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| Political Biography: Feliks Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky |
(b. Poland, 12 Sept. 1877; d. Moscow, 20 July 1926) Polish; Head of the Bolshevik secret police 1917 – 26 Dzerzhinsky was born in Russian Poland into a family of gentry and intelligentsia. As a boy he hoped to become a Catholic priest before converting to Marxism. In 1896 he joined the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, working as a revolutionary agitator among the workers, and was regularly imprisoned. In 1900 he was a founding member of the Social Democratic Party of the Kingdom of Poland (SKDPiL). The SKDPiL opposed nationalism and stood for close co-operation with the Russian Marxists.
After the February Revolution of 1917, Dzerzhinsky joined the Bolshevik Party and became the first head of Lenin's political police (known as the Cheka from 1917 to 1922, and the OGPU from 1923 to 1934). The KGB regarded him as its founding father. He was a member of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party from 1917. From 1921 to 1924 he was People's Commissar for Transport and from 1924 to 1926 was Chairman of the Supreme Council of the National Economy (VSNKh). Both these posts in the economic sector were closely associated with the political police and its broader brief of maintaining order. Dzerzhinsky showed a good understanding of economic problems. He was a supporter of the New Economic Policy after 1921, which meant the maintenance of broad sectors of the market economy and sensitivity to the economic needs of the peasantry. In 1924 he was made a member of the Politburo. Dzerzhinsky died of a heart attack in 1926 while delivering a ferocious attack on the Bolshevik's enemies at a meeting of the Central Committee. He was remembered not only for his ability but also as the "Iron Feliks", an uncompromising man with an almost superhuman capacity for work. Dzerzhinsky became a hallowed symbol of the revolution in the Soviet Union.
| Biography: Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky |
The Soviet politician Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky (1877-1926) participated in the Polish and Russian revolutionary movements. He was the organizer and first administrator of the Soviet internal security apparatus.
Felix Dzerzhinsky was born in Poland of a landholding family. While still a student, he became involved in antigovernment politics, and on completion of his secondary education he embarked upon a career as a revolutionary political leader. Between 1897 and 1917 he was arrested and imprisoned or exiled five times. Although most of his actual political work was in Poland, he became more deeply involved with the Russian Social Democratic party than with the Social Democratic party of Poland and Lithuania; he was ultimately identified with the Leninist (Bolshevik) faction of the Russian revolutionary movement.
It was only after the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917 that Dzerzhinsky's talents began to be fully exploited. In December 1917 he accepted appointment as chairman of the All Russian Extraordinary Commission, subsequently known by its Russian initials, Cheka. This organization was responsible for enforcing obedience to party and state decisions during the early days of the Revolution. The Cheka is generally regarded as the principal instrument of "Red terror" during the course of the civil war.
Although his opinions on policy frequently varied from those of Lenin, Dzerzhinsky's obedience to established policy seems to have been complete, and he held a large number and range of offices during the unsettled postrevolutionary days. In the summer of 1920 he was appointed head of the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD); the following spring he became commissar of the Peoples' Commissariat of Ways and Communications; and in February 1924 he was named president of the Supreme Council of National Economy (Vesenkha).
Throughout this period Dzerzhinsky supported the stated policy of the party with increasing vigor, while rejecting all alternative views. In particular he stood on the side of centralization as the Central Control Commission, originally founded to ensure that the center reflected the wishes of the party rank and file, became an agency for placing supporters of Stalin's policies in positions of power.
After the death of Lenin in 1924, the struggle for power between Stalin and his opponents sharpened, and Dzerzhinsky increasingly played the role of an apologist of both party unity and Stalin. During a particularly acute Central Committee confrontation in 1926 Dzerzhinsky, vigorously defending Stalin, suffered a fatal heart attack.
Further Reading
There is a translation of Dzerzhinsky's early work in his Prison Diary and Letters (1959). Although there is an extensive literature on Dzerzhinsky in periodicals, there are few full-length works. The best known of these in English are B. Jaxa-Ronikier, The Red Executioner Dzierjinski (trans. 1935), and Bernard Bromage, Man of Terror: Dzherzhynski (1956). Background material on the police apparatus can be found in Simon Wolin and Robert Slusser, eds., The Soviet Secret Police (1957).
