politician; activist
Personal Information
Born June 13, 1937, in Washington, DC; daughter of Coleman (a civil servant) and Vela (Lynch) Holmes (a schoolteacher); married Edward Norton, 1965 (divorced, 1993); children: Katherine, John.
Education: Antioch College, B.A., 1960; Yale University, M.A., 1963, LL.B., 1964.
Politics: Democrat.
Career
Law clerk, Federal District Court, 1964-65; assistant legal director, ACLU, 1965-70; executive assistant to mayor of New York City, 1971-74; chairperson, NYC Commission on Human Rights, 1970-77, and Commission on Human Rights, Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 1977-81; senior fellow, Urban Institute, 1981-82; professor of law, Georgetown University, 1982--; DC Delegate to United States Congress, 1990--. Coauthor of Sex Discrimination and the Law, Causes and Remedies, 1975; contributor to numerous professional journals.
Life's Work
Political allies and opponents alike agree that Eleanor Holmes Norton--Washington, D.C.'s delegate to Congress and ardent supporter of statehood for the District--is an extraordinarily accomplished and intelligent woman, skilled at political dealmaking. Relatively powerless as politicians go--the D.C. delegate has only limited voting powers in Congress--she nonetheless has made her presence known on a number of national issues since taking office in 1990. But her abilities in transforming a once-symbolic political seat into a meaningful pulpit for her causes should come as no surprise. Throughout her professional career, Norton has successfully taken on tough assignments with one clear goal emerging throughout her work: a steadfast insistence that government and society respect human rights.
A fourth generation Washingtonian, Norton was born on June 13, 1937. Her father was a government worker in the District's bureaucracy and her mother taught school. She has said that an event she experienced while growing up in Washington helped shape her beliefs about human justice. In 1949, when she was 12 years old, Norton watched a protest outside of Hecht's department store. Activist Mary Church Terrell was picketing the store because blacks were not allowed to use Hecht's bathrooms, though they were allowed to buy clothes there. Norton held on to that memory of protest when she left Washington in 1955 to attend Antioch College in Ohio, from which she received her undergraduate degree. She then attended Yale University, where in 1963 she received a master's degree in American Studies and in 1964 she earned her law degree.
Following an assignment in Philadelphia as clerk to federal court judge A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., Norton was appointed the assistant legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). During the turbulent civil rights movement of the 1960s, she also worked for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and for the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. In 1968 she won the first case she argued before the U.S. Supreme Court; in that proceeding, Norton--an unswerving advocate of free speech--argued on behalf of a white supremacist group that had been barred from holding a rally in Maryland. Also, as an ACLU lawyer, she once sued the mayor of New York City, John Lindsay, on behalf of the segregationist politician George Wallace, who was initially prevented from making a speech at Shea Stadium during his 1968 presidential campaign. Somewhat ironically, in April of 1970, Lindsay awarded Norton her first political post--city commissioner of human rights.
At the time of her appointment, Norton was quoted in McCall's magazine as saying, "As commissioner, I will attempt to see that no man is judged by the irrational criteria of race, religion, or national origin. And I assure you I use the word 'man' in the generic sense, for I mean to see that the principle of nondiscrimination becomes a reality for women as well."
She then began a remarkable string of achievements, tenaciously battling prejudice and injustice. Combating housing discrimination, intervening to reverse a state ruling that denied a polio victim a teaching certificate, and suing a real estate broker who would not rent to blacks were just a few of the actions Norton took in New York City. In doing so, she made enemies. Conservatives fretted about her activism, while some members of the black community criticized her for placing too much emphasis on women's issues at the expense of combating racial prejudice. She was quoted in McCall's as saying, "It's a shame that this criticism exists ... because black people and women are going to have to get together if we're going to create some change in this country. I don't for a moment believe that women have suffered the same kind of injustices that blacks have--women have never been enslaved. But still, many of the psychological and economic problems are the same. This country would go bankrupt in a day if the Supreme Court suddenly ordered the powers-that-be to pay back wages to children of slaves and to the women who've worked all their lives for half wages or no pay."
