low monetary rewards of the army.

The highest peacetime desertion rates in American history occurred during the periods of economic growth in the 1820s, early 1850s, early 1870s, 1880s, early 1900s, and 1920s, when the flow of deserters averaged between 7 and 15 percent each year. A peak of 32.6 percent was reached in 1871, when 8,800 of the 27,010 enlisted men deserted in protest against a pay cut. Lured by higher civilian wages and prodded by the miserable living conditions of most frontier outposts, a total of 88,475, or one-third of the men recruited by the army, deserted between 1867 and 1891.

During wartime, desertion rates have varied widely but have generally been lower than in peacetime service, a tendency that perhaps reflects the increased numbers of troops, national spirit, and more severe penalties prescribed for combat desertion. A dramatic flight from military duty has generally accompanied the termination of hostilities. After almost every war the desertion rate has doubled temporarily as many servicemen and women have joined other Americans in returning to peacetime pursuits. The variation in wartime desertion rates seems to result from differences in public sentiment and military prospects. Although many factors are involved, generally the more swift and victorious the campaign and the more popular the conflict, the lower the desertion rate. Defeat and disagreement or disillusionment about a war have been accompanied by a higher incidence of desertion.

In the American Revolution, desertion depleted both the state militias and the Continental army after such reverses as the British seizure of New York City; at spring planting or fall harvesting time, when farmer-soldiers returned to their fields; and as veterans deserted in order to reenlist, seeking the increased bounties of cash or land that the states offered for new enlistees. Widespread desertion, even in the midst of battle, plagued the military during the War of 1812.Inthe Mexican-American War, 6,825 men, or nearly 7 percent of the army, deserted. Moreover, American deserters composed one unit of the Mexican army, the San Patricio Artillery Battalion.

The Civil War produced the highest American wartime desertion rates because of its bloody battles, new enlistment bounties, and relative ease with which deserters could escape capture in the interior regions. The Union armies recorded 278,644 cases of desertion, representing 11 percent of the troops. As the Confederate military situation deteriorated, desertion reached epidemic proportions. Whole companies and regiments, sometimes with most of their officers, fled together. In all, Confederate deserters numbered 104,428, or 10 percent of the armies of the South.

The Spanish-American War resulted in 5,285 desertions, or less than 2 percent of the armed forces in 1898. The rate climbed to 4 percent during the Philippine Insurrection between 1900 and 1902. In World War I, because Selective Service regulations classified anyone failing to report for induction at the prescribed time as a deserter, the records of 1917–1918 showed 363,022 deserters who would have been more appropriately designated draft evaders. Traditionally defined deserters amounted to 21,282, or less than 1 percent of the army. In World War II desertion rates reached 6.3 percent of the armed forces in 1944 but dropped to 4.5 percent by 1945. The use of short-term service and the rotation system during the Korean War kept desertion rates down to 1.4 percent of the armed forces in fiscal year 1951 and to 2.2 percent, or 31,041 soldiers, in fiscal year 1953.

The unpopular war in Vietnam generated the highest percentage of wartime desertion since the Civil War. From 13,177 cases, or 1.6 percent of the armed forces, in fiscal year 1965, the annual desertion statistics mounted to 2.9 percent in fiscal year 1968, 4.2 percent in fiscal year 1969, 5.2 percent in fiscal year 1970, and 7.4 percent in fiscal year 1971. Like the draft resisters from this same war, many deserters sought sanctuary in Canada, Mexico, or Sweden. In 1974 the Defense Department reported that there had been 503,926 incidents of desertion between 1 July 1966 and 31 December 1973.

Bibliography

Higginbotham, Don. War and Society in Revolutionary America: The Wider Dimensions of Conflict. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988.

Jessup, John E., et al., eds. Encyclopedia of the American Military: Studies of the History, Traditions, Policies, Institutions, and Roles of the Armed Forces in War and Peace. New York: Scribners; Toronto: Macmillan, 1994.

Weitz, Mark A. A Higher Duty: Desertion among Georgia Troops During the Civil War. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000.

Whiteclay, John, et al., eds. The Oxford Companion to American Military History. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

—John Whiteclay Chambers/A. E.

