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Frederick Winslow Taylor (1856-1915) consolidated a system of managerial authority, often referred to as scientific management, that encouraged a shift in knowledge of production from the workers to the managers.
His system broke up industrial production into very small and highly regulated steps and required that workers obey the instructions of managers concerning the proper way to perform these very specific steps. Taylor determined these steps through careful scientific observations, his most significant individual contribution to scientific management. He used these observations to compare the pace at which various workers completed tasks. Taylor's system of management atomized, or separated workers from each other. Workers in his system were given highly detailed work instructions that Taylor's scientific studies had determined to be the very best - that is most efficient - way to perform the specific, isolated, task. Workers became parts of a larger machine and they were expected to understand that their interests were in accord with the interests of managers. This "mental revolution" of interests was, Taylor believed, the most significant contribution of scientific management, in that it reduced management-worker strife.
Born into an economically established old Philadelphia Quaker family, he was the youngest of eleven children. He attended Germantown private school. At sixteen, after a three-year trip through Europe with his family, he was sent to Phillips Exeter Academy in New Hampshire, in preparation for Harvard University. After passing his Harvard entrance examinations with honors, he suffered severe eyestrain that precluded his attendance there. On the advice of eye doctors, he went to work for a small machine shop in Philadelphia, where he learned the trades of pattern maker and machinist, after which he took a position at the Midvale Steel Works in 1878. It was here that Taylor eventually became foreman of the machine shop, with expert knowledge of the ways of the work floor. He promptly set out to destroy those ways, particularly the "soldiering" of labor. That is, Taylor knew that workers tended to do much less work than they could really produce; he wanted to increase their productive capacity. Workers resisted his efforts but, after three years, Taylor seems to have succeeded in raising production through constant managerial pressure. His next decade at Midvale was spent in careful, scientific study of these problems (production and worker resentment). He wanted to increase output without having to drive the workers.
In 1881 Taylor published an essay on metal cutting that generated a great deal of attention by engineers because of its rigorous examination of the individual steps involved in cutting metal. In 1895 he began to publish papers on schemes to increase worker incentive. He successfully combined these interests in a June 1903 presentation to 350 mechanical engineers in Saratoga, New York. This essay would stand as his most complete statement of scientific management. Martha Banta called the Saratoga essay, "one of the key documents shaping modern industrialization." The success of this essay propelled Taylor to the presidency of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers in 1906.
In spite of this honor and his success among engineers, Taylor's work was rarely known outside of the community of industrial engineers until lawyer, reformer, and future U.S. Supreme Court justice, Louis Brandeis tapped his ideas to help in the Interstate Commerce Commission hearings concerning railroad rates. He used Taylor's scientific management methods as an example of progressive management techniques that could ease the strain on workers even as it raised their pay and increased profits for owners. In 1910, Brandeis argued before the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) that wage increases did not necessitate increases in railroad rates. He argued that properly administered railroads, that is, those governed according to the principles of Taylor, did not need to raise rates to increase wages. The Eastern Rate Case, as it came to be known, stimulated a great deal of interest in notions of efficiency. Taylor credited Brandeis with the successful promotion of the system. "I have rarely seen a new movement started with such great momentum as you have given this one," Taylor wrote to Brandeis.
Brandeis, who invented the term 'scientific management,' wrote to fellow lawyer and future U.S. Supreme Court justice, Felix Frankfurter, on February 27, 1911, about his work with the ICC and expressing his belief that scientific management exemplified the future of social order. "The Commission did, I think, quite as much as they could, and rather more than I thought they would with the efficiency argument. They accepted the fundamental principles that improvements in economy and management were possible, and that they must be made before the need would be recognized. Scientific management will follow that inevitably." It did generally follow, and was helped in its inevitability by the 1911 publication of Principles of Scientific Management, which combined and set out the various elements of Taylor's program to increase worker efficiency.