While in New York, Norton also taught a class at New York University Law School, hosted a television program called "Open Circuit," and conducted a radio program.
After her impressive performance in New York, Norton was appointed by President Jimmy Carter to serve as chairperson of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), a post she held for four years. Following her government service, she focused on teaching law and became a tenured professor at Georgetown University. She also served on a panel created by President Gerald Ford to look into America's welfare system. Throughout her various career positions, she has been sought out by commentators soliciting opinions on various issues, from the war in Kuwait to the role of affirmative action in America. On affirmative action, she said in an interview with Essence in 1990: "Affirmative action is the most important antidiscrimination technique ever instituted in the United States. It is the one tool that has had a demonstrable effect on discrimination.... Affirmative action, by all statistical measures, has been the central ingredient to the creation of the Black middle class."
During his 1988 bid for the presidency, Jesse Jackson named Norton his representative at the convention during debate over the Democratic party's platform. The party "outsider," Jackson was thought to have chosen Norton partly because she was so well respected among Democrats; soon Ebony was calling her a "national Democratic Party power broker." When Walter Fauntroy, the man who had represented the District in Congress for 20 years, announced he would be stepping down in 1990 to run (unsuccessfully) for mayor, Norton shifted her focus from the wide-ranging arena of national politics to the bread and butter concerns of Washington.
Norton was quoted in Ebony as saying that Fauntroy's decision was "a watershed moment in the history of the district," adding that it was time for Washington "to seize the opportunity and declare a new start, to strike up a redefined relationship with Congress and the White House and form its top elected officials into a coordinated team." But first she had to win the seat, a goal that seemed easily within reach until just before the Democratic primary in the fall of 1990.
In the days preceding the September primary, Norton was hit with a stunning setback. According to the Washington Post, reporters had received an anonymous leak that Norton and her husband had failed to pay District income taxes between 1982 and 1989. At a hastily called news conference, Norton tearfully explained that her husband, Edward, not she, was responsible for the family finances. The Nortons eventually paid $88,000 in back taxes and penalties.
"But many voters were skeptical of the explanation, and what had been expected to be a lopsided victory turned into a closer race," the Washington Post reported. Norton won the primary with 40 percent of the vote, compared to 33 percent for the second place finisher. In November, she gathered 62 percent of the vote against Republican candidate Harry Singleton.
While her political career survived the tax scandal, her marriage did not. The couple legally separated just days after the 1990 election; the Washington Post quoted her friends as saying the Nortons' split resulted directly from the tax controversy. The two were divorced in 1993. The Nortons have two children including a daughter, Katherine, who has Down's syndrome. Norton was quoted in Ebony as saying of her daughter, "Katherine is an extraordinary human being and it's a pleasure to bring out the best in her."
Once in Congress Norton quickly began to distinguish herself from previous District representatives. Washington Post columnist Courtland Milloy noted admiringly that Norton had traveled out of the District only twice in the 18 months following her 1990 election. "By February ?1992?, according to a tally compiled by her staff, she had attended 500 community meetings. She averages two congressional hearings a day," Milloy wrote. Commentators described her activities as "parochial," but in the best sense of the word.
While weighing in on various national and international topics, Norton's first term in Congress was marked primarily by a focus on local issues. The Christian Science Monitor pointed out that she was able to convince Congress to appropriate $100 million to the District to help Washington quickly avert a budget crisis. That was part of $300 million in new federal money she won for the District. "She took on the federal bureaucracy in neighborhood disputes, delivering a level of constituent service that was absent under her predecessor," according to an article in the Washington Post.
Other issues addressed in her first term included pressuring the National Park Service--which administers a wide swath of territory in the federal city--to install lights in crime- ridden areas; advocacy of an international trade center in the District; support for a referendum that would make manufacturers of assault weapons liable for crimes committed with their products; and opposition to the death penalty.
In an October 1992 editorial in the Washington Post entitled "A Second Term for Mrs. Norton," the paper opined, "She has been a spectacular representative of District interests in Congress." A spectacular Democrat, the paper could have added. Throughout her first term, Norton was a frequent critic of then-President George Bush, becoming the first elected leader to urge Bush to do something positive in the wake of the rioting that erupted in Los Angeles after the Rodney King/police brutality verdict.