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desertion, in law, the forsaking of a station involving public or social duties without justification and with the intention of not returning. In military law, it is the abandonment of (or failure to arrive at) a place of duty without leave; in time of war, especially in the face of the enemy, desertion is punishable by death. In maritime law, a seaman who abandons a ship without leave is rendered liable to damages and forfeits the wages he has already earned. In family law, desertion is the willful abandonment by one spouse in a marriage, without the consent of the other. The refusal to renew cohabitation without justification is also considered desertion, and in some states of the United States, mere abstinence from sexual intercourse is considered such. The refusal by a husband to support his wife has been regarded as desertion if he has the means to support her. In most states, desertion continued for a certain period is grounds for divorce. In the modern, no-fault divorce, desertion is not recognized, although the marital partners may have been living apart prior to the divorce.


This entry contains information applicable to United States law only.

The act by which a person abandons and forsakes, without justification, a condition of public, social, or family life, renouncing its responsibilities and evading its duties. A willful abandonment of an employment or duty in violation of a legal or moral obligation.

Criminal desertion is a husband's or wife's abandonment or willful failure without just cause to provide for the care, protection, or support of a spouse who is in ill health or necessitous circumstances.

Desertion, which is called abandonment in some statutes, is a divorce ground in a majority of states. Most statutes mandate that the abandonment continue for a certain period of time before a divorce action may be commenced. The length of this period varies between one and five years; it is most commonly one year. The period of separation must be continuous and uninterrupted. In addition, proof that the departed spouse left without the consent of the other spouse is required in most states.

Ordinarily, proof of desertion is a clear-cut factual matter. Courts generally require evidence that the departure was voluntary and that the deserted husband or wife in no way provoked or agreed to the abandonment. Constructive desertion occurs when one party makes life so intolerable for his or her spouse that the spouse has no real choice but to leave the marital home. For an individual to have legal justification for departing, it is often required that the spouse act so wrongfully as to constitute grounds for divorce. For example, a wife might leave her husband if she finds that he is guilty of adultery.

In desertion cases, it is not necessary to prove the emotional state of the abandoning spouse, but only the intent to break off matrimonial ties with no animus revertendi, the intention to return.

Mere separation does not constitute desertion if a husband and wife agree that they cannot cohabit harmoniously. Sexual relations between the parties must be totally severed during the period of separation. If two people live apart from one another but meet on a regular basis for sex, this does not constitute desertion. State law dictates whether or not an infrequent meeting for sexual relations amounts to an interruption of the period required for desertion. Some statutes provide that an occasional act of sexual intercourse terminates the period only if the husband and wife are attempting reconciliation.

Unintentional abandonment is not desertion. For example, if a man is missing in action while serving in the armed services, his wife may not obtain a divorce on desertion grounds since her spouse did not intend to leave his family and flee the marital relationship. The common law allows an individual to presume that a spouse is dead if the spouse is unexplainably absent for a seven-year period. If the spouse returns at any time, the marriage remains intact under common law.

Laws that embody the Enoch Arden doctrine grant a divorce if evidence establishes that an individual's spouse has vanished and cannot be found through diligent efforts. A particular period of time must elapse. Sometimes, if conditions evidencing death can be exhibited, a divorce may be granted prior to the expiration of the time specified by law.

In some jurisdictions, the law is stringent regarding divorce grounds. In such instances, an Enoch Arden decree might be labeled a dissolution of the marriage rather than a divorce.

Upon the granting of an Enoch Arden decree, the marriage is terminated regardless of whether or not the absent spouse returns. Generally, the court provides that the plaintiff must show precisely what has been done to locate the missing person. Efforts to find the absent spouse might include inquiries made to friends or relatives to determine if they have had contact with the missing spouse, or checking public records for such documents as a marriage license, death certificate, tax returns, or application for Social Security in locations where the individual is known to have resided.

Desertion is frequently coupled with nonsupport, which is a failure to provide monetary resources for those to whom such an obligation is due. Nonsupport is a crime in a majority of states but prosecutions are uncommon.

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Unauthorized absence (AWOL) of more than 30 days.

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Armenian soldiers in 1919, with deserters as prisoners

In military terminology, desertion is the abandonment of a "duty" or post without permission and is done with the intention of not returning. "Absence Without Leave" (AWOL) can refer to either desertion or a temporary absence.

