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Fast Food Nation

 
American Annals: Fast Food Nation
McDonald's Happy Meal<span style=® promotion for the 1988 Summer Olympic Games in Seoul, South Korea. Courtesy of Joyce Losonsky">
McDonald's Happy Meal® promotion for the 1988 Summer Olympic Games in Seoul, South Korea. Courtesy of Joyce Losonsky
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by Eric Schlosser, 2000

The rise of the fast-food industry transformed American eating habits in the second half of the twentieth century. Inexpensive, convenient, and delicious, fast food became a staple of the American diet. Originally offering only hamburgers and french fries, the industry rapidly diversified, adding tacos, burritos, pizza, and other items to their menus. McDonald's, Burger King, Taco Bell, and numerous other companies spread across the United States and even the world, establishing restaurants virtually everywhere, from small towns in Montana to major European metropolises. In the process the "golden arches" of the McDonald's logo became an internationally recognized symbol of American culture. Although the fast-food industry continued to generate record profits, a growing chorus of critics arose in the late twentieth century. Some pointed out that the high fat and high calorie content of fast-food menus had contributed to a staggering increase in obesity rates in the United States, which in turn gave rise to serious health problems such as heart disease and diabetes. Critics also chastised the industry for its low wages, poor working conditions, food safety problems, and misuse of agricultural land and animals. Reprinted below are excerpts of an Atlantic Monthly Online interview with Eric Schlosser, an award-winning investigative journalist and the author of Fast Food Nation. The interviewer was Julia Livshin.

You write that the market for fast food in the United States is becoming increasingly saturated. What sort of future do you see for the fast-food industry? Might it become obsolete?

That's a very good question. In a way, the future of the fast-food industry is tied to the future of this country. If we continue to allow the growth of a low-wage service economy, one in which unions are weak and workers have little say about their working conditions-well, then the fast-food chains will have a bright future. On the other hand, if we bring the minimum wage up to the level it was thirty years ago, in real terms, and we enforce the rules about overtime, and make it easier to organize service workers, the fast-food chains will have to change their business model. Or go out of business. Access to cheap labor, and a lot of it, has been crucial to their success.

I also think that the desire for uniformity and cheapness and reassurance that the American people have had over the last two decades, which has really helped the fast-food chains, could wane. People may become more concerned about what they're eating and reject the idea that everything should be the same everywhere they go. The chains are in a vulnerable position right now, if only because they've expanded so far and wide across the country that they're already reaching the limits of demand for fast food. And if there's a different consciousness in this country, something less conformist, they may really be in trouble.

From an economic standpoint, are the fast-food chains providing something valuable?

Well, there's no question that they're providing jobs for millions of people. At the same time, how good is it ultimately for society to have jobs that are short-term and that essentially provide no training? You could argue that for some teenagers short-term jobs are a good thing as a source of extra income. But I would argue that there should be a major restructuring of the fast-food industry's employment practices so that these aren't just make-work jobs but jobs that actually provide a meaningful kind of training. For the poorest, most disadvantaged people in this society, simply having a job and having some kind of structure in their lives can be useful. But given the tremendous impact that these companies have on our workforce, they can and should provide more than just a place to show up every day. Another thing that's important to consider is the sort of work that these fast-food jobs have replaced. The old diners and hamburger stands relied on skilled short-order cooks. If you look at the restaurant industry as a whole, jobs at fast-food chains are the lowest paying and have the highest turnover rate. So to the degree that the fast-food companies have grown and thrived and replaced more traditional eating places, they have encouraged the rise of a workforce that is poor, transient, and unskilled.

Same question from the standpoint of food. Fast food is convenient and cheap. Is the fast-food industry providing a valuable service by catering to the consumer needs of a certain segment of society?

There's no question that fast food is inexpensive and easily accessible. For people who don't have time to prepare meals, for households in which both parents work, there's no question it provides a service. But again, at what cost? As I say in the book, the real cost never appears on the menu. The fast-food companies have directed a large amount of their marketing at low-income communities. They are serving extremely high-fat food to people who are at the greatest risk of the health consequences from obesity. They could be selling low cost food that doesn't have the same health consequences, especially for children. The fast-food chains, with their kids' meals and Happy Meals, are creating eating habits that will last a lifetime. And by heavily marketing unhealthy foods to low-income children they are encouraging health problems among the segment of the population that can least afford them.