Scientific management was the system Taylor devised, borrowing freely from other managerial programs, to increase worker productivity without constant riding by managers. Applicators of Taylor's system first studied a job with attention to the minimum necessary steps needed to complete the task. Each step was then scientifically studied in order to determine the most time efficient means of performing it. Managers could total the time it would optimally take to perform a job by adding the time it should take to perform every step. Workers who could not meet this optimum time would be removed from the job. In his 1947 introduction to the collected works of Taylor, Harlow Person claimed that Taylor's methods involved the "discovery by experiment of the best way of performing and the proper time for every operation and every component unit of an operation in the light of the state of the art, the best material, tool, machine, manipulation of tool or machine, and the best flow of work and sequence of unit operations."
Taylor believed that such a system would give managers more power over workers by removing the guesswork from accounts of performance time and by reducing jobs to their component parts in such a way that workers no longer had the skilled knowledge with which to resist the demands of management. Manager's would possess the knowledge and workers would perform their scripted steps. Person explained that Taylor's system created "a new division of labor between management and workers: the assignment to management of the responsibility for discovering the best ways of performing units of operations, and the further responsibility of planning operations and actually making available at the proper time and place, and in the proper quantity, the materials, tools, instructions and other facilities required by the workers." Workers isolated in managerially-governed assembly lines would have no group of fellow workers to rely on to slow down production and would be forced to deal with management individually, a transformation that Taylor believed would make them internalize the perspective of managers as their own.
Taylor's attempt to create new ways of thinking and acting was one of his most significant contributions to the growing science of management, and best exemplifies the intellectual importance of his organization of the workplace. "The most stirring part of Taylor's testimony before the House committee," Person claimed, "is that section in which he develops the thought that true scientific management requires a mental revolution on the parts of management and of workers." This intellectual revolution would bring the perspective of management to the workers and, in this way, workers would begin to understand their interest as being the same as management. "Therefore, true scientific management calls for a unifying point of view and a unity of interests and of efforts seldom present in a particular establishment," Person concluded. Taylor designed his system to produce the understanding and desire to be a good worker according to the needs of management.
This mental revolution was not isolated to the shop floor but extended into all realms of life. The proper arrangement of work would create the proper citizen, he believed. "The writer's observation, however, would lead him to the conclusion that most men tend to become more instead of less thrifty when they receive the proper increase for an extra hard day's work." Taylor told a Congressional Committee questioner who was concerned that increased wages would make workers less frugal. "They live rather better, begin to save money, become more sober, and work more steadily. And this certainly forms one of the strongest reasons for advocating this type of management." Scientific management promised a mental revolution in the relationship of worker/manager, citizen/government and individual/community. "Taylor's development of a science of management," claims William Akin, "moved logically from the microcosm of work, to the organization of the factory, and beyond to society." Scientific management, like much of the progressive movement, promised to create within citizens the desire to behave.
Taylor's productive worker was also a remarkably sober worker. "A careful inquiry into the condition of these men when away from work developed the fact that out of the whole gang only two were said to be drinking men. The fact is that a steady drinker would find it almost impossible to keep up with the pace which was set, so that they were practically all sober." The discipline of scientific management constructed a citizen with particular habits, tastes, and character.
"It is not a question of producing physical changes," Taylor wrote in a piece published posthumously, "but rather of working a great mental revolution in large numbers of men, and any such change demands time, and a large amount of time." In 1915 Morris Cooke, an associate of Taylor's, reminded readers concerning the application of scientific management to governmental institutions that "nothing has been so sufficiently studied as to have reached even an approximately scientific standard. All that can be said is that we have started on the long road." Taylor, he reminded readers, took 26 years to study the cutting of metal; the application in other fields, including Cooke's field of political society, would take at least that long. In 1940, Cooke and CIO vice-president Philip Murray suggested that methods of scientific management offered a light at the end of the tunnel of social fragmentation: "This book is published at a period of world-wide disillusionment. In one field after another the devastating conclusion has been reached that former ways of doing things have been the wrong ones, with results sometimes worse than futile. Certainly no one viewing the American industrial scene dispassionately can avoid the conclusion that there is a better way." Taylorism, they and many others believed, pointed the way to a better workplace and a better society.
