Edward Brooke

(b. Washington, DC, 26 Oct. 1919) US; US Senator 1967 – 79 Educated at Howard and Boston Universities, Brooke practised law in Massachusetts and Washington, DC, before becoming Attorney-General of Massachusetts, a post he filled from 1962 until 1966.

In 1966 Edward Brooke's decisive Senate victory made him the first black elected to the Senate in the twentieth century. The victory was all the more unusual because Brooke was a Republican at a time when the vast majority of blacks identified with the Democratic Party and the Republican Party fielded few black candidates. A liberal on most issues except the economy and national security, he was also a key Senate supporter of allowing abortions funded by Medicaid. Brooke's reputation and liberal politics, together with his political skill and personal charm, meant that he was able for a time to secure support from Democrats as well as Republicans in his state. Following an easy re-election victory in 1972, Brooke's seat seemed secure until 1978 when the Boston Globe reported a series of financial and ethical problems including the fact that Brooke had lied about his financial worth in divorce proceedings. He was investigated by the Senate Ethics Committee and, although it emerged that much of the information against Brooke was being leaked by members of his family, he became politically vulnerable. Some also criticized him for failing to promote Massachusetts' interests in the Senate; and Massachusetts' other Senator, Ted Kennedy, for the first time campaigned on behalf of Brooke's Democratic opponent, Paul Tsongas. Tsongas defeated Brooke in the 1978 election.

lawyer; legislator; consultant

Personal Information

Born Edward William Brooke III, October 26, 1919, in Washington, D.C.; son of Edward W. (an attorney) and Helen (Seldon) Brooke; married Remigia Ferrari-Scacco, 1947 (divorced, 1978); married Anne Fleming, 1979; children: (first marriage) Remi Cynthia, Edwina Helene; (second marriage) Eric.
Education: Howard University, B.S., 1940; Boston University, LL.B., 1948, LL.M., 1949.
Politics: Republican.
Memberships: Boy Scouts of America National Council; Boys Clubs of America National Board; American Bar Association; Massachusetts Bar Association; Boston Bar Association; American Veterans of World War II, Korea, and Vietnam; Spingarn Medal Committee National Low-Income Housing Coalition (chairman); Administrative Conference of the U.S.

Career

Established private law practice, Roxbury, MA, 1948; Boston Finance Commission, chairman, 1961-62; Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Attorney General, 1963-67; U.S. Senate, Washington, DC, Senator, 1967-79; Csaplar & Bok, Boston, counsel, 1979--; O'Connor & Hannan, Washington, D.C., partner, 1979--; Bear & Stearns, New York, NY, limited partner, 1979--. Member of the board of directors, Boston Bank of Commerce (chairman), Meditrust Inc., and the Opera Company of Boston, all Boston, MA; Grumman Corp., Bethpage, NY; and Washington Performing Arts Society, Washington, DC. Author of The Challenge of Change: Crisis in Our Two-Party System, Little, Brown, 1966. Military Service: U.S. Army, 1942-45; attained rank of captain; awarded Bronze Star.

Life's Work

Beneath the photograph of Massachusetts Senator Edward Brooke that adorned the May 1978 issue of First Monday, the magazine of the national Republican Party, ran the caption, "Ed Brooke of Massachusetts--Integrity and Independence in the U.S. Senate." Brooke was indeed a star, a revered statesman whose many electoral triumphs offered a model of how blacks could rise through the white-dominated ranks of mainstream politics. The conventional wisdom of the day was that Brooke, more than any other black figure on the political scene, had the potential to capture the highest elected offices in the United States. The man who had defied the odds to become an influential senator might one day run for president.

Several weeks after the magazine tribute, however, a scandal erupted that would undermine Brooke's reputation and cost him his Senate seat. What he claimed was an honest bookkeeping error in his finances quickly snowballed into charges of deceit, cover-up, and misrepresentation. In the past, he had survived criticism: liberals called him too conservative, conservatives called him too liberal, and militant blacks painted him as an Uncle Tom and a sell-out. But now the core of his political life, his credibility, was shattered, and he lost a reelection bid that should have been his for the asking. Edward Brooke, who built his reputation by exposing graft and corruption, now faced the stigma of being forced out of the Senate by a scandal of his own. His political achievements, however groundbreaking, would forever be eclipsed by the tale of his demise.

Edward William Brooke was born October 26, 1919, in Washington, D.C., the youngest child of Helen (Seldon) Brooke and Edward W. Brooke, an attorney reviewer for the Veterans Administration. The middle-class family resided mostly in black neighborhoods, but for a time lived in a white area so rigidly segregated that blacks were permitted to pass through only if they had a note from a white person.

