Fernando Henrique Cardoso

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(b. 18 June 1931) Brazilian; Senator 1978 – 94, President of the Republic 1995 – 2003 One of Brazil's most distinguished sociologists, Cardoso comes from a military family prominent in the civil and military politics of Brazil. Both his grandfather and great uncle were generals, the latter being Minister of War; but Cardoso's family belonged to the nationalist, reformist tradition in the Brazilian officer corps. His father, General Leônidas Fernandes Cardoso, was associated with the tenente movement which, in the 1920s, opposed the coffee-based oligarchy. Later, as a civilian lawyer, especially under the Vargas administration, he strongly defended national control of Brazil's oil industry, as did his brother, General Felicissimo Cardoso.

With this background, it is not surprising that Cardoso opposed the right-wing military-backed coup in 1964. By this time he was also a member of an outstanding school of social scientists in the University of São Paulo, mainly shaped by the highly respected sociologist and socialist, Florestan Fernandes.

After the 1964 coup, Cardoso taught in universities in Latin America, Europe, and the United States, establishing his reputation as a political sociologist, being best known for his work on dependency theory. He founded, in São Paulo, CEBRAP, the Brazilian Centre for Analysis and Planning and held the Simon Bolivar chair in Cambridge. In 1978, as Brazil's return to democracy gathered pace, Cardoso formally entered politics as the suplente, the officially elected substitute, of Senator Franco Montoro, of the MDB, the Brazilian Democratic Movement, in São Paulo. In 1982, when Montoro was elected governor, Cardoso took his Senate seat. In 1986, he was elected to Senate in his own right.

After Brazil's return to civilian government, in 1985, Cardoso gained invaluable experience in congressional negotiation, working with leaders of the PMDB, the Party of Brazilian Democratic Movement. In 1988, he was one of a group of politicians, many of them from São Paulo, who broke away from that party, to form the PSDB, the Party of Brazilian Social Democracy, the "Tucanos".

When President Itamar Franco took over from the discredited Collor de Mello, in late 1992, Cardoso became Minister of Foreign Affairs, then, in May 1993, Minister of Finance. He then began to introduce a phased stabilization and reform programme which finally took shape, on 1 July 1994, as the Plano Real. In June, the monthly rate of inflation had been just under 50 per cent, but it now dropped sharply, so that in 1995 annual inflation was below 15 per cent, the lowest since 1957.

It was largely the success of the Plano Real which brought Cardoso a sweeping victory in the presidential election of 3 October. He won 54.28 per cent of the vote, in the first round, with over 5.4 million more votes than all seven other candidates.

On the strength of this massive mandate, Cardoso and his team have sought to introduce wide-ranging reforms. They include much-needed fiscal reforms and others affecting the public administration and social security systems. These, however, largely depend on amendments to the constitution of 1988, which require the support of three-fifths of the Congress elected in 1994. In terms of simple arithmetic, Cardoso should be able to marshal such support, but the political realities are more complex, allowing resistance or opposition to his proposals.

After more than two years, the Plano Real is still intact and the reform programme is moving forward slowly. Cardoso has been criticized for not moving faster, especially in terms of social reforms. The completion of his whole programme may require a second consecutive term in office for Cardoso, following the presidential election of 1998: but, at present, such immediate succession is not allowed under the 1988 constitution. Once again, it would require the support of three-fifths of a recalcitrant Congress.

Brazil inaugurated Fernando Henrique Cardoso (born 1931), a world-renowned sociologist, president in 1995. Cardoso's success in that office prompted a constitutional amendment to allow him to run for a second term in 1998.

Fernando Henrique Cardoso's political career lurched to an inauspicious start in 1978. Though no stranger to political thought as an academic, Cardoso, by his own admission, ran "an amateur campaign" his first time before the electorate. However, it was remarkable that he was able to run at all.

As a young intellectual with leftist leanings, Cardoso ran afoul of the government in 1964. In March of that year, President Joao Goulart was forced from power by a military coup as corruption and mismanagement threatened Brazil with chaos. Though Cardoso's father and grandfather both had been respected generals, the young sociologist irritated the new regime. Faced with certain imprisonment, Cardoso chose exile, first to Chile and then to France. After a short return to the University of Sao Paulo in 1968 and 1969, Cardoso packed his bags again for a shuttle career between the United States, Britain, and France.