If you see a change for the better taking place, do you envision these same companies changing their own policies about what they're going to be marketing and holding their suppliers to more stringent food production standards, or do you see a whole new industry taking over?

I think it'll be determined by how easily these companies can change. The McDonald's Corporation, at the moment, in many ways reminds me of the Soviet-era Kremlin. I was unable to get a single question answered after weeks of calling them, e-mailing them, and faxing them. It was what I imagine it must have been like dealing with the old Communist Party bureaucrats. Can the McDonald's Corporation remake itself into a company that behaves ethically, has a stronger social conscience, and changes its menu? That remains to be seen. It may be that new companies will emerge, embodying a different set of values, selling better and healthier food.

Both this book about fast food and your article about strawberry picking are concerned with the plight of workers in these industries. How did you get interested in labor issues?

There are strong connections between the strawberry article and this book. The workers that I met in the meatpacking plants in Colorado and Nebraska were the same kinds of people that I met in the strawberry fields of California. Many of the meatpacking workers that I met in Colorado and Nebraska had previously been farm workers in California. They'd come to the High Plains because there was a shortage of work in the fields in California and because the pay promised to be higher in Colorado and Nebraska. Although I was appalled at the lives of California's migrant farm workers and the injuries they suffer, what's happening in meatpacking plants in Colorado and Nebraska, in Kansas and Texas, is even worse. It's criminal. These are poor immigrants, few of them speak English, and a large proportion are illiterate. They are peasants, manual laborers from rural villages in Mexico and Guatemala. When they get badly hurt in these meatpacking plants, which happens all the time, they're unable to do manual labor the same way ever again. They are permanently prevented from earning an income the way that they have earned an income their whole lives.

Much of this book builds upon what I learned in California's strawberry fields. My interest in the subject of immigrant labor began in the mid 1990s when there was a growing anti-immigrant movement in California. Illegal immigrants were being blamed for all of the state's economic problems. And I instinctively felt that couldn't be right, because it seemed to me that the largest industry in the state-agriculture-was benefiting enormously from illegal immigrants. Today there's a vast underclass of migrant workers in this country. We've had a migrant agricultural workforce for more than a century. But for the first time we're developing a migrant industrial workforce. This has ominous implications for workers in other industries. Until the late 1970s, meatpacking was one of the highest paid industrial jobs in the United States. And then the Reagan and Bush administrations stood aside and allowed the meatpacking industry to bust unions, to hire strikebreakers and scabs, to not only hire illegal immigrants for these jobs, but to transport them here from Mexico in company buses. Now meatpacking is one of the nation's lowest paying industrial jobs, as well as the most dangerous. I'm sure other companies, in other industries, are contemplating the same tactics. And it just can't be allowed. . . .

Writing in the September 1998 issue of about mad-cow disease, Ellen Ruppel Shell noted, "[M]ost of the conditions thought to have led to the epidemic in Britain also existed here. Despite official protestations to the contrary, and despite regulatory changes recently implemented, some of them still do. Given current agricultural practices, avoiding an American outbreak of this disease may be only a matter of chance. The question is, how lucky do we feel?" Now, five years later, mad-cow disease has resurfaced in Europe, creating widespread panic. What are your thoughts about the probability of an American outbreak?

Ellen Ruppel Shell's article was terrific. So how lucky should we feel, right now, in December of 2000? Extremely lucky. But there are so many unknown factors about this disease, and how it's spread, and how long it incubates, that our luck may run out. Cattle in the United States are still being fed cattle blood, as well as rendered livestock wastes from hog slaughterhouses. They're still being fed dead horses. And poultry in the United States are routinely being fed the rendered waste from cattle slaughterhouses. The potential for this pathogen to jump from species to species exists. Somehow it might wind up infecting people. We've taken a big risk by turning ruminants into unwitting cannibals and carnivores. The European Union is now banning the use of all slaughterhouse wastes in animal feed. We should do the same thing, immediately.