Taylor's methods would be tried and applied to an endless range of activities, including education, military discipline, home economics, ergonomics, and medicine. For example, James Phinney Munroe, president of the National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education, began his 1912 book, New Demands in Education, with a statement of the value of efficiency for education: "The fundamental demand in education, as in everything else is for efficiency - physical efficiency, mental efficiency, moral efficiency." Principals and school administrators around the world, adopted versions of efficient education that bore at least a general relation to Taylor's methods. C. A. Fullerton even presented a paper at the 1912 National Education Association meeting entitled, "The Principles of Scientific Management Applied to Teaching Music in Public Schools." Even the activities of surgeons were studied by Taylor's associate Frank Gilbreth, who had transformed brick laying through Taylorian scientific studies. "If you were laying brick for me," he told one surgeon, "you wouldn't hold your job ten minutes."
Much of the debate surrounding the adoption of Taylor's methods disappeared after the 1920s, but the method continued. The disappearance of the debate reveals a widespread acceptance of much of the power and authority that Taylorism had constructed. The pressures of World War II, in fact, drove wider acceptance of scientific management and made Taylorism one of the most significant aspects of American (and much of the rest of the world's) social organization - connecting people through work and uniting their viewpoints around the perspective of efficient production.
Books
Banta, Martha Taylored Lives, University of Chicago Press, 1993.
Cooke, Morris Llewellyn and Philip Murray, Organized Labor and Production, Harper and Brothers, 1940.
Copley, Frank Barkley Frederick W. Taylor: Father of Scientific Management, Routledge/Thoemmes Press, 1993.
Derber, Milton The American Idea of Industrial Democracy, University of Illinois Press, 1970.
Haber, Samuel. Efficiency and Uplift: Scientific Management in the Progressive Era, 1890-1920, University of Chicago, 1964.
Kanigel, Robert, The One Best Way. Viking, 1997.
Miller, Char Roone. Taylored Citizenship: State Institutions and Subjectivity . Greenwood Press, 2001.
Pursell, Carroll The Machine in America: A Social History of Technology, Johns Hopkins University, 1995.
Taylor, Frederick Winslow, Scientific Management, Harper and Row, 1947.
Wrege, Charles and Ronald Greenwood. Frederick W. Taylor: The Father of Scientific Management, Myth and Reality . Business One Irwin, 1991.
Periodicals
American Political Science Review, 9 (August 1915): 488.
Bulletin of the Society to Promote the Science of Management, (November 1915) Vol. I, No. 6, p.8. (5-15).
Bulletin of the Taylor Society, (December 1916) Vol. II, No. 5, p.9; (August 1917) Vol. III, No. 4, p. 3.
Scientific Management Frederick Taylor, 1911; reprint, Harper and Row, Publishers, 1947.
| Columbia Encyclopedia: Frederick Winslow Taylor |
Bibliography
See the memorial volume ed. by the Taylor Society, New York (1920, repr. 1972); studies by S. Kakar (1970) and R. Kanigel (1997).
| Wikipedia: Frederick Winslow Taylor |
| Frederick Winslow Taylor | |
|---|---|
c.1900 |
|
| Born | 20 March 1856 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania U.S. |
| Died | 21 March 1915 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania U.S. |
| Cause of death | pneumonia |
| Resting place | West Laurel Hill Cemetery Bala Cynwyd, Pennsylvania U.S. |
| Nationality | American |
| Occupation | efficiency expert management consultant |
| Known for | "Father" of the Scientific management & Efficiency Movement |
| Spouse(s) | Louise M. Spooner |
| Children | Kempton, Robert and Elizabeth (all adopted orphans) |
| Parents | Franklin Taylor Emily Annette Winslow |
Frederick Winslow Taylor (March 20, 1856–March 21, 1915), widely known as F. W. Taylor, was an American mechanical engineer who sought to improve industrial efficiency. He is regarded as the father of scientific management, and was one of the first management consultants.[1]
Taylor was one of the intellectual leaders of the Efficiency Movement and his ideas, broadly conceived, were highly influential in the Progressive Era.