Additional Sources
Felix Dzerzhinsky: a biography, Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1988.
| Russian History Encyclopedia: Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky |
(1877 - 1926), Polish revolutionary; first head of the Soviet political police.
Felix Dzerzhinsky descended from a Polish noble family of long standing, with known paternal roots in seventeenth-century historic Lithuania. His father Edmund taught physics and mathematics at the male gymnasium in Taganrog before retiring to the family estate located in present-day Belarus. His mother, Helena Januszewska, came from a well-connected aristocratic family. After Edmund's death in 1882, she raised Felix in a devout Roman Catholic and Polish patriotic environment. A sheltered child, Dzerzhinsky was earmarked by his mother for the priesthood, but his participation in a series of progressively radical student circles in Vilnius led to his expulsion from the gymnasium two months before graduation in 1896. His subsequent involvement with the fledgling Lithuanian Social Democratic Party ended with his arrest in Kaunas in 1897, the first of six arrests in his revolutionary career.
Dzerzhinsky was exiled to and escaped from Siberia on three different occasions. Following his first escape in 1899, he resurfaced in Warsaw, where he founded the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania (SDKPiL) by merging remnants of previously existing social democratic organizations in Warsaw and Vilnius. Over the next dozen years, despite long periods of confinement, Dzerzhinsky constructed the apparatus of a conspiratorial organization that guided the SDKPiL through and beyond the revolutionary turmoil of 1905 - 1907. An ideological disciple of Rosa Luxemburg, Dzerzhinsky was a permanent fixture on the party's executive committee and played a principal role in defining the SDKPiL's relations with the Menshevik and Bolshevik factions of the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party (RSDRP). Following the SDKPiL's formal unification with the Russian party in 1906, Dzerzhinsky represented the former on the RSDRP Central Committee and editorial board.
Dzerzhinsky's final arrest in Warsaw in 1912 resulted in successive sentences to hard labor. He was released from the Moscow Butyrki prison by the March 1917 revolution. Dzerzhinsky was soon caught up in the Russian revolutionary whirlwind, first in Moscow, then in Petrograd, at which time he entered the Bolshevik Central Committee. Dzerzhinsky played a key role in the Military Revolutionary Committee that carried out the October 1917 coup d'état, and he assumed responsibility for security of the Bolshevik headquarters at the Smolny Institute. From there it was a logical step for Dzerzhinsky to head an extraordinary commission, the Cheka, to act as the shield and sword of the Bolshevik regime against its enemies and opponents. Under Dzerzhinsky, the Cheka became more than a political police force and instrument of terror. Instead, Dzerzhinsky's obsessive personality and dynamic organizational talents drove the Cheka into almost every area of Soviet life, from disease control and social philanthropy to labor mobilization and management of the railroads. Following the civil war, Dzerzhinsky aligned himself with Bukharin's faction and, as Chairman of the Supreme Economic Council, became a vigorous proponent of the New Economic Policy. Physically weakened by years spent in various prisons, Dzerzhinsky collapsed and died in July 1926 following an impassioned public defense of the policies of the existing Politburo majority.
Bibliography
Blobaum, Robert. (1984). Feliks Dzierzynski and the SD KPiL: A Study of the Origins of Polish Communism. Boulder, CO: East European Monographs (dist. Columbia University Press).