Despite the divisiveness embodied in the legally sanctioned, discriminatory Jim Crow laws of the day, Brooke's world view was not shaped by racism. "I was a happy child," he was quoted as saying in John Henry Cutler's Ed Brooke: Biography of a Senator. "It would make a better story if some white man had kicked me or yelled 'nigger,' but it just never happened. I grew up segregated, but there was not much feeling of being shut out of anything." While other black leaders, who had been victims of racism, embraced the civil rights crusade as their sole political focus, Brooke, having been spared this victimization, would always refuse to define himself in terms of his race, and thus viewed politics through a much broader ideological lens.

Graduated from Dunbar High School, arguably the best public school for blacks in the country, Brooke entered the predominantly black Howard University. He studied medicine, intending to become a physician, but realized after failing organic chemistry that he had been drawn to the science profession not because of an intellectual passion or aptitude, but for the prestige it offered blacks. He found himself more at home in the fields of literature, political science, history, economics, and art. After serving as a combat officer in World War II, during which he distinguished himself as a defense counsel in court marshal proceedings, Brooke entered Boston University Law School, from which he graduated in 1948.

While running a one-man private practice that handled land conveyances, accident cases, divorces, and, in one instance, murder, Brooke was convinced by two army buddies to enter politics in the hopes of improving living conditions in Roxbury, an increasingly black section of Boston. Realizing that getting elected would be difficult, Brooke ran in both Democratic and Republican primaries in 1950, a strategy called cross-filing that was then legal. At the same time, Francis Rusell wrote in National Review, "his political instinct sent him to the Republicans, warning him that he would get nowhere in the pre-empted Massachusetts Democratic lists," which were controlled by an entrenched political machine. He lost the Democratic nomination and won the Republican, but was defeated in the general elections. Two years later, having built a stronger campaign organization, Brooke won the Republican representative nomination only to lose again.

In both races, Brooke endured whispered criticism of his marriage to Remigia Ferrari-Scacco, a white woman he had met in Italy during World War II, and the deadly support of the Communist Party, who automatically endorsed minority candidates without regard to their positions. After the campaign, Brooke turned down the job of executive secretary of the Governor's Council, a post traditionally held by blacks, saying he wanted to be elected on his ability and that he was an independent thinker who would disappoint those who expected all blacks to fall neatly into one ideological camp.

For the next eight years, Brooke built up his law practice and increased his civic activity, developing a political voice that people compared to that of the legendary former mayor of Boston, James Michael Curley. In 1960 he ran as the Republican candidate for Secretary of State, becoming the first black in Massachusetts to be nominated for a statewide office. He garnered over one million votes, but lost to his Democratic opponent by fewer than 12,000 votes. As a reward for Brooke's support, newly elected Republican Governor John Volpe appointed him chairman of the Boston Finance Commission, a watchdog agency that, in the eyes of many, had many years earlier lost its bark and bite. Under Brooke, the Commission made headlines at a dizzying rate, uncovering graft and corruption throughout the municipal fire, real estate, and building departments.

In 1962, with polls showing him among the most popular political figures in Massachusetts, Brooke sought the Republican nomination for Attorney General, the second highest office in the state. At a wild Republican convention, Brooke's supporters wrestled the nomination for their candidate from Elliot Richardson, a millionaire blueblood lawyer on whom political odds-makers had bet. Brooke beat his opponent by nearly 260,000 votes, and in so doing became not only the only Republican to win statewide election that year, but the first black in modern U.S. political history elected to such a high state office.

Brooke cut an unusual figure for statewide office in Massachusetts. In a state that was 98 percent white, two-thirds Democrat, and overwhelmingly Catholic, Brooke was black, Republican, and Protestant. He was, he said, an American first, a Republican second, and a black incidentally. "I'm not running as a Negro," he once said. "I never have. I'm trying to show that people can be elected on the basis of their qualifications and not their race." Much as John F. Kennedy had comforted the nation by saying his Catholicism was irrelevant to his duty as president, so did Brooke pacify Massachusetts by repeatedly claiming race and religion played no part in his designs to strengthen law enforcement in the state.

In his two terms as Massachusetts Attorney General, Brooke won unrivaled popular support for his diligence as a crime buster willing to take on the big wigs. He and his staff brought indictments against high-ranking politicians, including a former governor, two speakers of the House, members of the Governor's Council, and a public safety commissioner, and vigorously spearheaded the prosecution of companies that had engaged in conspiracy, bribery, and perjury. He pushed legislation reducing air pollution, protecting consumers, and untangling election complexities.