Contents |
Taylor was born in 1856 to a wealthy Quaker family in Germantown, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Taylor's ancestor, Samuel Taylor, settled in Burlington, New Jersey, in 1677. Taylor's father, Franklin Taylor, a Princeton-educated lawyer, built his wealth on mortgages.[2] Taylor's mother, Emily Annette Taylor (née Winslow), was an ardent abolitionist and a coworker with Lucretia Mott. Educated early by his mother, Taylor studied for two years in France and Germany and traveled Europe for 18 months.[3] In 1872, he entered Phillips Exeter Academy in Exeter, New Hampshire.
Upon graduation, Taylor was accepted at Harvard Law. However, due to rapidly deteriorating eyesight, Taylor had to consider an alternative career. After the depression of 1873, Taylor became an industrial apprentice patternmaker, gaining shop-floor experience at a pump-manufacturing company Enterprise Hydraulic Works, Philadelphia. Taylor's career progressed in 1878 when he became a machine shop laborer at Midvale Steel Works. Taylor was promoted to gang-boss, foreman, research director, and finally, chief engineer at Midvale. Taylor took night study at Stevens Institute of Technology and in 1883 obtained a degree in Mechanical Engineering through a highly unusual, for the time, series of correspondence courses.[4] While at Stevens Institute of Technology, Taylor was a Brother of the Gamma Chapter of Theta Xi. On May 3, 1884, he married Louise M. Spooner of Philadelphia.
From 1890 until 1893 Taylor worked as a general manager and a consulting engineer to management for Manufacturing Investment Company, Philadelphia, a company that operated large paper mills in Maine and Wisconsin. In 1893, Taylor opened an independent consulting practice in Philadelphia. His business card read "Systematizing Shop Management and Manufacturing Costs a Specialty". In 1898, Taylor joined Bethlehem Steel, where he, Maunsel White, and a team of assistants developed high speed steel. For his process of treating high speed tool steels he received a personal gold medal at the Paris exposition in 1900, and was awarded the Elliott Cresson Medal that same year by the Franklin Institute, Philadelphia. Taylor was forced to leave Bethlehem Steel in 1901 after antagonisms with other managers. In 1901, Frederick and Louise Taylor adopted three orphans Kempton, Robert and Elizabeth.
On October 19, 1906, Taylor was awarded an honorary degree of Doctor of Science by the University of Pennsylvania.[5] Taylor eventually became a professor at the Tuck School of Business at Dartmouth College.[6] Late winter of 1915 Taylor caught pneumonia and one day after his fifty-ninth birthday, on March 21, he died. He was buried in West Laurel Hill Cemetery, in Bala Cynwyd, Pennsylvania.
Taylor was a mechanical engineer who sought to improve industrial efficiency. Taylor is regarded as the father of scientific management, and was one of the first management consultants and director of a famous firm. In Peter Drucker's description,
Frederick W. Taylor was the first man in recorded history who deemed work deserving of systematic observation and study. On Taylor's 'scientific management' rests, above all, the tremendous surge of affluence in the last seventy-five years which has lifted the working masses in the developed countries well above any level recorded before, even for the well-to-do. Taylor, though the Isaac Newton (or perhaps the Archimedes) of the science of work, laid only first foundations, however. Not much has been added to them since - even though he has been dead all of sixty years.[7]
Taylor was also an accomplished tennis player, who won the first doubles tournament in the 1881 U.S. National Championships, the precursor of the U.S. Open, with Clarence Clark.[8]
Taylor believed that the industrial management of his day was amateurish, that management could be formulated as an academic discipline, and that the best results would come from the partnership between a trained and qualified management and a cooperative and innovative workforce. Each side needed the other, and there was no need for trade unions.