Gerson, Leonard D. (1976). The Secret Police in Lenin's Russia. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
Leggett, George. (1981). The Cheka: Lenin's Political Police. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
—ROBERT E. BLOBAUM
| Columbia Encyclopedia: Feliks Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky |
| Wikipedia: Felix Dzerzhinsky |
| Felix Dzerzhinsky | ||
| Iron Felix | ||
| Felix Dzerzhinsky in 1919 | ||
| Allegiance | Soviet Union | |
|---|---|---|
| Service | Cheka | |
| Born | 11 September [O.S. 30 August] 1877 Ivyanets, Russian Empire |
|
| Died | 20 July 1926 (aged 49) Moscow, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union |
|
| Nationality | Polish | |
| Religion | Atheist | |
| Residence | Moscow, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union | |
| Spouse | Sofia Sigizmundovna Dzerzhinskaya | |
| Occupation | Founder and head of Cheka | |
Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky (Polish: Feliks Dzierżyński [ˈfɛliks dʑerˈʐɨɲski], Russian: Феликс Эдмундович Дзержинский; 11 September [O.S. 30 August] 1877–July 20, 1926) was a Polish Communist revolutionary, famous as the founder of the Bolshevik secret police, the Cheka, later known by many names during the history of the Soviet Union. The agency became notorious for large-scale human rights abuses, including torture and mass summary executions, carried out especially during the Red Terror and the Russian Civil War.[1][2]
Contents |
Dzierżyński was born into a Polish szlachta (noble) family of the Samson coat of arms in the Dziarzhynava estate near Ivyanets and Rakaw in Western Belarus (in present-day Minsk Voblast), then part of the Russian Empire. He attended the Russian gymnasium at Vilna (now Vilnius). As an irony of history, one of the older students at this gymnasium was his future archenemy Józef Piłsudski. Years later, as Marshal of the interwar Polish state, Piłsudski generously recalled that Dzierżyński "distinguished himself as a student with delicacy and modesty. He was rather tall, thin and demure, making the impression of an ascetic with the face of an icon. ... Tormented or not, this is an issue history will clarify; in any case this person did not know how to lie."[3]
Before able to graduate, Dzierżyński was expelled from the gymnasium for "revolutionary activity". He had joined a Marxist group—the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (SDKPiL) in 1895, and was himself one of the founders of Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania in 1900. He spent the major part of his early life in various prisons. In 1897, as leader of a shoemaker's strike, Dzierżyński was arrested for "criminal agitation among the Kovno workers" and the police files from this time stated that: "Feliks Dzierżyński, considering his views, convictions and personal character, will be very dangerous in the future, capable of any crime."[4]
He was arrested for his revolutionary activities in 1897 and 1900, sent to Siberia, and escaped both times. He then went to Berlin and met with the other main leaders of the Polish Social Democratic movement: Rosa Luxemburg and Leo Jogiches. Together with them, he gained control of the party organization through the creation of a Foreign Committee (Komitet Zagraniczny - KZ) which he empowered with wide executive authority. As secretary of the KZ, Dzierżyński dominated the SDKPiL.
Dzierżyński went to Switzerland where his fiancee Julia Goldman was undergoing treatment for tuberculosis. She died in his arms on June 4, 1904. Her illness and death crushed him, and in letters to his sister, Dzierżyński explained that he no longer saw any meaning with his life. That changed with the Russian revolution of 1905 as Dzierżyński was consumed by work again. After the revolution failed, he was again jailed, this time by the Okhrana. He later escaped after which he spent much time abroad, while together with Jogiches reorganizing the party. In many ways the Polish Social Democratic Party now started to move closer to the Bolshevik fraction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party.
Back in Kraków in 1910 Dzierżyński married party member Zofia Muszkat, who was already pregnant. A month later she was arrested and she gave birth to their son Janek in Pawiak prison. In 1911 Zofia Dzierżyńska was sentenced to permanent Siberian exile, and she left the child with her father. Dzierżyński saw his son for the first time in March 1912 in Warsaw. In attending the welfare of his child, Dzierżyński repeatedly exposed himself to the danger of arrest. On one occasion, Dzierżyński narrowly escaped an ambush that the police had prepared at the flat of his father-in-law.[5]
Dzierżyński remained in Poland to lead the Social Democratic Party, while considering his continued freedom "only a game of the Okhrana". The Okhrana, however, was playing no game; Dzierżyński simply was a master of conspiratorial techniques and was therefore extremely difficult to catch. The police files from this time says: "Dzierżyński continued to lead [the Social Democratic party] and at the same time he directed party work here [in Warsaw], he led strikes, he published appeals to workers ... and he traveled on party matters to Łódź and Kraków". The police however were unable to arrest Dzierżyński until the end of 1912, when they found the apartment where he lived under the name of Władysław Ptasiński.[6]
Dzierżyński would spend the next four and one-half year in tsarist prison, first at the notorious Tenth Pavilion of the Warsaw Citadel. When World War I broke out in 1914, all political prisoners were moved from Poland to Russia proper. Dzierżyński was taken initially to Oryol. He was deeply concerned about the fate of his wife and son, with whom he had no communication. Moreover, Dzierżyński was frequently beaten by the Russian prison guards, which among other things led to the permanent disfigurement of his jaw and mouth. In 1916 Dzierżyński was moved to the Moscow Butyrki prison, where he was soon hospitalized because the chains that he was forced to wear had caused severe cramps in his legs. Despite the prospects of amputation, Dzierżyński recovered and was put to labor sewing military uniforms.[7]
Feliks Dzierżyński was freed from Butyrki after the February Revolution of 1917. Upon his release, Dzierżyńskis immediate impulse was to organize Polish refugees in Russia and then go back to Poland and fight for the revolution there, writing to his wife: "together with these masses we will return to Poland after the war and become one whole with the SDKPiL". However, he remained in Moscow where he joined the Bolshevik party, writing to his Polish followers that "the Bolshevik party organization is the only Social Democratic organization of the proletariat, and if we were to stay outside of it, then we would find ourselves outside of the proletarian revolutionary struggle".