Do you think there's a false sense of security, that people in this country assume that since there's a food safety system in place it must be effective?

With each new E. coli outbreak there is a greater anxiety about the food that we eat. But there's still an enormous lack of awareness about how our food-safety system works and how the meatpacking industry has been able to work it. The industry has for years spread large sums of money throughout the political process. And the USDA has always had close ties to the industry. If you look back at Teddy Roosevelt's campaign against the meatpacking industry, you'll find that the same battle has been fought now for almost a century. It's a battle to get this industry to assume responsibility for the meat that it sells. Automobile companies are held responsible for cars that are fundamentally defective, that explode on impact, etc. But the meatpacking industry has, with remarkable success, fought every attempt to make it liable for the sale of contaminated, potentially deadly, meat.

Very few people realize that the U.S. government does not have the power to order the recall of contaminated meat. The Clinton administration made a sincere effort to reform the nation's food-safety and inspection program, but the Republicans in Congress were determined to impede any major overhaul of the system. So what we wound up with is a watered-down food-safety system. One of the most remarkable things is that meatpacking companies today are routinely testing their meat for dangerous pathogens, but don't have to reveal the results of these tests to the government. A recent investigation by the Inspector General of the USDA suggested that companies are shipping meat that they've tested and that they know to be contaminated. By not revealing the test results to the USDA, they're able to ship this meat. It's incredible what is being sold in supermarkets throughout the country as we speak.

You warn that "Anyone who brings raw ground beef into his or her kitchen today must regard it as a potential biohazard, one that may carry an extremely dangerous microbe, infectious at an extremely low dose." And you say that the levels of poultry contamination are even higher. How would you respond to someone who has always eaten poultry and ground beef, has never been sick, and who might perceive this as alarmism?

I don't think that I'm being an alarmist. I'm just letting people know what's in their meat. There's no question that the level of contamination in poultry is much, much higher, and the level in ground turkey is highest of all. The pathogens most commonly found in poultry-Salmonella and Campylobacter-are not as deadly, relatively speaking, as the E. coli 0157:H7 that turns up in ground beef. Keep in mind, though, that every year about 30,000 Americans are hospitalized for Salmonella and Campylobacter infections they got from tainted food. And when the Centers for Disease Control says that there are about 76 million cases of food poisoning in the United States every year, that's not being alarmist. That's a fact.

As for people who think they've never been sickened by ground beef or poultry, my response would be: how do you know? The symptoms of food poisoning often don't appear for days after the contaminated meal was eaten. As a result, most cases of food poisoning are never properly diagnosed. There may be some people with cast-iron stomachs who never get sick, and good for them. But there are millions of people, especially children and the elderly, who are extremely vulnerable to foodborne pathogens.

By the way, I'm not a vegetarian. I have a lot of respect for people who are vegetarian for religious or ethical reasons. Despite everything I saw and learned while researching this book, I'm still a meat eater. But I don't eat ground beef anymore. I've seen where it comes from and how it's now being made. One of my favorite dishes in the world used to be steak tartare, which is raw ground beef seasoned and then served. I think you'd have to be a great thrill-seeker or out of your mind to eat steak tartare today. . . .

In the book you quote Upton Sinclair's famous statement about 's reception: "I aimed for the public's heart, and by accident I hit it in the stomach." While successful in igniting a public-health scandal, which led to the enactment of food-safety legislation, Sinclair's exposé did nothing to improve the plight of packinghouse workers. If you had to choose, which of the issues in do you personally feel most strongly about? Where, in your opinion, is the need for regulatory action most urgent?

Well, ideally, you'd hit both. There is an immediate instinct in most people to worry first about themselves, and that's totally understandable and natural. A large part of the book pertains to food safety and what's in the meat and what we're eating and what the consequences are. It's much more of a challenge to try to get readers to care about other people, about poor and exploited people who are in need of help. I hope the section on meatpacking workers will bring some attention to and empathy for their plight. Of greatest immediate concern to me are the forty to fifty thousand meatpacking workers who are being injured every year and the roughly one hundred thousand Americans, mainly children and the elderly, who are being sickened by dangerous E. coli such as 0157:H7. There are some very simple steps that could be taken very quickly that would reduce the number of injuries in meatpacking and reduce the number of food poisoning cases in the United States. This isn't rocket science. It's technologies and procedures that could be implemented if not tomorrow then next month. The tragedy is they're not being implemented right now because of complacency and greed.