Future U.S. Supreme Court justice Louis Brandeis coined the term scientific management in the course of his argument for the Eastern Rate Case before the Interstate Commerce Commission in 1910. Brandeis debated that railroads, when governed according to the principles of Taylor, did not need to raise rates to increase wages. Taylor used Brandeis's term in the title of his monograph The Principles of Scientific Management, published in 1911. The Eastern Rate Case propelled Taylor's ideas to the forefront of the management agenda. Taylor wrote to Brandeis "I have rarely seen a new movement started with such great momentum as you have given this one." Taylor's approach is also often referred to, as Taylor's Principles, or frequently disparagingly, as Taylorism. Taylor's scientific management consisted of four principles:
Taylor had very precise ideas about how to introduce his system:
It is only through enforced standardization of methods, enforced adoption of the best implements and working conditions, and enforced cooperation that this faster work can be assured. And the duty of enforcing the adoption of standards and enforcing this cooperation rests with management alone.[9]
Workers were supposed to be incapable of understanding what they were doing. According to Taylor this was true even for rather simple tasks.
'I can say, without the slightest hesitation,' Taylor told a congressional committee, 'that the science of handling pig-iron is so great that the man who is ... physically able to handle pig-iron and is sufficiently phlegmatic and stupid to choose this for his occupation is rarely able to comprehend the science of handling pig-iron.[10]
The introduction of his system was often resented by workers and provoked numerous strikes. The strike at Watertown Arsenal led to the congressional investigation in 1912. Taylor believed the labourer was worthy of his hire, and pay was linked to productivity. His workers were able to earn substantially more than those in similar industries and this earned him enemies among the owners of factories where scientific management was not in use.
Taylor promised to reconcile labor and capital.
With the triumph of scientific management, unions would have nothing left to do, and they would have been cleansed of their most evil feature: the restriction of output. To underscore this idea, Taylor fashioned the myth that 'there has never been a strike of men working under scientific management', trying to give it credibility by constant repetition. In similar fashion he incessantly linked his proposals to shorter hours of work, without bothering to produce evidence of "Taylorized" firms that reduced working hours, and he revised his famous tale of Schmidt carrying pig iron at Bethlehem Steel at least three times, obscuring some aspects of his study and stressing others, so that each successive version made Schmidt's exertions more impressive, more voluntary and more rewarding to him than the last. Unlike [Harrington] Emerson, Taylor was not a charlatan, but his ideological message required the suppression of all evidence of worker's dissent, of coercion, or of any human motives or aspirations other than those his vision of progress could encompass.[11]
Taylor thought that by analyzing work, the "One Best Way" to do it would be found. He is most remembered for developing the time and motion study. He would break a job into its component parts and measure each to the hundredth of a minute. One of his most famous studies involved shovels. He noticed that workers used the same shovel for all materials. He determined that the most effective load was 21½ lb, and found or designed shovels that for each material would scoop up that amount. He was generally unsuccessful in getting his concepts applied and was dismissed from Bethlehem Steel. It was largely through the efforts of his disciples (most notably H.L. Gantt) that industry came to implement his ideas. Nevertheless, the book he wrote after parting company with Bethlehem Steel, Shop Management, sold well.
