Pompidou (credit: Dennis Brack-Black Star/EB Inc.)
For more information on Georges-Jean-Raymond Pompidou, visit Britannica.com.
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For more information on Georges-Jean-Raymond Pompidou, visit Britannica.com.
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| Political Biography: Georges Pompidou |
(b. 5 July 1911; d. 2 Apr. 1974) French; Prime Minister 1962 – 8, President 1969 – 74 The son of a primary schoolteacher, Georges Pompidou was born in the Centre France department of Cantal. He completed his education in Paris at the École Normale Supérieure, the élite training ground for lycée teachers, where he developed a lifelong interest in poetry and the classics. During the Occupation he taught at the Lycée Henri-IV. Unlike other future members of de Gaulle's entourage, he took no part in the Resistance, but was introduced to his future leader in 1946 as "a Normal Sup' graduate who knows how to write". He quickly acquired the confidence of de Gaulle and his wife, and played an important backstage role organizing the political movement, the Rassemblement pour la France, which sought in the late 1940s and early 1950s to be the vehicle for de Gaulle's return to power. After the failure of the Rassemblement he stayed close to de Gaulle (he was treasurer of the charitable foundation de Gaulle established in memory of his handicapped daughter) while pursuing a new — and lucrative — career in Rothschilds Bank. He acted as de Gaulle's private secretary in the hectic months which followed the General's return to power in 1958 and became a member of the newly formed Constitutional Council. He continued to work for Rothschild, however, and was completely unknown to the general public. Thus his appointment as Prime Minister to succeed Debré in April 1962 was a complete surprise and irritated the National Assembly, who regarded the nomination of someone who was not even a deputy as a deliberate snub. In October 1962, his government was overthrown by the Assembly in retaliation for de Gaulle's decision to introduce a referendum on the direct elections of the presidency.
The National Assembly was dissolved, the referendum was carried, and Pompidou remained in office. He quickly asserted his authority over his government and over the new Gaullist majority in the Assembly. Over the next six years, President and Prime Minister formed an effective governing diarchy. Pompidou made no attempt to challenge de Gaulle's high-profile, and controversial, foreign policy and concentrated instead on developing France's industrial strength and on building up the Gaullist Party as an electoral machine capable of existing one day without its founder. There is some evidence that de Gaulle was unhappy at his protégé's increasing authority and it is certain that he planned at one stage to replace him as Prime Minister after the 1967 parliamentary elections. The decisive moment in Pompidou's future career came, however, in the mass demonstrations of May 1968. The May events demonstrated the extent of popular dissatisfaction with de Gaulle's authoritarian style of leadership and led to a major crisis for the regime. Pompidou battled tirelessly to stem the tide of protest. Aided by the most energetic of his protégés, Chirac, he organized round table negotiations between government and trade unions in an attempt to separate the fragile coalition of discontent that linked students and workers. The so-called Grenelle Agreements made substantial concessions to the trade unions. In the short run, they were unsuccessful and in the last week of May, President and Prime Minister looked helpless. There then occurred a crucial moment in the events. Without telling his Prime Minister what he was doing, de Gaulle flew to Germany to assure himself of the support of the commander of the French Army on the Rhine and returned to Paris to make a dramatic broadcast announcing his determination to fight to save the Fifth Republic. It was a turning point. The National Assembly was dissolved, the strikes faded away, and the Gaullists won a massive victory in the June elections. The regime was saved.
May 1968 was also a turning point in de Gaulle's relations with his erstwhile ally. Pompidou bitterly resented de Gaulle's actions in not forewarning him of his disappearance and was outraged at the way in which he was replaced as Prime Minister by Couve de Murville after the elections. He correctly believed that he had played a decisive role in maintaining some semblance of governmental authority during the crisis and was no longer willing to conceal his own political ambitions. In November he announced that he would be a candidate for the presidency at some future occasion. De Gaulle sought to re-establish his own authority by staking it on a referendum but the damage had been done. Pompidou's availability as President reassured enough French conservatives that a vote against the founder of the Fifth Republic was not a vote for the political unknown. The referendum was defeated and de Gaulle immediately resigned.
Pompidou easily won the presidential campaign that followed. He campaigned on a slogan of "change in continuity" and won the backing not only of the Gaullists but of a large part of the centrist electorate, and of its coming man Giscard d'Estaing. He asked the dashing, and reform minded, president of the National Assembly, Chaban Delmas, to form a government but quickly demonstrated that his conception of the presidency was every bit as interventionist as that of de Gaulle. Committed to the development of France's new status as a leading industrial power, he stage managed a successful devaluation of the franc in August 1969, oversaw a policy of company mergers, and indicated that he was prepared to accept Britain's membership of the European Economic Community. He made some attempts to restore France's relations with Washington and made an unsuccessful visit to the United States, during which he and his wife were, to his intense anger, jostled by a group of American Jews who disliked his pro-Arab policy.