For example?

Well, to improve worker safety, there could be an immediate and tough crackdown on the meatpacking companies by OSHA (the Occupational Safety and Health Administration) and strict enforcement of the worker safety laws that we already have. The easiest step would be to slow down the production line. The big beef slaughterhouses in this country process between 300 and 375, sometimes up to 400 cattle an hour. In Western Europe slaughterhouses tend to slaughter 75 to 100 cattle an hour. In Australia it's about 115. The number of injuries at a plant is often directly related to the speed of the line, so the first thing would be to force these companies to slow down their production lines.

As for food safety, the meatpacking companies should be held strictly accountable for the products that they sell. Manufacturers of stuffed animals are held accountable. The government can force them to recall stuffed animals that are defective and that might choke children. In the same way, the meatpacking companies should be held accountable for the sale of contaminated meat. There should be legislation passed immediately that gives the federal government the power to recall tainted meat. It should not be up to the meatpacking companies to issue voluntarily recalls. The federal government should also be given the power to impose large civil fines on meatpacking companies that knowingly ship tainted meat. We should also reorganize the food-safety system in the United States so that there is a single food-safety agency, like there is in many Western European countries. About a dozen federal agencies have jurisdiction over food safety right now. The Department of Agriculture is in charge not only of inspecting our meat, but also of promoting its sale. There's an inherent conflict of interest. We need an independent food-safety agency whose first priority is public health.

In the epilogue you say that the likelihood of such regulatory legislation being passed is slim.

When I wrote the epilogue last spring, the odds were slim. Now they're just about down to none. The meatpacking and restaurant industries work closely with the right-wing Republicans in Congress. Nevertheless, at some point, if enough people demand change and enough pressure is applied, these things could happen. What I'm afraid of is that it might take another large outbreak and a lot of children getting sick for Congress to act.

In the epilogue of the book I also talk about the most immediate way to bring about change, which is through pressure put on the fast-food chains. At the moment the industry is remarkably responsive to consumer demand because the market for fast food is highly saturated and all of the chains are worried about holding on to their customers. The McDonald's Corporation is the world's largest purchaser of beef. I have no doubt that if McDonald's told its suppliers to change their labor practices or their food-safety practices, they would do so-without much delay. Earlier this year, in response to protests by PETA (People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals), McDonald's imposed new rules on its suppliers specifying how livestock should be raised and slaughtered, stressing the humane treatment of animals. The rules set forth how much living space hogs and chickens should be provided, that sort of thing. Well, I'd like McDonald's to take the same sort of interest in the ethical treatment of human beings-in the working conditions and the dangers faced by the people who make their Big Macs.

Source
Source: The Atlantic Monthly Online, December 14, 2000, "Interview with Eric Schlosser, Author of Fast Food Nation."
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Fast Food Nation  
Fast food nation.jpg
Paperback cover.
Author Eric Schlosser
Country United States
Language English
Subject(s) Fast food
Genre(s) Non-fiction
Publisher Houghton Mifflin
Publication date January 17, 2001
Pages 288 pp
ISBN 0-395-97789-4
OCLC Number 45248356
Dewey Decimal 394.1/0973 21
LC Classification TX945.3 .S355 2001

Fast Food Nation: The Dark Side of the All-American Meal (2001) is a book by investigative journalist Eric Schlosser that examines the local and global influence of the United States fast food industry. First serialized by Rolling Stone[1] in 1999, the book has drawn comparisons to Upton Sinclair's classic muckraking novel The Jungle.[2] Schlosser writes as a correspondent for the Atlantic Monthly, and has received a number of journalistic honors, including a National Magazine Award for an Atlantic article about marijuana and the war on drugs. Fast Food Nation, sub-titled The Dark Side of the All-American Meal, is his first book.