By 1978, Brazil's ruling generals had relaxed after years of record growth and relative tranquillity. Citizens and foreign diplomats alike clamored for a return to civilian rule, and the military permitted congressional elections. As more of a protest than a serious bid, Cardoso ran for a Senate seat under the banner of the Brazilian Democratic Movement, an opposition party created during military rule to create the illusion of a two-party system. Though he attracted 1.5 million votes, Cardoso lost the election to Franco Montoro and returned to his academic career.

By a quirk of fate and Brazilian electoral law, Cardoso inherited the Senate seat in 1983 after Montoro moved on to become the Governor of Sao Paulo. The consummate academic became a rookie Senator, and at first embodied the clash between two polar-opposite cultures. Accustomed to worshiping ideas, Cardoso quickly learned to bow to a different god.

"As a politician, your responsibility is to change reality and not just to defend principles," said Cardoso, as reported by Alan Riding in the New York Times. "If you're committed to change, you cannot turn an ethical position into an obstacle for action. The problem is that, as an academic, you're trained to tell the truth, but a politician is taught to lie, or at least to omit. As a politician, if you say everything you want, you never get everything you want."

Academic Origins

Cardoso, born June 18, 1931 in Rio de Janeiro, earned his doctorate from the University of Sao Paulo in 1961. After a post-graduate course in sociology at the University of Paris, he returned home and raised enough of a political rumpus to attract the disfavor of the generals newly in charge of Brazil's government. While his friends suffered torture and imprisonment at home, Cardoso served as Professor of Developmental Sociology at the Latin American Institute for Economic and Social Planning in Santiago, Chile.

During this period, he collaborated with Enzo Faletto to write what would become his best known work, Dependencia y desarrollo en Amrica Latina, (Dependency and Development in Latin America). In this work, Cardoso and Faletto examined the tendency of developing post-war Latin American countries to throw off political and economic dependency on foreign powers only to reestablish a new economic dependency on international capitalists and multinational corporations. This academic analysis proved a valuable backdrop for Cardoso's eventual political career, which grew from an intimate understanding of the vagaries of international business and their effects on Brazil's domestic economy.

In 1967 Cardoso accepted a position as Professor of Sociological Theory at the University of Paris-Nanterre for one year, and thence moved home again for a year as Professor of Political Science at the University of Sao Paulo. Finding his career there was still hobbled by political disfavor in his homeland, Cardoso went into self-imposed exile again, first to Stanford University, then to Cambridge University, and finally back to Paris in 1977. Back in Brazil in 1978, Cardoso was the natural choice of the Brazilian Democratic Movement for his ill-fated run for Senate, since he had served both at home and abroad as an advocate for democracy and an advisor to the Brazilian political opposition.

Failing in his first bid for the Senate, Cardoso swung through the international academic world once more, this time as Associate Director of Studies at the Institute for Higher Studies in Social Sciences in Paris and at the University of California.

An Academic Turned Politician

Though chastened by his first foray into the Senate in 1983 and forced to adapt his speech and thinking quickly to survive, Cardoso was drawn to his new role. In 1985 Cardoso thrust himself before voters again, running this time as a social democrat for Mayor of Sao Paulo against Brazil's former President, Jnio Quadros. He ran another inept campaign and lost, too often answering questions as a professor rather than as a politician. Observers noticed he approached meetings with masses of poor, dispossessed voters with barely disguised distaste, unable to reconcile his leftist social consciousness with his sheltered social prejudices.

Though defeated for mayor, Cardoso remained in the Senate and won reelection in 1986. In 1988 he helped found the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB). In 1993, when President Fernando Collor de Mello was ousted for corruption, his Vice President, Itamar Franco, took over. Franco appointed Cardoso foreign minister, in a move to enlist the support of the new PSDB. Within months, after impressing Franco during cabinet meetings, Cardoso was shifted to the more prestigious job of finance minister. By the next general election, Cardoso had gained recognition for his program to reign in hyperinflation, then running at 50 percent per month, and the neophyte politician was a natural choice to become a candidate for president.

