Deuteronomy

A book of the Bible.

[Late Latin deuteronomium, from Greek deuteronomion, a second law (from (to) deuteronomion (touto) , Septuagint mistranslation of Hebrew mišnê hattôrâ hazzō't, a copy of this law) : deuteros, second + nomos, law.]

Traditionally, its contents were spoken by Moses during the last 37 days of his life, from 1 Shevat to 7 Adar, after which he died in the 40th year following the Exodus from Egypt.

Since Jewish tradition also maintains that Deuteronomy, like the other books of the Pentateuch, was dictated by God to Moses, this raises a well-known problem. Eight verses before the end of the book (34:5), it is stated that "Moses died there." How could Moses have written these words and the following verses? The Talmud gives two alternative answers: (a) the last eight verses were written by Joshua and not by Moses; (b) God dictated these last eight verses to Moses, in advance of his death, "and Moses wrote them down in tears."

The era in which Deuteronomy was written is a matter of dispute among scholars. Until a few decades ago, it was a commonly accepted view (as expounded by the 19th-century Bible critic Julius Wellhausen) that the volume, written by priests of the Deuteronomistic group, a short time before King Josiah discovered the scroll in 622 BCE, is Source D. The priests would have written the volume to persuade the king to centralize worship in the Temple in Jerusalem, which had not been the situation up until then. Other researchers, however, associate Deuteronomy with the period after the Babylonian exile; others again place it earlier, in the time of King Hezekiah (727-698 BCE); while still others hold that it was written even earlier, at a time when there was strong opposition to pagan worship in the Canaanite temples. According to this last view, the book was written during the period of the Judges or at an early stage of the monarchy. Seventh century BCE seems to be the most likely date for the compilation and editing of Deuteronomy in its present form.

Yeḥezkel Kaufmann, a modern Israeli Bible scholar, claims that the narrative material, the sections dealing with admonitions, and most of the statutes are very ancient, but that their influence was not great. Only during the period of Hezekiah and Josiah did these statutes become important.

The Jerusalem scholar Mosheh Ḥayyim Cassuto maintains that by far the greater part of Deuteronomy is extremely ancient, dating from even before David's time. Had the volume been written during the period of the monarchy, the author would certainly have attributed to Moses some hint that the ceremonial religious center of Israel would be Jerusalem, whereas Jerusalem is not mentioned at all.

In reply, defenders of the traditional view contend that (a) the book's underlying theme is not the centralization of worship but opposition to Idolatry. The most intensive struggle against idolatry took place during the time of Moses, when the monotheistic character of the nation was established. This struggle was particularly appropriate to the time after Israel's sinful attachment to Baal-Peor (Num. 25), when Moses wished to stress the danger posed by Canaanite ritual. (b) Parallels to most of the laws in the Book of the Covenant (Ex.20:19-23:33), repeated in this volume, are to be found in other codes of the Ancient Middle East (e.g., laws governing the monarchy and the appointment of judges), and these laws are therefore appropriate to the period. (c) The political background of Deuteronomy, such as the order to destroy the seven nations of Canaan, and Israel's relations with the Edomites and Egypt, is appropriate to the era of Moses and not to some other period. (d) Those passages dealing with contracts are appropriate to the laws of the Ancient Middle East, and can be compared to the Hittite vassal law. (e) Linguistically, there is nothing to disprove the hypothesis that this volume was set down at the time of Moses. A number of ceremonial expressions have parallels in Ugaritic literature; furthermore, the use of parallelism in poetry and prose as well as the change of person are characteristic not only of the Bible but of all the literature of the Ancient Middle East.

Scholars have tried to identify the circles from which the Book of Deuteronomy emanated. Some have pointed to the Levites, whose task it was to preach the Law; others have suggested political circles, notably court scribes. It has also beem suggested that the book's style inspired the editor of the Joshua-Kings bloc of the Former Prophets, representing a so-called Deuteronomic school of writing.

The English name of the fifth book of the Pentateuch, Deuteronomy, is derived from the Greek translation of the Hebrew phrase, meaning "the second law" or "the repeated law" (Deut 17:18). Underlying this name is the supposition that Deuteronomy represents a recapitulation of the laws from Exodus through Numbers. It should be noted, however, that Deuteronomy repeatedly refers to itself as a unique law code (cf 1:5; 4:8; 17:19; 27:3, 8, 26; 29:20; 30:10; 31:26).