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Absence without leave

In the United Kingdom, United States and Canada, military personnel will become AWOL (pronounced /ˈeɪwɔːl/; U.S.: Absence Without Leave[1]) or AWL (pronounced the same; U.K., Canada, and Australia: Absent Without Leave) when they are absent from their post without a valid pass or leave. The United States Marine Corps and United States Navy generally refer to this as Unauthorized Absence, or "UA". Such people are dropped from their unit rolls after 30 days and then listed as deserters. However, as a matter of U.S. military law, desertion is not measured by time away from the unit, but rather:

  • by leaving or remaining absent from their unit, organization, or place of duty, where there has been a determined intent to not return;
  • if that intent is determined to be to avoid hazardous duty or shirk contractual obligation;
  • if they enlist or accept an appointment in the same or another branch of service without disclosing the fact that they have not been properly separated from current service.

People who are away for more than 30 days but return voluntarily or indicate a credible intent to return may still be considered AWOL. Those who are away for fewer than 30 days but can credibly be shown to have no intent to return (for example, by joining the armed forces of another country) may nevertheless be tried for desertion. In rare occasions, they may be tried for treason if enough evidence is found.

In the United States, before the Civil War, deserters from the Army were flogged; while, after 1861, tattoos or branding were also adopted. The maximum U.S. penalty for desertion in wartime remains death, although this punishment was last applied to Eddie Slovik in 1945. No U.S. serviceman has received more than 18 months imprisonment for desertion or missing movement during the Iraq War.[2]

AWOL/UA may be punished with non-judicial punishment (NJP) and may punished by Court Martial under Article 86 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice for repeat or more severe offenses.

Also, "Missing Movement" is another term which is used to describe when a particular serviceman fails to arrive at the appointed time to deploy (or "move out") with his assigned unit, ship, or aircraft; in the United States military, it is a violation of the Article 87 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice. The offense is similar to AWOL, but considered more severe.

Less severe is "Failure to Report", consisting of missing a formation, or failing to appear at an assigned place and time when so ordered.

Rogue units

Rogue military units are usually when an officer deserts with most or all troops under his command. This usually leads to a creation of a new faction. This is typically caused when their country is near defeat, during a societal collapse, or following a mutiny. Examples include rogue units during the decline of the Roman Empire, during the Soviet advance toward Germany in World War II when the Russian Liberation Army deserted, fighting both German and Soviet forces and during World War I when hundreds of Russian units deserted to head home and participate in the Russian Revolution.

U.S. War of 1812

The desertion rate for American soldiers in the War of 1812 was 12.7%, according to available service records. Desertion was especially common in 1814, when enlistment bonuses were increased from $16 to $124, inducing many men to desert one unit and enlist in another to get two bonuses.[3]

Mexican–American War, 1846-48

In the Mexican–American War, high desertion rates were a major problem for the Mexican army, depleting forces on the eve of battle. Most of the soldiers were peasants who had a loyalty to their village and family but not to the generals who conscripted them. Often hungry and ill, never well paid, under-equipped and only partially trained, the soldiers were held in contempt by their officers and had little reason to fight the Americans. Looking for their opportunity, many slipped away from camp to find their way back to their home village.[4]

The desertion rate in the U.S. army was 8.3% (9,200 out of 111,000), compared to 12.7% during the War of 1812 and usual peacetime rates of about 14.8% per year.[5] Many men deserted in order to join another U.S. unit and get a second enlistment bonus. Others deserted because of the miserable conditions in camp, or were using the army to get free transportation to California, where they deserted to join the California gold rush.[6]

Several hundred deserters went over to the Mexican side; nearly all were recent immigrants from Europe with weak ties to the U.S. The most famous group was the Saint Patrick's Battalion, about half of whom were Catholics from Ireland. The Mexicans issued broadsides and leaflets enticing U.S. soldiers with promises of money, land bounties, and officers' commissions. Mexican guerrillas shadowed the U.S. Army, and captured men who took unauthorized leave or fell out of the ranks. The guerrillas coerced these men to join the Mexican ranks—threatening to kill them if they failed to comply. The generous promises proved illusory for most deserters, who risked getting shot if captured by U.S. forces. About fifty of the San Patricios were tried and hanged following their capture at Churubusco in August 1847.[7]

American Civil War

Desertion was a major factor for the Confederacy in the last two years of the war. According to Weitz (2000), Confederate soldiers fought to defend their families, not a nation. He argues that a hegemonic "planter class" brought Georgia into the war with "little support from non-slaveholders" (p. 12), and the ambivalence of non-slaveholders toward secession, he maintains, was the key to understanding desertion. The privations of the home front and camp life, combined with the terror of battle, undermined the weak attachment of southern soldiers to the Confederacy. For Georgia troops, Sherman's march through their home counties triggered the most desertions.