Brazilians were naturally weary of inflation, having watched prices increase 22 billion fold in 34 years. Economic plans and currencies had come and gone-five currencies in the eight years preceding the 1994 elections-so voters were both cynical and hopeful when Finance Minister Cardoso announced his "Real Plan." Business leaders felt a strong incentive to make this plan work, since only a strong Cardoso could defeat his popular left-wing opponent, Luis Incio Lula da Silva.

Introduction of the Real Plan was intended to give it enough time to work but not enough to fail before the election. Before its introduction, da Silva held a sizable lead. By October 3, however, with inflation reduced to between 2 and 3 percent per month, the tables turned, and Cardoso won by a 2-to-1 margin. Opponents warned that inflation would soar again just after the election, but their predictions proved false. While 64 percent of registered voters rejected Cardoso by casting their lot with his competitors or filing blank or otherwise invalid ballots, 53 percent of the valid votes swept him into office with what appeared an impressive mandate. In an interview with James F. Hoge, Jr., editor of Foreign Affairs magazine, President Cardoso stated that "Leftist politicians were virtually excluded from the political life of Latin America under authoritarian rule … This situation has changed…. If the goal of a socialist regime is forgotten, the notion of a strong state as the main instrument of development is still alive. Perhaps this is what explains why the left is now a major force among public civil servants and has developed corporate interests in several areas of the state." The alliance which endorsed Cardoso also sent a majority to Congress, though that fact would prove only a mixed blessing later.

The First Term

Cardoso took office on January 1, 1995, and seemed to meet the prayers of the broadest of constituencies. Business leaders, the oligarchy, and foreign powers counted on the new leader to put Brazil's economic house in order, while the economically disenfranchised trusted that the once leftist social scientist would correct the country's social ills. Social inequities in Brazil were staggering, with the richest 20 percent of the population earning 26 times that of the poorest 20 percent. In addition, Brazil suffered high infant mortality, short life expectancy, low literacy rates, poor educational opportunity, high incidence of serious disease, and a nearly non-existent infrastructure.

Foreign investors, upon whom Brazil depended for its growth, demanded domestic economic austerity which would make social programs impossible. Much to the pleasure of the business community and the dismay of his traditional allies on the left, Cardoso proposed to privatize previously nationalized industries, opening vast opportunity for entrepreneurs in communications, mining, energy, and heavy industry. In a risky move, Cardoso used the revenues from privatization to fund social projects beyond the reach of the government's meager resources.

Beyond this strategy, the president worked to tighten the collection of taxes, which posed an unfair advantage for the wealthy. Cardoso vowed to change that. He also tried to retain a greater proportion of the revenues collected for the use of the central government, instead of distributing 65 percent of it to the states as in the past. Since the states had few spending responsibilities, much of that revenue had been frittered away in corruption.

Despite a crisis in Latin America caused by economic disasters in Mexico, Brazil's economy grew healthier, with inflation in check and a gross domestic product increasing at five percent. While the business community complained of bank failures, increasing costs due to rising wages, and a swelling budget deficit, others faulted Cardoso for not moving fast enough toward social reform. Cardoso's popularity grew elsewhere, though, as unemployment dropped and the government initiated education reforms and rural projects which would benefit some of Brazil's poorest citizens. Writing for Current History, Carlos Eduardo Lins da Silva commented that the "new Brazilian president is a professional intellectual in the contemporary meaning of the word; not the 'humanist' of the sixteenth century or the 'philosopher' of the eighteenth and nineteenth, but someone who contributes to the production, confirmation, and dissemination of values, or what might be called 'world visions,' in his or her society."

Cardoso remained responsive to the business community, but leftist critics took comfort that the person with easiest access to his ear was unlikely to forsake social reform. That advisor was anthropologist Ruth Corra Leite Cardoso, Brazil's first lady. Some have likened her to Eleanor Roosevelt of the United States. Many of those least patient with the pace of change under Cardoso remained assured that his wife would not let him forget the ideals of their youth.

A Second Term?

Such was the confidence Cardoso inspired-many claimed he was that country's last hope to head off a return to authoritarianism-that a constitutional amendment was introduced and passed to allow presidents a second term in office. Though Cardoso had been elected to serve only until the end of 1998, he instantly became the leading contender for the term running through 2002. Unfortunately, the El Nino phenomenon brought a drought to northeast Brazil in 1998, and Cardoso was blamed for not taking enough action. Commenting on the president's status in May of that year, Cable News Network (CNN) online stated: "[the] front-runner to win the October elections, has seen his star dim in recent weeks as unrest mounts over millions starving in a severe drought while cost-cutting reforms languish in Congress." Yet, it appeared that the unlikely, awkward politician would still become Brazil's most successful president of his generation.