Contents

Growth of the fast food industry

Schlosser describes the growth of the fast food industry as being driven by fundamental changes in United States society. Since the 1970s there has been a steady decline in the hourly wage (adjusted for inflation) of the average United States worker. Additionally more and more United States mothers were working outside the home. In 1975, about 1/3 of United States mothers with young children held jobs. That ratio has risen to 2/3 at the beginning of the 21st century. A generation ago, three-quarters of the money used to buy food in the US was spent to prepare meals at home. Today, about half of that same money is spent in restaurants – mainly fast food restaurants. In 1968, McDonald's had 1,000 restaurants – today it has about 30,000, and 2,000 new ones are opening each year.

McDonald's Corporation

Schlosser provides the following information in his book:

  • One out of every eight workers in the US has, at some point worked at a McDonald's restaurant.
  • It is the nation's largest purchaser of beef, pork and potatoes and second largest of chicken (KFC is number one);
  • It has replaced Coca Cola as the world's most famous brand, but serves Coca Cola in its establishments;
  • It operates more playgrounds – designed to attract children and their parents to its restaurants – than any other private entity in the US;
  • The McDonalds Corporation is located in Oak Brook, Illinois

Schlosser quotes the farm activist Jim Hightower who, in the early 1970s, warned of "the McDonaldization of America": "He viewed the emerging fast food industry as a threat to independent business, as a step toward a food economy dominated by giant corporations, and as a homogenizing influence on American life." In Eat Your Heart Out (1975), he argued that "bigger is not better." Schlosser says that much of what Hightower feared has become a reality. He believes that the centralized purchasing decisions of the large restaurant chains e.g. McDonald's, KFC, Burger King and Pizza Hut now have an unprecedented degree of power over the nation's food supply, as well as "wiping out small businesses, obliterating regional differences, and spreading identical stores throughout the country like a self-replicating code."[3]

Soft Drinks

Schlosser also provides information about the three largest US soft drinks companies, Coca-Cola, Pepsi and Cadbury-Schweppes. These companies spend large sums including on school funding programs to increase the amount of their products consumed by American children. Americans drink soft drinks at an annual rate of about 56 gallons per person (approx. 600 twelve ounce cans of soda). Coca-Cola has set its goal of raising this consumption of its products by at least 25 percent. As the adult market is stagnant, selling more soft drinks to children has become the easiest way to meet sales projections. "Influencing elementary school students is very important to soft drinks marketers," an article in the Jan. 1999 issue of Beverage Industry explained, "because children are still establishing their tastes and habits ... eight year olds are considered ideal customers as they have about sixty-five years of purchasing in front of them." "Entering the schools makes perfect sense," the trade journal concludes.

"Liquid Candy" report

Schlosser quotes a 1999 study by the Centre for Science in the Public Interest. It describes how US children are affected by the beverage industry. Some of the main points that Schlosser includes are:

  • In 1978, the typical teenage male in the US drank about seven ounces of soft drinks daily. Today he drinks nearly three times that amount, deriving 9 percent of his daily caloric intake from soft drinks.
  • Soft drinks consumption amongst teenage females has doubled within the same period, reaching an average of 12 oz. a day.
  • A significant number of boys are now drinking five or more cans of soft drinks a day – each can contains the equivalent of about 10 teaspoons of sugar.
  • Soft drinks like Coke, Pepsi, Mountain Dew and Dr. Pepper provide empty calories and have replaced far more nutritious beverages in the American diet. Excessive soft drinks consumption in childhood can lead to calcium deficiency and a great likelihood of bone fractures.
  • Twenty years ago, US teenage males drank twice as much milk as soft drinks; now they drink twice as many soft drinks as milk.
  • "About one-fifth of the US's 1 and 2 year olds now drink soft drinks." Michael Jacobson, the report's author, describes the marketing practice of licensing manufacturers' logos to Munchkin Bottling Inc., a major manufacturer of baby bottles. A 1997 study, published in the Journal of Dentistry for Children, found that many infants were being fed soft drinks in those bottles.[4]

The fast food chains run advertisements on Channel One, the commercial television network whose programming is shown in classrooms in almost every school, to eight million US middle, junior and high school students. Schlosser further points out that the chains promote their products by selling school lunches, accepting a lower profit margin in order to create brand loyalty.