Taylor was president of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers (ASME) from 1906 to 1907. While president, he tried to implement his system into the management of the ASME but was met with much resistance. He was only able to reorganize the publications department and then only partially. He also forced out the ASME's long-time secretary, Morris L. Cooke, and replaced him with Calvin W. Rice. His tenure as president was trouble-ridden and marked the beginning of a period of internal dissension within the ASME during the Progressive Age.[12]
In 1912, Taylor collected a number of his articles into a book-length manuscript which he submitted to the ASME for publication. The ASME formed an ad hoc committee to review the text. The committee included Taylor allies such as James Mapes Dodge and Henry R. Towne. The committee delegated the report to the editor of the American Machinist, Leon P. Alford. Alford was a critic of the Taylor system and the report was negative. The committee modified the report slightly, but accepted Alford's recommendation not to publish Taylor's book. Taylor angrily withdrew the book and published Principles without ASME approval.[13]
Taylor authored 42 patents.[14]
In France, Le Chatelier translated Taylor's work and introduced scientific management throughout government owned plants during World War I. This influenced the French theorist Henri Fayol, whose 1916 Administration Industrielle et Générale emphasized organizational structure in management. In the classic General and Industrial Management Fayol wrote that "Taylor's approach differs from the one we have outlined in that he examines the firm from the "bottom up." he starts with the most elemental units of activity – the workers' actions – then studies the effects of their actions on productivity, devises new methods for making them more efficient, and applies what he learns at lower levels to the hierarchy..."[15] He suggests that Taylor has staff analysts and advisors working with individuals at lower levels of the organization to identify the ways to improve efficiency. According to Fayol, the approach results in a "negation of the principle of unity of command."[16] Fayol criticized Taylor's functional management in this way: In Shop Management, Taylor said[17] « ... the most marked outward characteristics of functional management lies in the fact that each workman, instead of coming in direct contact with the management at one point only, ... receives his daily orders and help from eight different bosses... these eight were (1) route clerks, (2) instruction card men, (3) cost and time clerks, (4) gang bosses, (5) speed bosses, (6) inspectors, (7) repair bosses, and the (8) shop disciplinarian. »[17] This, Fayol said, was an unworkable situation, and that Taylor must have somehow reconciled the dichotomy in some way not described in Taylor's works.
In Switzerland, the American Edward Albert Filene established the International Management Institute to spread information about management techniques.
In the USSR, Lenin was very impressed by Taylorism, which he and Stalin sought to incorporate into Soviet manufacturing. Taylorism and the mass production methods of Henry Ford thus became highly influential during the early years of the Soviet Union. Nevertheless "[...] Frederick Taylor's methods have never really taken root in the Soviet Union.".[18] The voluntaristic approach of the Stakhanovite movement in the 1930s of setting individual records was diametrically opposed to Taylor's systematic approach and proved to be counter-productive.[19] The stop-and-go of the production process - workers having nothing to do at the beginning of a month and 'storming' during illegal extra shifts at the end of the month - which prevailed even in the 1980s had nothing to do with the successfully taylorized plants e.g. of Toyota which are characterized by continuous production processes (heijunka) which are continuously improved (kaizen).[20]
"The easy availability of replacement labor, which allowed Taylor to choose only 'first-class men,' was an important condition for his system's success."[21] The situation in the Soviet Union was very different. "Because work is so unrythmic, the rational manager will hire more workers than he would need if supplies were even in order to have enough for storming. Because of the continuing labor shortage, managers are happy to pay needed workers more than the norm, either by issuing false job orders, assigning them to higher skill grades than they deserve on merit criteria, giving them 'loose' piece rates, or making what is supposed to be 'incentive' pay, premia for good work, effectively part of the normal wage. As Mary Mc Auley has suggested under these circumstances piece rates are not an incentive wage, but a way of justifying giving workers whatever they 'should' be getting, no matter what their pay is supposed to be according to the official norms."[22]
Taylor and his theories are also referenced (and put to practice) in the 1921 dystopian novel We by Yevgeny Zamyatin.
Management theorist Henry Mintzberg is highly critical of Taylor’s methods. Mintzberg states that an obsession with efficiency allows measureable benefits to overshadow less quantifiable social benefits completely, and social values get left behind [23]
Taylor published many articles and short monographs. A selection:
For the stories about Schmidt Montgomery refers to Charles D. Wrege and Amadeo G. Perroni, "Taylor's Pig Tale: A Historical Analysis of Frederick W. Taylor's Pig-Iron experiments" in: Academy of Management Journal, 17 (March 1974), 6-27
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