Further Reading

Business Week, October 10, 1997; June 30, 1997; February 17, 1997; June 10, 1996; October 10, 1995; October 3, 1994.

Current History, February, 1995.

Forbes, June 17, 1996.

Foreign Affairs, July/August, 1995.

Macleans, October 3, 1994.

New York Times, March 14, 1988.

US News and World Report, April 24, 1995.

CNN interactive,http://cnn.com/WORLD/americas (May 19, 1998).

"Fernando Henrique" redirects here. For the Brazilian goalkeeper, see Fernando Henrique dos Anjos.

The neutrality of this article is disputed. Please see the discussion on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until the dispute is resolved. (April 2009)

Fernando Henrique Cardoso
34th President of Brazil
In office January 1, 1999 – January 1, 2003
In office January 1, 1995 – January 1, 1999
Vice President	Marco Maciel
Preceded by	Itamar Franco
Succeeded by	Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva
Born	June 18, 1931 (1931-06-18) (age 78) Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro
Nationality	Brazilian
Political party	Brazilian Social Democracy Party - PSDB
Spouse(s)	Ruth Corrêa Leite Cardoso (deceased)
Alma mater	Universidade de São Paulo
Profession	Sociologist

Fernando Henrique Cardoso, (born June 18, 1931) - also known by his initials FHC - was the 34^th President of the Federative Republic of Brazil for two terms from January 1, 1995 to January 1, 2003. He is an accomplished sociologist, professor and politician.^[1] He was awarded in 2000 with the prestigious Prince of Asturias Award for International Cooperation.^[2]

Contents 1 Personal and professional life 2 Education 3 Elections 4 Fernando Henrique Cardoso's Administration (1995-2003) 5 After Presidency 6 Awards 7 Selected works 8 References

Personal and professional life

Born in Rio de Janeiro, he has lived in São Paulo most of his life. Cardoso is a widower (he was married to Ruth Vilaça Correia Leite Cardoso until her death in June 24, 2008) and has four children.^[3] Educated as a sociologist, he was a Professor of Political Science and Sociology at the Universidade de São Paulo.^[4] He was President of the International Sociological Association (ISA), from 1982 to 1986. He is a member of the Institute for Advanced Study (Princeton),^[5] an honorary foreign member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and has penned several books. He was also Associate Director of Studies in the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales in Paris and then visiting professor at the Collège de France and later at the Paris-Nanterre University.^[6] He later lectured at United States' universities including Stanford University and the University of California, Berkeley.^[6] He is fluent in four languages: Portuguese, English, French and Spanish.^[6]

After his presidency, he was appointed to a five-year term (2003-2008) as professor-at-large at Brown University's Watson Institute for International Studies, where he is now on the board of overseers. Cardoso is a founding member of the University of Southern California Center on Public Diplomacy's Advisory Board.^{[citation needed]} In February 2005, he gave the fourth annual Kissinger Lecture on Foreign Policy and International Relations at the Library of Congress, Washington DC on "Dependency and Development in Latin America.^[7] In 2005, Cardoso was selected by the British magazine Prospect as being one of the world's top one hundred living intellectuals.^{[8][9][10][11]}

Education

FHC is a well-known professor and intellectual. He earned his Bachelor in Social Sciences from Universidade de São Paulo in 1952, his Master in Sociology from Universidade de São Paulo and his Ph.D. in Sociology from Universidade de São Paulo. Cardoso has also received the Livre-Docência prize, the most important award possibly given to an academic, in 1963, also from USP. In 1968, he received the title of Cathedratic Professor, holding the chair of Political Science at Universidade de São Paulo. ^[12] Nowadays, Cardoso currently give speeches and classes abroad. ^[13]

Elections

In the beginning of his political life, Fernando Henrique was elected Senator of the state of São Paulo for the former MDB, in 1982. In 1985, he ran for Mayor of São Paulo even though he was in front according to the polls, he lost to former President Jânio Quadros in an episode which, believing he was going to win the election, he let himself be photographed in the mayor's chair before the elections. Some attribute his loss in the election to this episode.