Already in April he entered the Moscow Committee of the Bolsheviks and shortly thereafter was elected to the Executive Committee of the Moscow Soviet. Dzierżyński gave his support to Lenin's April Theses - uncompromising opposition to the Provisional Government, the transfer of all political authority to the Soviets, and the immediate withdrawal of Russia from the war.
Dzierżyński subsequently rose to the top of the Bolshevik ranks and was elected to the Bolshevik Central Committee at the Sixth Party Congress in late July. He then moved from Moscow to Petrograd to take up his new responsibilities. In Petrograd, Dzierżyński participated in the crucial session of the Central Committee in October and he strongly supported Lenin's demands for the immediate preparation of an armed uprising, after which Dzierżyński played an active role in the Military Revolutionary Committee during the October Revolution. With the Bolshevik take over, Dzierżyński eagerly assumed responsibility for making security arrangements at the Smolny Institute where the Bolsheviks had their headquarters.[8]
Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin regarded Dzierżyński as a revolutionary hero, and appointed him to organize a force to combat internal political threats. On December 20, 1917, the Council of People's Commissars officially established the All-Russia Extraordinary Commission to Combat Counter-revolution and Sabotage - usually called the Cheka (based on the Russian acronym ВЧК). Dzierżyński became its head. The Cheka received a large amount of resources, and became known for ruthlessly pursuing any perceived counterrevolutionary elements. As the Russian Civil War expanded, Dzierżyński also began organizing internal security troops to enforce the Cheka's authority.
As the Russian Civil War went on, the Cheka took drastic measures. Tens of thousands of political opponents were shot without trial in the basements of prisons and public places throughout Russia[9] — and not only opponents. People who happened to be intellectuals, capitalists and priests were shot simply for who they were.[10] Dzerzhinsky himself boasted that: "We represent in ourselves organized terror -- this must be said very clearly."[11] and “[The Red Terror involves] the terrorization, arrests and extermination of enemies of the revolution on the basis of their class affiliation or of their pre-revolutionary roles.”[12]
At the end of the Civil War in 1922 , the Cheka was changed into the GPU (State Political Directorate), a section of the NKVD, but this did not diminish Dzierżyński's power: from 1921-24, he was Minister of the Interior, head of the Cheka/GPU/OGPU, Minister for Communications, and head of the Vesenkha (Supreme Council of National Economy).
At his office in Lubyanka, Dzierżyński kept a portrait of Rosa Luxemburg on the wall.[13]
Feliks Dzierżyński-Felix Dzerzhinsky became a Bolshevik as late as in 1917. Therefore it is wrong to claim, as the official Soviet historians later did, that Dzerzhinsky had been one of Lenin's oldest and most reliable comrades, or that Lenin had exercised some sort of spellbinding influence on Dzerzhinsky and the SDKPiL. In fact Lenin and Dzerzhinsky frequently held opposing views on many important ideological and political issues of the pre-revolutionary period, and also after the October Revolution. After 1917, Dzerzhinsky would oppose Lenin on such crucial issues as the Brest-Litovsk peace, the trade unions, and Soviet nationality policy.