Though an ardent supporter of civil rights--one of his first acts was to file a brief supporting the Fair Housing Law, which banned renting discrimination in the state--Brooke proved that he was independent of mainstream black organizations. In 1963 he fought the NAACP and other civil rights groups who had called for a student boycott of school to protest segregation in Boston. Brooke withstood the militant black leaders' charges that he had sold out to the white establishment, saying his job was to enforce the state's laws, which required children to attend school. Brooke was quickly establishing a reputation as an independent man of principle.

In the early and mid-1960s, Brooke grew more interested in the national political scene, bemoaning the deterioration of the two-party system that he believed central to democracy in the United States. While other Republican leaders, lamenting the stranglehold on power that Democrats enjoyed at the federal and state levels, sharply lambasted the liberal policies of their opponents, Brooke laid the blame squarely at the feet of the Republicans.

In The Challenge of Change: Crisis in Our Two-party System, Brooke rebuked the Republican leadership for the strategic error of not targeting the votes of young, urban, and minority citizens, and for fielding out-of-touch, arch conservative candidates like Barry Goldwater, whose failed 1964 presidential bid, in Brooke's view, devastated any promising relationship between the party and the electorate. Brooke argued that the party, suffering from intellectual cowardice, had for too long tried to sell itself merely by criticizing the opponents. "Like the generals of World War I, these [Republican] leaders have become wedded to the tactics of defense in an age of political offense," he wrote. "Where are our plans for a New Deal or a Great Society? Where are our alternatives?"

The day after Massachusetts Republican Senator Leverett Saltonstall announced his retirement in 1965, Brooke launched his campaign for the U.S. Senate. Once again, his candidacy turned on the question of whether a black could win in Massachusetts. But Brooke, in his repudiation of militancy, both in Republican and civil rights circles, had amply demonstrated his independent stripes, an invaluable asset in a state fiercely proud of its independence. In the general election Brooke beat former governor Endicott Peabody, who had the support of the state's popular Senator Edward Kennedy, and became the first black to serve in the Senate since 1881 and the first ever to be elected to that body. On the opening day of Congress in 1967, Brooke, escorted by Kennedy, walked down the aisle of the Senate chamber and was greeted by a standing ovation.

In his tenure as Senator, Brooke supported a host of liberal programs, including anti-poverty legislation, strengthening of the Social Security program, and increasing the minimum wage and Medicare funding. Indeed, because of his voting record, politicians of all persuasions believed him to be a Democrat masquerading as Republican. It was not unusual for political organizations to rate him more liberal than Kennedy, considered one of the Senate's pillars of liberalism. Yet Brooke consistently frustrated those camps that maneuvered to claim him.

Conservatives cringed when he supported Panama Canal treaties and federally financed abortions for poor women, and liberals screamed when he endorsed the Johnson administration war policy in Vietnam. Although he strove for party unity, Brooke did not hesitate to criticize three of President Richard Nixon's nominations to the Supreme Court. Nixon reportedly offered cabinet posts and the Ambassadorship to the United Nations to Brooke, but, in the eyes of some observers, the Senator was holding out for a position on a national ticket.

Brooke was one of the most respected Senators in Congress when he began his campaign for a third term in 1978, but he soon found himself caught in a storm of allegations of financial impropriety fueled by acrimonious divorce proceedings with his wife. Brooke faced several charges: misrepresenting his assets to shelter money in a divorce settlement, improperly transferring funds from his mother-in-law's account so that Medicaid could pay her nursing home bills, and failing to report loans to the Senate Ethics Committee. Though he was never convicted of any crime, the stain on his reputation cost him dearly at the polls, and he lost his seat to Congressman Paul Tsongas.

Brooke left the Senate and began to work as a consultant and lawyer for law firms in Washington, D.C., Boston, and New York, and a lobbyist for causes he supported. Brookes appeared before his former colleagues to voice support for Federal grants to help the poor purchase fuel oil, and joined with feminist activist Gloria Steinem to form a pro-abortion political group called Voters for Choice. He also served as a consultant for real estate developers seeking rent subsidies from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, and it was this work that brought charges of influence peddling in 1989 and again in 1992.