In general terms, the book presents an organic structure. With a few scattered exceptions (e.g. 4:41-49; 27:1-26; 31:14-30), it is composed in the first person singular as a series of parting speeches delivered by Moses before his death. The book opens with two introductory discourses, the first of which emphasizes the lessons of Israel's history since leaving Sinai (1:6-3:29), and the second, God's uniqueness (4:1-40). Moses' third discourse, beginning with 5:1-11:32, starts with the acme of the law itself, namely the Decalogue, but instead of proceeding to the details of the law, Moses offers a multi-faceted exposition on the reasons for obeying the law. The third discourse continues with the body of the book, chapters 12-26, containing the Deuteronomic law code. This is followed by instructions regarding the manner and contents of the blessings and curses to be delivered at Shechem (on Mount Ebal and Mount Gerizim) in consequence of respective observance or neglect of the laws (chap. 27). Chapter 28 contains a longer catalogue of blessings and curses. The next three chapters of the book deal with Moses' official renewal of the covenant, his final exhortations, and his appointment of Joshua as successor (29:1-31:13). The book closes with a description of Moses' last day, on which he uttered a prophetic poem and blessings to the tribes of Israel before viewing the land of Israel from the heights of Mount Nebo.

On the surface, Deuteronomy presents itself as the last testimonies of Moses, who wished to impart the laws and exhortations which would be vital for the generation entering the promised land. The basic question, though, is: does Deuteronomy represent a complementary amplification of previous Pentateuchal law codes, or does it purport to be a completely new law code intended to supersede its forerunners ? Either alternative presents an inherent difficulty, for if Moses was merely making some additions to the previous law codes, why had he not given all the laws at once at Sinai? Conversely, if the precepts of Deuteronomy were meant to revise or to update former laws, why would Moses have given those previous laws at all, if they were destined to be replaced forthwith ?

Modern critical scholarship recognizes that Deuteronomy contains both additions to, and revisions of, earlier Pentateuchal laws, but it interprets this evidence as pointing to a legislator(s) later than Moses. In the critical view, the key to pinpointing the time frame of Deuteronomy lies in the repeated demand for centralization of cult, that is, the requirement that all sacrificial worship take place at the one central sanctuary (cf Deut 12:11, 13-14, 17-18; 15:20; 16:5-6). This concept was the hallmark of the reform of King Josiah of Judah in 622 B.C. (II Kgs chaps. 22-23), reportedly based on a recently discovered law book (II Kgs 22:8), which modern scholars have associated with Deuteronomy itself. At the same time, centralization of cult was unknown to earlier law codes (Ex 20:24) or to pre-7th century B.C. prophets (I Kgs 19:10); even the efforts of King Hezekiah to uproot the local "high places" in the late 8th century B.C. differed from the subsequent endeavors of Josiah, as he lacked possession of a law book (II Kgs 18:4). Significantly, the most crucial novelties in the Deuteronomic law revolve precisely around the issue of centralization. For example, Deuteronomy 12:14ff, assuming that only one town (implying Jerusalem) would have a sanctuary, sanctioned the non-sacrificial slaughter of meat for private consumption. This new law was a necessary relaxation of Leviticus 17:1-9, which required that people bring all animals intended for consumption to the sanctuary as formal sacrifices. In addition, Deuteronomy transformed the Passover celebration from a home observance to a national festival in the interests of centralization (Deut 16:1-8; cf Ex 12:21-27).

Assigning the focal point of the Deuteronomic legislation to the age of Josiah by no means implies that the entire book stems from the 7th century B.C. Many earlier elements are embodied in some of the laws, such as the provisions concerning the "holy war" (chap. 20). The two poems at the end of the book (chaps. 32-33) are generally viewed as deriving from an earlier time. Nevertheless, the 7th century B.C. still seems to be the most likely period for the compilation and editing of the book in its present form. Besides the internal biblical evidence surrounding the issue of centralization, there is also external testimony for the dating of the book. Comparative study has demonstrated the close affinities between Deuteronomy and Neo-Assyrian vassal treaties: examples include the shared contents and order of the curses found in Deuteronomy 28:23, 26-35, and the vassal treaties of Esarhaddon lines 528-531, 419-430. Likewise, some of Deuteronomy's key phrases such as "to love� with all your heart" (6:5; 11:13; 30-6), "to obey the voice of" (15:5; 28:1; 30:20), and "to fear" (4:10; 6:24; 10:12; 14:23; etc.), were especially prevalent in the 8th and 7th centuries B.C. as formulas of loyalty between vassal and suzerain. In short, Deuteronomy exhibits such close structural and linguistic resemblances to Neo-Assyrian vassal treaties, that it is hard to escape the conclusion that the book was purposely patterned after this model in order to state its theological message.