At the 1992 Democratic convention, Norton made a pitch for D.C. statehood, which President Bush opposed. The Washington Post quoted her as telling the convention, "Give us a president who is not afraid to support at home the democracy he demands abroad.... Give us full-service democracy, not lip- service paternalism." Norton's strong words derived from the fact that she holds the statehood issue at the top of her political agenda. "I am proud to be an American, proud to represent 600,000 Americans, and proud to be in the only party pledged to make the District of Columbia the 51st state," she told the convention, according to the Post article. Norton was reelected in 1992 without opposition.
Before tackling the statehood issue, Congress gave Norton wider powers than any other District representative had ever had. Delegates such as herself, and those representing four U.S. territories, are constitutionally barred from becoming full members of the House. They can vote in committee, speak on the House floor, introduce legislation, and even head a committee through seniority. Until January of 1993, though, they were unable to vote on the House floor. But Norton devised a legal strategy--she is a Constitutional scholar, after all--that allowed Congress to grant her a House vote. Norton noted that the full House meets in what parliamentarians call a "committee of the whole." Since delegates can vote in committee, she reasoned that the committee of the whole--which is how Congress gathers to debate and vote on substantive issues--is in fact yet another committee of Congress. Delegates are still barred from final congressional votes, but by the time legislation reaches that stage most legislation has already been reshaped and the issues decided.
Norton was quoted in the Washington Post as saying her new voting privileges were a "sign of respect" for the District. Controversy aside, Norton was pleased with the historic developments she initiated, telling the Washington Post, "As far as I'm concerned it's added immeasurably to my ability to get things done in the House. This shows that the House has done everything for the District it can, short of granting statehood. And that means something."
As for statehood, Norton and other District politicians have always complained that Congress micromanages the city's affairs. Appropriations committees in Congress can overrule sections of the city's budget and Congress has a significant influence in how the city operates. Washington's mayor, Sharon Pratt Kelly, has accused Congress of adopting a "plantation mentality" in its dealings with the predominantly African American city. Norton, in an interview with Emerge, said, "In the 1960s the Civil Rights Movement telegraphed to the world that the United States was living a lie. We are in a comparable situation today ... because the stance we have taken internationally in terms of urging democratic principles is directly contrary to the way we treat people in our own capital."
In 1992 Norton's statehood bill died in committee when it became apparent that President Bush would veto the measure no matter what Congress did. Her bill would create the state of New Columbia with the federal government controlling only the White House, Capitol, and Supreme Court, as well as federal monuments and some other governmental buildings. Republicans oppose the measure since statehood would almost certainly guarantee that the heavily-Democratic District of Columbia would send two new Democrats to the Senate.
But Norton has vowed not to give up on the issue, and she regularly lobbies her colleagues in Congress whenever she can. To her, the statehood issue, which would guarantee Washingtonians a full voice in their future, is similar to the other issues of fair play that have motivated her from her earliest days watching civil rights protests outside the neighborhood department store. "You can't whip folks into line on statehood like you can on a budget vote," she told the Washington Post Magazine. "People have to believe in your cause." And it's clear that if anyone can turn around an opinion with a forceful, well-reasoned argument, that person is Eleanor Holmes Norton.
Awards
Honorary degrees from more than 50 colleges and universities; Young Woman of the Year Award, Junior Chamber of Commerce, 1965; Louise Waterman Wise Award, American Jewish Congress, 1971, among others.
Further Reading
- Christian Science Monitor, March 31, 1992, p. 14.
- Ebony, January 1991, p. 105.
- Emerge, March 1993, p. 32.
- Essence, May 1990, p. 66.
- McCall's, October 1971, p. 51.
- Washington Post, March 5, 1991, p. B1; January 12, 1992, p. B1; May 3, 1992, p. B1; July 15, 1992, p. A23; October 28, 1992, p. 24; December 8, 1992, p. C1; August 2, 1993, p. D1.
- Washington Post Magazine, July 4, 1993, p. 21.
— John LoDico