The Boston Globe reported in 1989 that a HUD audit showed Brooke making $183,000 from the developers under investigation, but by 1992 the only indictments brought in the case were against Brooke's former aide, Elaine Richardson. Brooke called the allegations "outrageous," and denied any ties to the Reagan administration. "I don't know where I got all of this influence all of a sudden," Brooke told the Boston Globe.

No longer connected with Washington politics, Brooke lives quietly in Virginia with his second wife Anne and his son Eric and describes himself as a "retired country gentleman." Despite the controversies that marred his reputation, an associate of Brooke's said that "he is living on top of the world."

Awards

More than 30 honorary degrees; Charles Evans Hughes award, National Conference of Christians and Jews, 1967; Spingarn Medal, NAACP, 1967.

Further Reading

Books

• Brooke, Edward, The Challenge of Change: Crisis in Our Two-party System, Little, Brown, 1966.
• Cutler, John Henry, Ed Brooke: Biography of a Senator, Bobbs-Merrill, 1972.

• Boston Globe, May 11, 1989, p. 89; August 5, 1989, p. 6; November 21, 1992, p. 3.
• Ebony, October 1984, p. 58.
• Jet, January 30, 1984, p. 36.
• National Review, February 2, 1973, p. 159.
• Newsweek, June 19, 1978, p. 34.
• New York Times, November 22, 1992, p. 34.
• Political Science Quarterly, Summer 1990, p. 219.
• Wall Street Journal, August 21, 1992, p. 8.

— Isaac Rosen

Edward Brooke
United States Senator from Massachusetts
In office January 3, 1967 – January 3, 1979
Preceded by	Leverett Saltonstall
Succeeded by	Paul Tsongas
39th Massachusetts Attorney General
In office 1963 – 1967
Preceded by	Edward J. McCormack, Jr.
Succeeded by	Elliot L. Richardson
Born	October 26, 1919 (1919-10-26) (age 90) Washington, D.C.
Political party	Republican
Spouse(s)	Anne Brooke
Alma mater	Howard University (B.A.) Boston University School of Law (LL.B.)
Military service
Allegiance	United States of America
Service/branch	United States Army
Years of service	1941-1946
Rank	Captain
Unit	366th Infantry Regiment
Battles/wars	World War II

Edward William Brooke, III (born October 26, 1919), is an American politician and was the first African American to be elected by popular vote to the United States Senate when he was elected as a Republican from Massachusetts in 1966, defeating his Democratic opponent, Endicott Peabody, 58%–42%. He was also the first African American elected to the Senate since the 19th century, and would remain the only person of African heritage sent to the Senate in the 20th century until Democrat Carol Moseley Braun in 1993. He remains, as of 2009, the last Republican senator from Massachusetts, and the last elected African American member of the U.S. Senate to come from the Republican Party.

Contents 1 Early years 2 U.S. Senator 3 Post-Senate life 4 Personal life 5 Bibliography 6 References 7 Multimedia 8 External links

Early years

Brooke was born in Washington, D.C., USA in 1919. Upon his graduation from Howard University in 1941, he spent five years as an officer in the segregated 366th Infantry Regiment and saw combat in Italy. Following his discharge, he graduated from Boston University Law School in 1948.

The following year, he ran for a seat in the Massachusetts House of Representatives, but lost. He then made two more tries for office, including one for secretary of state, but again fell short in both races.

He was the chairman of Finance Commission of Boston from 1961 to 1962. Brooke was elected Attorney General of Massachusetts in 1962 and re-elected in 1964. In this position, he gained a reputation as a vigorous prosecutor of organized crime, and coordinated with local police departments on the Boston strangler case.^[1] He was portrayed in the 1968 film dramatizing the case by William Marshall.

U.S. Senator

Richard M. Nixon (center), then a former Vice President of the United States, campaigns in Massachusetts in the 1966 mid-term elections for U.S. Senate nominee Edward Brooke (left) and Governor John A. Volpe.

Brooke served as a U.S. senator for two terms, from January 3, 1967, to January 3, 1979. In 1967, he served on the President's Commission on Civil Disorders. He was a member of the liberal wing of the Republican Party and organized the Senate's "Wednesday Club" of progressive Republicans who met for Wednesday lunches and strategy discussions. Brooke, who had supported New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller's bid for the 1968 GOP presidential nomination against Nixon's, often differed with President Richard Nixon on matters of social policy and civil rights.