Deuteronomy is not merely a law code in the narrowest sense. Rather, the discourses attributed to Moses take on the character of a well-developed formula for national prosperity. God is Israel's sole sovereign. Thus, Israel's continued well-being in the promised land hinges on her unswerving fidelity to God's covenant. This cardinal statement is bolstered by some of the most unequivocal declarations of monotheism in the entire Bible (cf 4:28, 35, 39); by the ceaseless implorations to love God, to fear him, and to walk in his ways (6:2, 5, 13, 24; 8:6; 10:12, 20; 11:1, 13, 22; 13:4-5; 19-9; 30:6, 16, 20); and by the repeated demands not to follow other gods (6:14-15; 7:4; 8:19-20; 11:16-17, 28; 13:2; 30:17-18). Indeed, it is the sin of idolatry, above all else, which carries the threat of national exile (4:25-26; 6:14-15; 8:19-20; 11:16-17; 29:23-28; 30:17-18). The writer took pains to stress that Israel's occupation of Canaan is not based on any natural right to this territory. Rather, the land is God's gift to Israel as her inheritance, much as he apportioned the surrounding lands to other nations (2:12, 21-22; 3:18; 8:10; 12:1). God chose this particularly good land for Israel (8:7-9) not because of her own righteousness, but because of the wickedness of its former inhabitants, and as a fulfillment of the promises made to Israel's forefathers, whom God loved (9:4-5; cf 7:7-8). At the same time, God can just as easily banish Israel from the land, if she proves to be undeserving (8:19-20). It is no accident that Deuteronomy was composed in the form and style of a vassal treaty, since the two-sided proposition entailing obedience and blessing or disobedience and curse stands at its very core. It is no less than a life and death choice (30:15-20).

Deuteronomy is set off from other biblical books by its expanded hortatory style. This style accounts for some of Deuteronomy's salient phraseology, such as serving God with all of one's "heart and soul" (4:29; 6:5; 10:12; 11:13; 13:4; 26:16), and "putting away evil" from the midst of Israelite society (13:5; 17:7, 12; 19:19; 21:21; 22:21-22, 24; 24:7). It also explains Deuteronomy's tendency to expound upon the moral significance of the law even within the law code itself (17:19-20; 19:8-9). This tendency, in turn, is part of a wider phenomenon found in the book, namely the mustering of logical arguments designed to persuade the people of the veracity of its message (4:35-40; 6:20-25). Besides the appeal to raw logic, however, Deuteronomy's arguments often take on a humanitarian note, such as the constant reminder that every Israelite was once in a lowly state of enslavement in Egypt (5:15; 15:15; 16:12; 24:18, 22).

On the basis of these unique features, as well as on factors discussed above, scholars have attempted to identify the circles from which Deuteronomy arose. According to some, the homiletical nature of the book and its peculiar covenantal structure demonstrate that the book stemmed from clerical circles, specifically Levites, who were responsible for preaching the law during presumed covenant renewal ceremonies. Subsequent research in the area of ancient Near Eastern treaties, however, has pointed to a political source, i.e., court scribes as those responsible for the promulgation of Deuteronomy. This also helps explain the book's many affinities with wisdom ideology (such as the appeal to logic noted above), a domain closely associated with the political aristocracy (cf Prov 25:1; 31:1).

The fact that Deuteronomy was not just a law book, but above all a religio-philosophical guideline, led to its profound influence on other biblical writers, in particular the historiographer(s) of Joshua, II Kings and the prophet Jeremiah. Deuteronomy provided these thinkers with a theological framework, through which it was possible to grasp the vicissitudes of Israel's experience during its settled days. In the Book of Kings, for example, the precept of centralization becomes a yardstick by which all the kings of Judah are measured (e.g. I Kgs 15:14; 22:43; II Kgs 12:3; 14:4; 15:4, 35). The concept of idolatry as the primary cause of national disaster finds expression throughout the Book of Judges (2:11ff; 6:7-10; 10:6ff; cf I Sam 12:9-10), and in a series of question and answer formulas in Kings and Jeremiah which are modeled after Deuteronomy 29:23-24 (I Kgs 9:8-9; Jer 5:19; 9:12-14; 16:10-11; 22:8-9). Finally, the conception of true prophecy as that which is communicated directly by God (Jer 1:7, 9; 14:14; 29:23), as well as that which is fulfilled in history (I Kgs 14:18; 16:7; 22:38; II Kgs 14:25; 17:23; 24:2), leans heavily on Deuteronomy 18:14-22 (especially vs. 18, 21-22).

Quotes:

"Be strong and of a good courage, fear not, nor be afraid... for the Lord thy God, he it is that doth go with thee; he will not fail thee, nor forsake thee."

Dansk (Danish)
n. - femte mosebog

Nederlands (Dutch)
Deuteronomium (vijfde boek van bijbel)

Français (French)
n. - Deutéronome

Deutsch (German)
n. - das fünfte Buch Mose

Ελληνική (Greek)
n. - (θρησκ.) Δευτερονόμιο

Italiano (Italian)
Deuteronomio

Português (Portuguese)
n. - deuteronômio (m)

Русский (Russian)
Второзаконие

Español (Spanish)
n. - Deuteronomio

Svenska (Swedish)
n. - Femte mosebok

中文（简体）(Chinese (Simplified))
申命记

中文（繁體）(Chinese (Traditional))
n. - 申命記

한국어 (Korean)
n. - 신명기

日本語 (Japanese)
n. - 申命記

العربيه (Arabic)
‏(الاسم) الكتاب الخامس من التوارة أو الأنجيل‏

עברית (Hebrew)
n. - ‮דברים (חומש)‬

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