Adoption of a localist identity caused soldiers to desert as well. When soldiers implemented a local identity, they neglected to think of themselves as Southerners fighting a Southern cause. When they replaced their Southern identity with their previous local identity, they lost their motive to fight and, therefore, deserted the army.[8]

One example of desertion in the Civil War was Confederate soldier Arthur Muntz, who was killed by his fellow soldiers after deserting at The First Battle of Bull Run. In many cases, in the early years of the war, the Confederate Home Guard dealt with deserters. For a time, the Confederate government offered a bounty to be paid for the capture and return of deserters. However as the war progressively got worse for the south, often Home Guard units would deal with desertion as they saw fit, whether that be by execution or imprisonment. The lynching of Bill Sketoe, a Methodist minister from Newton, Alabama who had allegedly deserted the Southern army in late 1864, is a case in point.

In Arkansas, many units deserted completely when rumors spread that local Indians had raided towns and scalped citizens, with the soldiers feeling their place was at home rather than fighting in the war. There were also instances across the southern states where whole units deserted together, banding together and living in the mountains, at times fighting against Union Army regulars if forced to do so, but also raiding civilian farms to obtain food or supplies. [1] The fictional story of a wounded Confederate deserter is told in the novel Cold Mountain, who at the end of the Civil War walks for months to return home to the love of his life after receiving her letters pleading him to come home. Many Confederate units had signed on, initially, for a one year service, and felt completely justified in walking away when they'd reached their breaking point. By the war's end, it was estimated that the Confederacy had lost 103,400 soldiers to desertion. [2]

The Union Army also faced large scale desertions. Confederate forces lost fewer to desertion than did the northern forces. This has been partly attributed to the southern soldiers fighting a defensive war, on their own ground, rather than an offensive war of invasion, which gave the southern soldiers a sense that they were defending their homeland which is always an advantage in any war. In addition, up until late 1863 the South had many victories (in fact more than the North), and many northern soldiers felt the war was a lost cause. For example, New York alone suffered 44,913 desertions by the war's end, with Pennsylvania having 24,050 and Ohio having 18,354, not to mention the desertions faced by the other northern states. [3]

World War I

The Deserter, 1916. Anti-war cartoon depicting Jesus facing a firing squad made up of soldiers from five different European countries.

"306 British and Commonwealth soldiers [were] executed for...desertion during World War I," records the Shot at Dawn Memorial. "During the period between August 1914 and March 1920 more than 20,000 servicemen were convicted by courts-martial of offences which carried the death sentence. Only 3,000 of those men were ordered to be put to death and of those just over 10% were executed...." [4]

World War II

Over 21,000 US military personnel were convicted and sentenced for desertion during the 3.5 years of American involvement in World War II.[citation needed] More than 16,000 men escaped by air stowed away and flying stolen fighter planes.[dubious ] 4,000 men escaped by sea in war ships and small canoes/dinghies.[citation needed] The other 1,000 tried running through war ground, only half succeeding.[citation needed] Of these, 49 were sentenced to death, but only one soldier, Eddie Slovik, was actually executed for desertion. He remains the only American soldier to be court-martialled and executed for desertion since the American Civil War.[citation needed]

The 'Lost Division' was a term given to the estimated 19,000 U.S. Army soldiers absent without leave in France at the close of World War II.[citation needed]

Of the Germans who deserted the Wehrmacht, 15,000 men were executed. In June 1988 the Initiative for the Creation of a Memorial to Deserters came to life in Ulm. A central idea was, "Desertion is not reprehensible, war is".[9] (See also German resistance)

Order No. 270, dated August 16, 1941, was issued by Joseph Stalin. The order required superiors to shoot deserters on the spot.[10] Their family members were subjected to arrest.[11] Order No. 227 directed that each Army must create "blocking detachments" (barrier troops) which would shoot "cowards" and fleeing panicked troops at the rear.[12] The Soviets executed 158,000 soldiers for desertion.[13]


Soviet Desertion in the Afghan Civil War

Many Soviet soldier deserters of the Afghan Civil War explain their reasons for desertion as political and in response to internal disorganization and disillusionment regarding their position in the war. [14] Analyses of desertion rates argue that motivations were far less ideological than individual accounts claim. [15] Desertion rates increased prior to announcements of upcoming operations, and were highest during the summer and winter. [16] Seasonal desertions were probably a response to the harsh weather conditions of the winter and immense field work required in the summer. [17] A significant jump in desertion in 1989 when the Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan may suggest a higher concern regarding returning home, rather than an overall opposition towards the war itself. [18]