By his second year in the Senate, Brooke had taken his place as a leading advocate against discrimination in housing and on behalf of affordable housing. With fellow Senate Banking Committee Member, Walter Mondale (the Minnesota Democrat, he co-authored the 1968 Fair Housing Act which President Johnson signed into law on April 11, 1968, a week after the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.. Dissatisfied with the weakened enforcement provisions that emerged from the legislative process, Brooke repeatedly proposed stronger provisions during his Senate career. In 1969, Congress enacted the "Brooke Amendment" to the federal publicly assisted housing program which limited the tenants' out-of-pocket rent expenditure to 25 percent of his or her income. By the 1990s, the percentage had gradually increased, but the principle of limiting the housing 'burden' of very-low income renters survives in statute, as of 2008^[update].

Senator Edward Brooke meeting with President Lyndon Johnson in the Oval Office shortly after taking office in the Senate in 1967.

During the Nixon years, Brooke opposed repeated Administration attempts to close down the Job Corps and the Office of Economic Opportunity and to weaken the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission - all foundational elements of President Lyndon Johnson's Great Society.

In 1969, Brooke was a leader of the bi-partisan coalition that defeated the Senate confirmation of the President's nominee to the Supreme Court, Clement Haynsworth. A few months later, he again organized sufficient Republican support to defeat Nixon's second Supreme Court nominee Harrold Carswell. Nixon then turned to Harry A. Blackmun, later the author of Roe v. Wade.

In 1970, the Senate adopted his resolution prohibiting tests of MIRV missiles.

Brooke was re-elected in 1972, defeating Democrat John J. Droney 62%-34%.

Before the first year of his second term ended, Brooke became the first Republican to call on President Nixon to resign, on November 4, 1973 shortly after the Watergate-related "Saturday night massacre". He had risen to become the ranking Republican on the Senate Banking Committee and on two powerful Appropriations Committees, Labor, Health and Human Services (HHS) and Foreign Operations. From these positions, Brooke defended and strengthened the programs he identified with; for example, he was a leader in enactment of the Equal Credit Act which ensured married women a right to credit of their own.

In 1974, together with Indiana Senator Birch Bayh, he led the fight to retain Title IX of the 1972 Education Act which guarantees equal educational opportunity to girls and women.

In 1975, with the extension and expansion of the Voting Rights Act at stake, Brooke faced Senator John Stennis (D-MS) in "extended debate" and won the Senate's support for the extension.

In 1976, he also took on the role of champion for a woman's right to an abortion. The Appropriations bill for HHS became the battleground over this issue because it funds Medicaid. The foes of abortion rights fought, eventually successfully, to prohibit funding for abortions of low-income women insured by Medicaid. Brooke led the fight against restrictions in the Senate Appropriations Committee and in the House-Senate Conference until his defeat.

In Massachusetts, Brooke's support among Catholics weakened, and during the 1978 re-election campaign, the state's bishops spoke in opposition to his leading role, in spite of the equally pro-choice position of his Democratic opponent. In addition, he was challenged in the Republican primary by a hard-line conservative talk show host, Avi Nelson. Most seriously, Brooke "confessed that he had made a false statement about his finances in his divorce deposition. The admission . . . erupted into a staccato of charges that ultimately cost him his Senate seat" to Paul Tsongas.^[2]

Post-Senate life

After leaving the Senate, Brooke practiced law in Washington, D.C., and served as chairman of the board of the National Low Income Housing Coalition.

In 1996, he became the first chairman of the World Policy Council, a think tank of Alpha Phi Alpha whose purpose is to expand the fraternity's involvement in politics, and social and current policy to encompass international concerns. Brooke currently serves as the council's chairman emeritus and was honorary chairman at the Centennial Convention of Alpha Phi Alpha held in Washington, D.C., in 2006.^[3]

Edward Brooke is congratulated by President George W. Bush at the Ceremony for the 2004 Recipients of the Presidential Medal of Freedom, The East Room of the White House.

On June 20, 2000, a newly constructed Boston courthouse was dedicated in his honor. The Edward W. Brooke Courthouse is part of the Massachusetts Trial Court system, and houses the central division of the Boston Municipal Court, Boston Juvenile Court, Family Court, and Boston Housing Court, among others.^[4]

In 2002, scholar Molefi Kete Asante listed Edward Brooke on his list of 100 Greatest African Americans.^[5]

In September 2002, he was diagnosed with breast cancer and, since then, has assumed a national role in raising awareness of the disease among men.^[6]

In 2004, Brooke was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom — designed to recognize individuals who have made "an especially meritorious contribution to the security or national interests of the United States, world peace, cultural or other significant public or private endeavors."