For example:

  • At least twenty school districts in the US have their own Subway franchises; an additional 1,500 districts have Subway contracts; and nine operate Subway sandwich carts.
  • Taco Bell sells products in about 4,500 school cafeterias. Pizza Hut, Domino's Pizza and McDonald's are now selling food in US schools. The American School Food Service estimates that about 30 percent of the public high schools in the US offer branded fast food.
  • Elementary schools in Fort Collins, Colorado now serve food from Pizza Hut, McDonald's and Subway on special lunch days. "We try to be more like the fast food places where these kids are hanging out" a Colorado school administrator told the Denver Post. "We want kids to think school lunch is a cool thing, the cafeteria a cool place, that we're with it."[5]

US slaughterhouses

Slaughterhouses are discussed at length in the chapters, "Cogs in the great machine" and "The most dangerous job."

Schlosser describes a visit to a slaughterhouse in Lexington, Nebraska. According to one resident, there are three odors that pervade the town, "burning hair and blood, that greasy smell, and the odor of rotten eggs." Schlosser describes how hydrogen sulfide is the gas responsible for the rotten egg smell. It rises from the slaughterhouse wastewater lagoons, causes respiratory problems and headaches, and at high levels can cause permanent damage to the nervous system (in Jan. 2002 the Justice Department sued IBP, Inc. for violation of the Clean Air Act at its Dakota City plant).

On another occasion he visits a slaughterhouse "somewhere in the High Plains" which is one of the nation's largest. He is shown around by someone with access to the plant who is upset by its working conditions. About 5,000 head of cattle are slaughtered there every day. Schlosser describes in graphic terms the different jobs involved in turning a steer into packaged meat, of which one of the most graphic are the "sticker" and the "knocker." The sticker severs the carotid artery of a steer every ten seconds. The knocker stuns cattle on arrival to the slaughterhouse by shooting them in the head with a captive bolt stunner:

The animals keep strolling up, oblivious to what comes next, and he stands over them and shoots. For eight-and-a-half hours, he just shoots. As I stand there, he misses a few times and shoots the same animal twice. As soon as the steer falls, a worker grabs one of its hind legs, shackles it to a chain, and the chain lifts the huge animal into the air. I watch the knocker knock cattle for a couple of minutes. The animals are powerful and imposing one moment and then gone in an instant, suspended from a rail, ready for carving. A steer slips from its chain, falls to the ground, and gets its head caught in one end of a conveyor belt. The production line stops as workers struggle to free the steer, stunned but alive, from the machinery. I've seen enough.[6]

As an investigative journalist, Schlosser also interviews some of the migrant workers who make up the majority workforce of these slaughterhouses. In this regard, Schlosser links the rising trend in migrant workers from developing countries (and by extension the social issues this creates) with the expansion of the US fast food industry.

One IBP Lexington worker describes her journey from Guatemala in search of work. Others talk about the relentless pressure resulting from the speed of the work. The faster the cattle are packaged, the greater the profitability of the slaughterhouse (the three meatpacking giants – IBP, Inc., ConAgra and Excel – try to maximize their profits by maximizing the volume of production at each plant), but also the greater the likelihood of injuries to the workers. Whereas the old Chicago meatpacking plants slaughtered about 50 cattle an hour, the modern plants slaughter up to 400 an hour. As injured workers are a drain on profits, many of these injuries go unreported – injured workers who cooperate are shifted to an easier job to have time to recover, or they are sent back to their home country to recuperate and later return to work in the US. Injured workers report being given the most unpleasant jobs and their hourly wages are cut. As one former IBP worker explains, "They're trying to deter you, period, from going to the doctor."[7]

Marketing

In the chapter entitled "Your Trusted Friends," Schlosser takes a critical look at what he claims is a deliberate targeting of children by fast food and soft drinks companies. He describes an explosion in advertising to children that occurred in the 1980s. Schlosser describes how many working parents felt guilty about spending less time with their kids, and started to spend more money on them. One marketing expert has called the 1980s "the decade of the child consumer." The majority of advertising directed at children today aims to achieve the immediate goal of a purchase. As one marketer explained in Selling to Kids, "It's not just getting kids to whine, it's giving them a specific reason to ask for a product." The sociologist Vance Packard described children as "surrogate salesmen" who had to persuade other people, usually their parents, to buy what they wanted. The aim of children's advertising, as Schlosser points out, is straight forward: get kids to nag their parents for consumer goods.