Inter-ethnic explanation for desertion

In the beginning of the Soviet invasion, the majority of Soviet forces were soldiers of Central Asian republics. [19] The Soviets believed that shared ideologies between Muslim Central Asians and Afghan soldiers would build trust and morale within the army. [20] However, Central Asians’ longstanding historical frustrations with Moscow degraded soldiers’ willingness to fight for the Red Army. [21] As Afghan desertion grew and Soviet opposition was strengthened within Afghanistan, the Soviet plan overtly backfired. [22]

The personal histories of Central Asian ethnic groups – especially between Pastuns, Uzbeks and Tajiks, caused tension within the Soviet military. [23] Non-Russian ethnic groups easily related the situation in Afghanistan to Communist takeover of their own states’ forced induction into the USSR. [24] Ethnic Russians suspected Central Asians of opposition, and fighting within the army was prevalent. [25]

Upon entering Afghanistan, many Central Asians were exposed to a Koran for the first time uninfluenced by Soviet propagandist versions, and felt a stronger connection towards the opposition than their own comrades. [26] Highest rates of desertion were found among Border Troops, ranging from 60-80% during the first year of the Soviet invasion. [27]In these areas, strong ethnic clashes and cultural factors influenced desertion.

As Afghan soldiers continued to desert the Soviet army, a united Islamic Alliance for the Liberation of Afghanistan began to form. [28] Moderates and fundamentalists banded together to oppose Soviet intervention. [29] The Islamic ideology solidified a strong base of opposition by January 1980, overriding ethnic, tribal, geographic and economic differences among Afghans willing to fight the Soviet invasion, which attracted Central Asian deserters. [30] By March 1980, the Soviet army made an executive decision to replace Central Asian troops with the European sectors of the USSR to avoid further religious and ethnic complications, drastically reducing Soviet forces. [31]

Soviet disillusionment upon entering the war

Soviet soldiers entered the war under the impression that their roles were primarily related to organization of Afghan forces and society. Soviet media portrayed the Soviet intervention as a necessary means of protecting the Communist uprising from outside opposition. [32] Propaganda declared that Soviets were providing aid to villagers and improving Afghanistan by planting trees, improving public buildings and “generally acting as good neighbors”. [33] Upon entering Afghanistan, Soviet soldiers became immediately aware of the falsity of the reported situation.

In major cities, Afghan youth that originally supported the leftist movement soon turned to Soviet oppositional forces for patriotic and religious reasons. [34] The opposition built resistance in cities, calling Soviet soldiers infidels that were forcing an imperialist Communist invasive government on Afghanistan’s people. [35] As Afghan troops continued to abandon the Soviet army to support the mujahideen, they became anti-Russian and antigovernment. [36] Opposition forces emphasized the Soviets’ atheism, demanding support for the Muslim faith from civilians. [37] The hostility shown towards soldiers, who entered the war believing their assistance was requested, grew defensive. The opposition circulated pamphlets within Soviet camps stationed in cities, calling for Afghan freedom from the aggressive Communist influence and a right to establish their own government. [38]

The native Afghan army fell from 90,000 to 30,000 by mid-1980, [39]) forcing Soviets into more extreme combative positions. The mujahideen’s widespread presence among Afghan civilians in rural regions made it difficult for Soviet soldiers to distinguish between the civilians they believed they were fighting for and the official opposition. Soldiers that had entered the war with idealistic viewpoints of their roles were quickly disillusioned. [40]

Problems in Soviet army structure & living standards

The structure of the Soviet army, in comparison to the mujahideen, set the Soviets at a serious fighting disadvantage. While the mujahideen structure was based on kinship and social cohesion, the Soviet army was bureaucratic. Because of this, mujahideen could significantly weaken the Soviet army by the elimination of a field commander or officer. Resistance forces were locally based, more ready to address and mobilize the Afghan population for support. [41]The Soviet army was centrally organized; its regime structure emphasized rank and position, paying less attention to the well-being and effectiveness of its army. [42]

The initial Soviet plan relied on Afghan troops’ support in the mountainous regions of Afghanistan. The majority of the Afghan army support crumbled easily as forces lacked strong ideological support for Communism from the beginning. [43]