On April 29, 2006, the Massachusetts Republican Party awarded the first annual "Edward Brooke Award" to former White House Chief of Staff Andrew Card at their 2006 State Convention.

Two days after his 90th birthday, Brooke was presented with the Congressional Gold Medal on October 28, 2009.^[7]

Personal life

The father of two daughters and a son, Brooke currently lives in Miami with his second wife, Anne. His first wife, the mother of his daughters, was an Italian war bride.

In 2008, Barbara Walters revealed in her memoir Audition that she'd had an affair lasting several years with Brooke during the 1970s, while Brooke was married to his first wife. Walters said that the affair ended to protect both of their careers from possible scandal.^[8] When asked for a comment, Mr. Brooke declined, stating a credo that saw him through his political career: namely, that he does not talk about his or other people's private lives.^[9]

Bibliography

• John F. Becker and Eugene E. Heaton, Jr., "The Election of Senator Edward W. Brooke," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Autumn, 1967), pp. 346–358
• Edward Brooke (2006), Bridging The Divide: My Life. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 0-8135-3905-6.
• Edward Brooke (1966), The Challenge of Change: Crisis in our Two-Party System. Little, Brown, Boston.
• John Henry Cutler(1972), Ed Brooke: Biography of a Senator. Bobbs-Merrill Company, Indianapolis.
• Judson L. Jeffries, U.S. Senator Edward W. Brooke and Governor L. Douglas Wilder Tell Political Scientists How Blacks Can Win High-Profile Statewide Office, American Political Science Association, 1999.
• Timothy N. Thurber, Virginia Commonwealth University, "Goldwaterism Triumphant?: Race and the Debate Among Republicans over the Direction of the GOP, 1964-1968.” Paper presented at the 2006 Conference of the Historical Society, Chapel Hill, NC. http://www.bu.edu/historic/06conf_papers/Thurber.pdf
• Barbara Walters (2008), Audition: A Memoir. Random House. ISBN 978-0307266460.

References

1. ^ Boston Strangler coordination: WBUR interview
2. ^ Jacobs, Sally. "The unfinished chapter" Boston Globe, 5 March 2000.
3. ^ Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity. (2005). Alpha Phi Alpha Men: "A Century of Leadership. [Video]. Rubicon Productions. 
4. ^ Dedication of the Edward W. Brooke Courthouse, a news release from Boston University
5. ^ Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia. Amherst, New York. Prometheus Books. ISBN 1-57392-963-8.
6. ^ Clementson, Lynette (2003-06-10). "Surprise Role for Ex-Senator: Male Breast Cancer Patient". New York Times. http://www.ibca.net/online_resources/edward_brooke.php. 
7. ^ "Former senator awarded Congressional Gold Medal". CNN. 2009-10-28. http://edition.cnn.com/2009/POLITICS/10/28/congressional.medal/. Retrieved 2009-10-28. 
8. ^ Jo Piazza (2008-05-01). "Barbara Walters: I had an affair with married Senator Edward Brooke". New York Daily News. http://www.nydailynews.com/gossip/2008/05/01/2008-05-01_barbara_walters_i_had_an_affair_with_Marchhtml. Retrieved 2008-05-02. 
9. ^ Frazier Moore (2008-05-02). "Former Sen. Brooke mum on reported Barbara Walters affair". Associated Press. http://www.foxnews.com/wires/2008May02/0,4670,TVWaltersAffair,00.html. Retrieved 2008-05-04. 

Multimedia

• Edward Brooke's oral history video excerpts at The National Visionary Leadership Project

External links

• Edward Brooke at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
• Edward Brooke's oral history video excerpts at The National Visionary Leadership Project
• "Who is Edward Brooke?" The Christian Science Monitor 28-October 2009

Legal offices
Preceded by Edward McCormack	Attorney General of Massachusetts 1963–1967	Succeeded by Elliot Richardson
United States Senate
Preceded by Leverett Saltonstall	United States Senator (Class 2) from Massachusetts 1967–1979 Served alongside: Ted Kennedy	Succeeded by Paul Tsongas
Party political offices
Preceded by Leverett Saltonstall	Republican nominee for United States Senator from Massachusetts (Class 2) 1966, 1972, 1978	Succeeded by Ray Shamie

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Persondata
NAME	III, Edward William Brooke
ALTERNATIVE NAMES
SHORT DESCRIPTION	United States politician, lawyer
DATE OF BIRTH	October 26, 1919
PLACE OF BIRTH	Washington, D.C., USA
DATE OF DEATH
PLACE OF DEATH

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