Dzerzhinsky therefore did not rise to the top of the Soviet power structure because he was a "yes man". What brought Dzerzhinsky and Lenin together in 1917 was a common commitment to the revolution. Subsequently, it was Dzerzhinsky's creative organizational ability and willingness to take on unwelcome and difficult tasks that earned him a place among the Bolshevik leadership. His niche in the SDKPiL had been that of grass-roots organizer and political leader of a conspiratorial party; in the Soviet Union it became, especially after 1921, state administrator.
From 1917 to his death in 1926, Dzerzhinsky was first and foremost a Russian Communist, and Dzerzhinsky's involvement in the affairs of the Polish Communist Party (which was founded in 1918) was minimal. The energy and dedication that had previously been responsible for the building of the SDKPiL would henceforth be devoted to the priorities of the struggle for proletarian power in Russia, to the defense of the revolution during the civil war, and eventually, to the tasks of socialist construction.[14]
Dzerzhinsky died of a heart attack on July 20, 1926 in Moscow, immediately after a two-hour long speech to the Bolshevik Central Committee in which, visibly quite ill, he violently denounced the United Opposition led by Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev, and Lev Kamenev[15]. Upon hearing of his death Stalin eulogized Dzerzhinsky as "...a devout knight of the proletariat."[16]
Dzierżyńszczyzna, one of the two Polish Autonomous Districts in the Soviet Union, was named to commemorate Dzierżyński. Located in Belarus, near Minsk and close to the Soviet-Polish border of the time, it was created on March 15, 1932, with the capital at Dzierżyńsk (Dzyarzhynsk, Dzerzhynsk, formerly known as Kojdanów). The district was disbanded in 1935 at the onset of the Great Purge and most of their administration was executed.
His name and image were widely used throughout the KGB and the Soviet Union— and her satellite states: there were six towns named after him. The town Kojdanava, which is not very far from the estate, was renamed to Dzyarzhynsk. There is also a city of Dzerzhinsk and three cities called Dzerzhinskiy in Russia and two cities in Ukraine called Dzerzhinsk. The Dzerzhinskiy Tractor Works in Stalingrad were named in his honor and became a scene of bitter fighting during the Second World War. There is a museum dedicated to him in his birth place in Belarus. He was held in high regard by the government of the People's Republic of Poland, with many squares, streets and the like named in his honor. Following the fall of communism in Poland, these name places and his statues were removed due to his unpopularity with the Polish people, in spite of his Polish nationality.
Iron Felix also refers to his 15-ton iron monument, which once dominated the Lubyanka Square in Moscow, near the KGB headquarters. It was erected in 1958 by sculptor Yevgeny Vuchetich and was a Moscow landmark in Soviet times. Symbolically, the Memorial to the Victims of the Gulag (a simple stone from Solovki) was erected beside the Iron Felix and the latter was removed in August 1991, after the failed coup of hard-line Communist members of government. The memorial to Dzerzhinsky was toppled by a cheering crowd with the help of a crane. The event symbolized the end of repression. A mock-up of the removal of Dzerzhinsky's statue can be found in the entrance hall of the International Spy Museum in Washington, D.C.
In 2002, Moscow mayor Yuriy Luzhkov proposed returning the statue to its plinth, but the plan was dropped after opposition from liberals and the Kremlin. The statue remained in the graveyard of fallen Soviet memorials at the Central House of Artists, although a smaller bust of Dzerzhinsky in the courtyard of the Moscow police headquarters at Petrovka 38 was restored in November 2005 (this bust had been removed by the police officers on 22 August 1991).
His monument in "Dzerzhinsky Square" (pl. Plac Dzierżyńskiego), in the center of Warsaw, was so hated by the population of the Polish capital as a symbol of Soviet oppression that it was toppled in 1989, as soon as the PZPR started losing power. The name of the square was soon changed to its pre-Second World War name, "Bank Square" (pl: Plac Bankowy).
A new statue of Iron Felix was unveiled in the Belarusian capital, Minsk, on 26 March 2006.[citation needed]
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