The Afghan army, comprising 100,000 men before 1978 was reduced to 15,000 within the first year of the Soviet invasion. [44] Of the Afghan troops that remained, many were considered untrustworthy to Soviet troops. [45] Afghans that deserted often took artillery with them, supplying the mujahideen. Soviet troops, to fill Afghan soldiers’ place, were pushed into mountainous tribal regions of the East. Soviet tanks and modern warfare was ineffective in the rural, mountainous regions of Afghanistan. Mujahideen tactics of ambush prevented Soviets from developing successful counterattacks. [46]

In 1980, the Soviet army began to rely on smaller and more cohesive units, a response to mirror mujahideen tactics. Decrease in unit size, while solving organizational issues, promoted field leaders to head more violent and aggressive missions, promoting Soviet desertion. Often, small forces would engage in rapes, looting and general violence beyond what higher ranks ordered, increasing negative sanctions in undesirable locations. [47]

Within the Soviet army, serious drug and alcohol problems significantly reduced the effectiveness of soldiers. [48] Resources became further depleted as soldiers pushed into the mountains, and drugs were rampantly abused and available, often supplied by Afghans. [49] Supplies of heating fuel, wood, and food ran low at bases. Soviet soldiers often resorted to trading weapons and ammunition in exchange for drugs or food. [50] As morale decreased and infections of hepatitis and typhus spread, soldiers became further disheartened.

Soviet Deserters to the Mujahideen

Interviews with Soviet soldier deserters confirm that much of Soviet desertion was in response to widespread Afghan opposition rather than personal aggravation towards the Soviet army. [51] Armed with modern artillery against ill-equipped villagers, Soviet Soldiers developed a sense of guilt for the widespread killing of innocent civilians and their unfair artillery advantage. [52] Soviet Deserters found support and acceptance within Afghan villages. [53] After entering the mujahideen, many deserters came to recognize the falsity of Soviet propaganda from the beginning. Unable to legitimize the unnecessary killing and mistreatment of the Afghan people, many deserters couldn’t face returning home and justifying their own actions and the unnecessary deaths of comrades. [54] Upon deserting to the mujahideen, soldiers immersed themselves into Afghan culture. Hoping to rectify their position as the enemy, deserters learned the Afghan language and converted to Islam. [55]


Vietnam War

Approximately 50,000 American servicemen deserted during the Vietnam War.[56] Some of these migrated to Canada. Among those who deserted to Canada were Andy Barrie, host of Canadian Broadcasting Corporation Radio's Metro Morning, and Jack Todd, award-winning sports columnist for the Montreal Gazette.[57] Other countries also gave asylum to deserted U.S. soldiers. For example, Sweden allows asylum for foreign soldiers deserting from war, if the war does not align with the current goals of Swedish foreign policy. Deserted U.S. soldiers in Vietnam were given asylum in Sweden.[citation needed]

Iraq War

United Kingdom

On May 28, 2006, the UK military reported over 1,000 deserters since the beginning of the Iraq war, with 566 deserting since 2005.[58]

United States

According to the Pentagon, more than 5,500 military personnel deserted in 2003–2004, following the Iraq invasion and occupation.[59] The number had reached about 8,000 by the first quarter of 2006.[60] Another report stated that since 2000, about 40,000 troops from all branches of the military have deserted, also according to the Pentagon. More than half of these served in the US Army [61]. Almost all of these soldiers deserted within the USA. There has only been one reported case of a desertion in Iraq. The Army, Navy and Air Force reported 7,978 desertions in 2001, compared with 3,456 in 2005. The Marine Corps showed 1,603 Marines in desertion status in 2001. That had declined by 148 in 2005.[62]

Situations in which desertion is legal or required by law

Under international law, ultimate "duty" or "responsibility" is not necessarily always to a "Government" nor to "a superior," as seen in the fourth of the Nuremberg Principles, which states:

"The fact that a person acted pursuant to order of his Government or of a superior does not relieve him from responsibility under international law, provided a moral choice was in fact possible to him."

This Nuremberg Principle of "moral choice," "morality," or "conscience" being the higher authority was subsequently formulated into International Law by the United Nations as we see in this quote:

"Under UN General Assembly Resolution 177 (II), paragraph (a), the International Law Commission was directed to 'formulate the principles of international law recognized in the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal and in the judgment of the Tribunal.'"