This competition for young customers has led fast food chains to form marketing partnerships with toy companies, sports leagues and Hollywood studios. McDonald's has staged promotions with the NBA and the Olympics. Pizza Hut, Taco Bell and KFC signed a three year deal with the NCAA. Burger King, Nickelodeon, McDonald's and the Fox Kids Network have formed partnerships that mix advertisements for fast food with children's entertainment. Burger King has sold chicken nuggets shaped like Teletubbies.

Global expansion

Schlosser states that, just as in the United States, "the fast food companies have targeted their worldwide advertising and promotion at a group of consumers with fewest attachments to tradition: young children."

His research reveals that:

  • In Australia, where the number of fast food restaurants roughly tripled during the 1990s, a survey found that half of the nation's 9 and 10 year olds thought that Ronald McDonald knew what kids should eat.
  • At a primary school in Beijing, it was found that all of the children recognized the image of Ronald McDonald, saying that "... he understood children's hearts." Coca-Cola is now the favorite drink amongst Chinese children, and McDonald's serves their favorite food.
  • Germany is now one of McDonald's most profitable overseas markets, with more than a thousand restaurants. "The Golden Arches have become so commonplace in Germany that they seem almost invisible," Schlosser notes. McDonald's Deutschland has put restaurants in new Wal-Mart stores because the latter expects the kiddie factor to create an upsurge in customers.[8]

Fast Food and Obesity

The relationship between a nation's fast food consumption and its rate of obesity has not been definitively established through any long-term epidemiological study. However, Schlosser contends that "it seems wherever America's fast food chains go, waistlines inevitably start expanding."[9]

Schlosser argues that the United States has the highest obesity rate of any industrialized nation. More than half of all American adults and about one-quarter of all American children are now classified as obese or overweight. Those proportions are believed to have increased dramatically during the last few decades, along with the consumption of fast food, with the rate of obesity among US children twice as high as in the late 1970s.

An obese person is someone with a Body Mass Index (BMI) of 30 or higher. Today about 44 million American adults are considered obese, with an additional 6 million so-called super-obese i.e. they weigh about a hundred pounds more than they should. Schlosser comments that "No other nation in history has gotten so fat so fast." In simple terms, Schlosser argues, when people eat more and move less, they get fat. In the US, people have become increasingly sedentary and consume more restaurant meals, including fast food. As people eat more food outside the home, they consume more calories, less fiber and more fat.[10]

Editions

References

  1. ^ Audio Interview: Eric Schlosser. The New York Times listen to audio file. 
  2. ^ Tichi, Cecilia (2004). "From the Jungle to Fast Food Nation: American Déjà Vu". Exposés and excess: muckraking in America, 1900-2000. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 0812237633. 
  3. ^ Eric Schlosser, Fast Food Nation, pp. 4–5, Penguin Books, 2002
  4. ^ Eric Schlosser, Fast Food Nation, p. 54, Penguin Books, 2002
  5. ^ Eric Schlosser, Fast Food Nation, p. 56, Penguin Books, 2002
  6. ^ Eric Schlosser, Fast Food Nation, p. 171, Penguin Books, 2002
  7. ^ Eric Schlosser, Fast Food Nation, pp. 174–175, Penguin Books, 2002
  8. ^ Eric Schlosser, Fast Food Nation, pp. 232–233, Penguin Books, 2002
  9. ^ Eric Schlosser, Fast Food Nation, p. 242, Penguin Books, 2002
  10. ^ Eric Schlosser, Fast Food Nation, pp. 240–241, Penguin Books, 2002

See also

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