Re-elected for the Senate in 1986 for the PMDB, which substituted MDB after Brazilian re-democratization, he helped a group of parliamentarians of PMDB to abandon the party in order to create the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB). Until 1992, Cardoso served as Leader of the PSDB in the Senate. From October 1992 to May 1993, he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs under President Itamar Franco (PMDB).

From May 1993 until April 1994, he was Minister of Finance and introduced the Plano Real (Real Plan) to end hyperinflation. Buoyed by the success of the Plano Real, Cardoso decided to run for the Presidency and, backed by President Franco, won in the first round of elections, on October 3, 1994. Four years later, in October 4, 1998, after a Constitutional Amendment that allowed reelection, Cardoso won the Presidency again, with approximately 53% of the vote, while his closest challenger, Luíz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), had about 32%.

Cardoso was succeeded in 2003 by Lula da Silva, who was running for President for the fourth time. Lula won in the runoff against the Cardoso-supported candidate José Serra. Lula's election has since been interpreted as a result of Cardoso's growing unpopularity in his second term.

Fernando Henrique Cardoso's Administration (1995-2003)

President Putin with President Fernando Henrique Cardoso in January 2002.

Cardoso, often nicknamed "FHC", was elected with the support of a heterodox alliance of his own Social Democratic Party, the PSDB, and two right-wing parties, the Liberal Front Party (PFL) and the Brazilian Labour Party (PTB). Brazil's largest party, the centrist Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement (PMDB), joined Cardoso's governing coalition after the election, as did the right-wing PPB, the Brazilian Progressive Party, in 1996.

Party loyalty was weak, and deputies and senators belonging to the parties in the coalition did not always vote with the government. President Cardoso had difficulty, at times, gaining sufficient support for some of his legislative priorities, despite the fact that his coalition parties held an overwhelming majority of congressional seats.

In 2000, Cardoso demanded the disclosure of some classified military files concerning Operation Condor, a network of South American military dictatorships that kidnapped and assassinated political opponents.^[14]

A feature of Cardoso's administration, was the continuity of the privatization program, initiated with his predecessor Fernando Collor de Mello, of several government-owned enterprises such as Acesita, Telebras and Companhia Vale do Rio Doce. The result was the deepest process of desnationalization of the Brazilian economy in the last 500 years, the multiplication of the public debt of 78 for 890 billion reais in 8 years (30,5 as 55,57% of the gross domestic product), the growth of the load of taxes of 27.90% for 36% of the GDP, the debit with the IMF (today totally paid) arrived the 40 billion dollars, the international reserves had diminished of 51.8 billion for 37 billion dollars, the minimum salary took 7 years to go up of 100 for 200 reais, and, for a population of more than 160 million people, she was servant average of only 100,000 new jobs per year, with a negative result of 8 billion dollar in the international trade.^[15]. Some members of Collor's government were also part of the later Cardoso administration in different or similar functions: Pedro Malan, Renan Calheiros (PMDB-AL); Antônio Kandir (PSDB-SP); Pratini de Moraes and Celso Lafer; Renold Stephanes; Pedro Parente.

The month before the Plano Real started, June 1994, monthly inflation averaged 31.2 percent in 1994, for a total of 2,294 percent that year. Inflation further declined to monthly rates of between 1-3% in 1995, for an annual rate of 25.9 percent. In 1996, 16.5 percent; 1997, 7.2 percent.^[16].

As a result, major reforms planned by the Executive branch, such as changes in the tax system and in social security, were only partially approved after really long and tiring discussions. On January 8, 1996, he issued the controversial Decree 1775, which created a framework for the clear demarcation of indigenous reservations, which as part of the process opened indigenous territories to counter-claims by adjacent landowners.

Using his previous experience as Minister of Foreign Affairs and his prestige as an internationally famous sociologist, FHC was greatly respected in the world scenario, building friendships with such leaders as Bill Clinton and Ernesto Zedillo. Although he was respected abroad, in Brazil FHC had problems explaining his government priorities to Congress and people in general. Although claiming to be a leftist and supporter of social-democracy, FHC took some decisions in economy that led people to believe he became a neoliberal.