In 1998, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights document called “Conscientious objection to military service, United Nations Commission on Human Rights resolution 1998/77” recognized that “persons [already] performing military service may develop conscientious objections” while performing military service.[63][64][65][66]

See also

Notes

  • _____; Manual For Courts-Martial United States, 1995 Edition; U.S. Government Printing Office, 1995
  • Peter S. Bearman; " Desertion as Localism: Army Unit Solidarity and Group Norms in the U.S Civil War" Social Forces, Vol. 70, 1991
  • Ella Lonn; Desertion during the Civil War University of Nebraska Press, (1928 (reprinted 1998)
  • Aaron W. Marrs; "Desertion and Loyalty in the South Carolina Infantry, 1861-1865" Civil War History, Vol. 50, 2004
  • Mark A. Weitz; A Higher Duty: Desertion among Georgia Troops during the Civil War University of Nebraska Press, 2000
  • Mark A. Weitz; "Preparing for the Prodigal Sons: The Development of the Union Desertion Policy during the Civil War" Civil War History, Vol. 45, 1999

References

  1. ^ Manual For Courts-Martial United States, 1995 Edition, U.S. Government Printing Office (1995), Article 86, Absence without leave
  2. ^ On Watch "AWOL in the Army, version 2.0", James M. Branum and updated by and Susan Bassein.
  3. ^ J.C.A. Stagg, "Enlisted Men in the United States Army, 1812-1815: A Preliminary Survey," William and Mary Quarterly, 43 (1986), 615-45, esp. pp. 624-25, in in JSTOR
  4. ^ Douglas Meed, The Mexican War, 1846-1848 (Routledge, 2003), p. 67.
  5. ^ see Edward M. Coffman, The Old Army: A Portrait of the American Army in Peacetime, 1784-1898 (1988) p 193
  6. ^ Paul Foos, A Short, Offhand, Killing Affair: Soldiers and Social Conflict during the Mexican-American War (University of North Carolina Press. 2002) p 25, 103-6
  7. ^ Foos (2002) p 105-7
  8. ^ Bearman, P. (1991). Desertion as Localism: Army Unit Solidarity and Group Norms in the U.S. Civil War. Social Forces, 70(2), 321-342. Retrieved from Academic Search Premier Database.
  9. ^ Mark R. Hatlie (November 19, 2005). "Memorial to Deserters in Ulm". Sites of Memory. http://sites-of-memory.de/main/ulmdeserters.html. Retrieved 8 February 2010. 
  10. ^ Text of Order No. 270
  11. ^ Roberts, Geoffrey. Stalin's Wars: From World War to Cold War, 1939–1953. New Haven, CT; London: Yale University Press, 2006 (hardcover, ISBN ), page 98
  12. ^ Roberts, Geoffrey. Stalin's Wars: From World War to Cold War, 1939–1953. New Haven, CT; London: Yale University Press, 2006 (hardcover, ISBN ), page 132
  13. ^ Patriots ignore greatest brutality. The Sydney Morning Herald. August 13, 2007.
  14. ^ Artyom Borovik, “The Hidden War, (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1990), 175.
  15. ^ Adbulkader H. Sinno, “Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond', (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2008), 157.
  16. ^ Sinno, Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 157.
  17. ^ Sinno, Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 158.
  18. ^ Sinno, Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 157.
  19. ^ Sinno, Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 158.
  20. ^ Gregory Feifer, “The Great Gamble", (New York: Russ Intellectual Properties, 2009), 104.
  21. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble, 104.
  22. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble, 97.
  23. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble, 105.
  24. ^ Henry S. Bradsher, “Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded", (Durnham: Duke University Press, 1983), 214.
  25. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble,105.
  26. ^ Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded, 214.
  27. ^ Sinno, Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 186.
  28. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble, 98.
  29. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble,97.
  30. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble, 97.
  31. ^ Sinno, Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 186.
  32. ^ Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded, 213.
  33. ^ Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded, 213.
  34. ^ Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded, 209.
  35. ^ Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded, 208.
  36. ^ Kakar, Afghanistan: The Soviet Invasion and the Afghan Response, 1979-198, 136.
  37. ^ Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded, 208.
  38. ^ Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded, 208.
  39. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble, 104.
  40. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble,104.
  41. ^ Sinno, Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 158.
  42. ^ Sinno, Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 158.
  43. ^ Hasan M. Kakar, “Afghanistan: The Soviet Invasion and the Afghan Response, 1979-1982", (Berkeley: University of California, 1997), 175.
  44. ^ Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded, 206.
  45. ^ Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded, 206.
  46. ^ Bradsher, Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, New and Expanded, 208.
  47. ^ Sinno, Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 186.
  48. ^ Sinno, Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 187.
  49. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble, 106.
  50. ^ Feifer, The Great Gamble, 105.
  51. ^ Borovik, The Hidden War, 175.
  52. ^ Borovik, The Hidden War, 175.
  53. ^ Borovik, The Hidden War, 178.
  54. ^ Borovik, The Hidden War,178.
  55. ^ Borovik, The Hidden War, 175.
  56. ^ Vietnam War Resisters in Canada Open Arms to U.S. Military Deserters. Pacific News Service. June 28, 2005.
  57. ^ "Vietnam War Resisters, Then and Now". http://www.letthemstay.ca/english_index.htm. 
  58. ^ "At least 1,000 UK soldiers desert". BBC News. May 28, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/5024104.stm. Retrieved May 1, 2010. 
  59. ^ "Deserters: We Won't Go To Iraq". CBS News. December 6, 2004. http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2004/12/06/60II/main659336.shtml. 
  60. ^ Nicholas, Bill (March 6, 2006). "8,000 desert during Iraq war". USA Today. http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-03-07-deserters_x.htm. Retrieved 15 July 2009. 
  61. ^ http://www.truthout.org/article/40000-us-troops-have-deserted-since-2000
  62. ^ Nicholas, Bill (March 6, 2006). "8,000 desert during Iraq war". USA Today. http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-03-07-deserters_x.htm. Retrieved 15 July 2009. 
  63. ^ United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (April 22, 1998). "Conscientious objection to military service; Commission on Human Rights resolution 1998/77; see preamble "Aware..."". United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. http://www.unhchr.ch/Huridocda/Huridoca.nsf/0/5bc5759a53f36ab380256671004b643a?Opendocument. 
  64. ^ "Conscientious objection to military service; E/CN.4/RES/1998/77; See introductory paragraph". UN Commission on Human Rights. April 22, 1998. http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/refworld/rwmain?page=search&docid=3b00f0be10&skip=0&query=1998/77. 
  65. ^ "Conscientious objection to military service, Commission on Human Rights resolution 1998/77, Navigation to document: press “next” four times, see bottom listing, and at the right choose letter for language (“E” for English) Document: CHR 54th 4/22/1998E/CN.4/RES/1998/77". United Nations Human Rights, Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. 1998. http://ap.ohchr.org/documents/sdpage_e.aspx?b=1&se=10&t=11. 
  66. ^ D. CHRISTOPHER DECKER, AND LUCIA FRESA (29-MAR-2001). "THE STATUS OF CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTION UNDER ARTICLE 4 OF THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION ON HUMAN RIGHTS, 33 N.Y.U. J. INT’L L. & POL. 379 (2000); See pages 412-424, (or PDF pages 34-36)". New York University School of Law, Issues - Volume 33. http://www1.law.nyu.edu/journals/jilp/issues/33/pdf/33n.pdf. 

External links


Translations:

Desertion

Top

Dansk (Danish)
n. - rømning, frafald, faneflugt

Nederlands (Dutch)
desertie, verlatenheid

Français (French)
n. - (Mil) désertion, (Jur) abandon du domicile conjugal, abandon, défection, délaissement

Deutsch (German)
n. - Verlassen, Desertion, Fahnenflucht, Versäumnis

Ελληνική (Greek)
n. - αυτομόληση, λιποταξία, εγκατάλειψη

Italiano (Italian)
diserzione, abbandono

Português (Portuguese)
n. - deserção (f)

Русский (Russian)
дезертирство, оставление семьи

Español (Spanish)
n. - deserción, defección, abandono, desolación

Svenska (Swedish)
n. - övergivande, hjälplöshet

中文(简体)(Chinese (Simplified))
丢掉, 逃亡, 遗弃

中文(繁體)(Chinese (Traditional))
n. - 丟掉, 逃亡, 遺棄

한국어 (Korean)
n. - 유기, 탈당, 황폐

日本語 (Japanese)
n. - 捨て去ること, 遺棄, 脱走, 放棄

العربيه (Arabic)
‏(الاسم) هجر, الفرار من الجنديه, تخل عن شئ‏

עברית (Hebrew)
n. - ‮עריקה, נטישה‬


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