He also experienced personal problems with former ally Itamar Franco, his predecessor that later became Governor of Minas Gerais. FHC was also criticized for transforming the Constitution to his own benefit - creating reelection and allowing him to stay eight years in office. Most people think that his popularity in his first four years was gained with the continuation of Plano Real, but decreased in his last four years after different crisis in politics and in the energy department. He also publicly admitted that he could have done more for public security and for the creation of new jobs.

After Presidency

Former Presidents (from right), Sarney, Collor and Cardoso, 2008

After he stepped down from office, FHC has been giving lectures at Brown University, about Brazilian economic policy, urban development, and deforestation [1]. Also, he dedicates his time to a personal institute created by him in São Paulo, based on the model of bodies created by former Presidents of the United States. He has written two books about his experience as President of Brazil, and has given many interviews. In 2006, he helped the campaign of the PSDB candidate for the Presidency, Geraldo Alckmin, and has said many times that he does not wish to run for office again. In 2007, he became a member of the editorial board of the Latin American policy publication Americas Quarterly, for which he is a regular contributor.

He has also taught as a guest lecturer at Sciences Po in Paris.

After leaving the Brazilian presidency, Cardoso also joined the Club of Madrid. ^[17]

Awards

• Order of the Bath, United Kingdom
• Order of Infante D. Henrique, Portugal
• Order of Liberty, Portugal
• Order of the Elephant, Denmark
• Order of the Star of Romania, Romania
• 1978 Honorary Doctor of Laws, Rutgers University

Selected works

• Cardoso, Fernando Henrique (2006) The Accidental President of Brazil, PublicAffairs, ISBN 1-58648-324-2
• Cardoso, Fernando Henrique (2001) Charting a New Course: The Politics of Globalization and Social Transformation, Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 0-7425-0893-5

References

1. ^ MSNBC News-Newsweek International: 'Che Guevara In Tweed'
2. ^ http://www.fundacionprincipedeasturias.org/ing/04/premiados/trayectorias/trayectoria656.html Fernando Henrique Cardoso
3. ^ "BERGAMO, Mônica. FHC decide reconhecer oficialmente filho que teve há 18 anos com jornalista. São Paulo: Folha Online, 15 de novembro de 2009". http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/brasil/fc1511200905.htm. 
4. ^ Biography at Brown University
5. ^ Biography at the Clinton Global Initiative
6. ^ ^{a b c} "Fernando Henrique Cardoso's biography on the Harry Walker Agency Speakers' Bureau wesite". http://www.harrywalker.com/speakers_template.cfm?Spea_ID=624. Retrieved 2007-04-28. 
7. ^ News from the Library of Congress
8. ^ Interview with Al Jazeera English's Riz Khan
9. ^ Fernando Henrique Biography (Portuguese)
10. ^ Instituto Fenrnando Henrique Cardoso
11. ^ President Cardoso's lecture at the Clinton School of Public Service: Democracy Today: The Experience of Latin America (Podcast)
12. ^ Biography of Fernando Henrique Cardoso at Brown University
13. ^ Jô Soares interviews Fernando Henrique Cardoso
14. ^ Latin America in the 1970s: "Operation Condor", an International Organization for Kidnapping Opponents, L'Humanité in English, December 2, 2006, transl. January 1, 2007
15. ^ Os efeitos da privatização sobre o desempenho econômico e financeiro das empresas privatizadas(Portuguese)
16. ^ Inflação permanece estável e deve fechar 2006 em 3,15%, revela pesquisa(Portuguese)
17. ^ The Club of Madrid is an independent organization dedicated to strengthening democracy around the world by drawing on the unique experience and resources of its Members – 66 democratic former heads of state and government.

Government offices
Preceded by Celso Lafer	Foreign Minister of Brazil 1992-1993	Succeeded by Celso Amorim
Preceded by Eliseu Resende	Finance Minister of Brazil 1993-1994	Succeeded by Rubens Ricupero
Party political offices
Preceded by Mário Covas	PSDB Party presidential candidate 1994 (Won) and 1998 (Won)	Succeeded by José Serra
Political offices
Preceded by Itamar Franco	President of Brazil 1995 – 2003	Succeeded by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva

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