The first two years of Pompidou's presidency were trouble free. France's economy boomed and the death of de Gaulle in November 1970 removed his looming, if silent, presence. In 1972, however, things started to go wrong. Part of his difficulties stemmed from the revival of the Socialist and Communist parties and from the semi-failure of the referendum on British membership of the EEC which had been designed to split the newly formed Union of the Left. Another problem was the poor relations between President and Prime Minister. Pompidou grew increasingly irritated at what he regarded as the superficial reformism — and superficiality tout court — of Chaban Delmas. Egged on by advisers who detested Chaban as a threat to the Conservative electorate on which Gaullism depended, he blamed his Prime Minister for the failure of the referendum and for growing discontent on the backbenches. In a brutal display of presidential power, Pompidou sacked his Prime Minister in August 1972, replacing him with the ultra loyalist Messmer. The new government failed to make much impact on public opinion and it was Pompidou himself who, in a strong television performance shortly before the 1973 Assembly elections, managed to swing the result his way by threatening not to co-operate with the Socialist-Communist alliance should it obtain a majority.
The old Gaullist threat — "me or chaos" — was once again successful. But by now Pompidou was a dying man. The victim of a rare blood cancer, in constant pain, he grew fat and lethargic but continued to assert his primacy, making exhausting visits to Nixon in Reyjavik and Brezhnev in Russia. He refused to contemplate resignation or even to allow his illness to become public knowledge, an act of concealment aided by the lack of independence of the French broadcast media. Thus his death in April 1974 came as a shock to the public, although not to the political class who had been preparing for it for some time.
Pompidou was an effective leader whose surface bonhomie concealed a tough, cold interior. If he lacked the visionary qualities of his mentor de Gaulle, he was committed to the model of strong presidential government created by the Fifth Republic and to the modernization of the French economy. The Pompidou Centre in central Paris, which he commissioned, is a fitting memorial to his fascination with high-tech culture and national grandeur.
| Biography: Georges Pompidou |
Georges Pompidou (1911-1974) was the second president of the French Fifth Republic (1969-1974). He played a major role in solidifying the new system that gave France more than a generation of effective government and economic growth.
There was nothing in Pompidou's early years to suggest a career at the top of French political life. He was born on July 5, 1911, in a small town in central France. His parents were rural school teachers with strong peasant roots. Like many children of teachers, Pompidou aspired to an academic career. In 1931 he entered the prestigious Ecole normale supérieure, and by 1934 he had also passed the aggrégation exam (that qualifies one to teach in universities) and received a diploma from the Ecole libre des sciences politique. The small town boy, grandson of peasants, had joined the French elite.
Pompidou spent the rest of the pre-World War II years teaching, first in Marseilles and then at the noted Parisian Lycée Henri IV. He fought in an infantry regiment in World War II, and after the French defeat in 1940 Pompidou resumed his teaching duties. Quietly, Pompidou worked in the Resistance and became personal secretary to Gen. Charles de Gaulle while he was head of the provisional government between 1944 and 1946.
His relationship with General de Gaulle made it difficult for Pompidou to return to the national bureaucracy or educational system, so he took a position with the Rothschild family bank. For the entire Fourth Republic (1946-1958) and the first years of the Fifth (1958-present), Pompidou worked at establishing his business career while discreetly maintaining ties with de Gaulle and his inner circle. He did not join de Gaulle when he returned to power in 1958, but he did serve as an informal adviser, especially in preparing the new constitution, drafting the economic recovery plan that followed, and establishing contacts with the Algerian revolutionaries.
From Businessman to Prime Minister
Georges Pompidou's formal political career started only in 1962, but it started at the top. President de Gaulle asked for and received the resignation of his first prime minister, Michel Debré. It marked the first time in French history that a president had removed a prime minister and sharpened the hostility between de Gaulle and members of Parliament, who considered it to be their responsibility to determine who served in the cabinet. That hostility mounted when de Gaulle named Pompidou to the prime ministry, since he not only was not a parliamentarian, but had never even run for elective office before. The new prime minister quickly became the main object of that hostility. When President de Gaulle proposed a referendum of questionable legality on the direct election of the president, the members of Parliament had finally had enough and passed a vote of censure (no confidence) in the Pompidou government. But instead of accepting the Pompidou government's resignation, de Gaulle dissolved the National Assembly, provoking legislative elections as well as the controversial referendum. The Gaullists won both handily, returning Pompidou and his cabinet to power with the first firm parliamentary majority in French republican history. Pompidou was to remain at the Palais Matignon until July 1968.
Those were years of tremendous accomplishment for the new republic and its prime minister. Its base of support shifted from the personal popularity of de Gaulle to a firmer foundation in mass approval of the new institutions he created. Pompidou played a critical role in that process in two respects.
First, he was the prime architect of the Gaullist political party that provided the parliamentary majority the government needed. Though the party changed its name from election to election, it quickly became a more disciplined machine than anything the French center or right had seen before. Pompidou and his collaborators began by controlling party nominations for office so that only politicians loyal to the national leadership would end up in Parliament. They also sought local notables - not the ambitious men and women of the Fourth Republic, but individuals willing to subsume their personal goals to the greater needs of the party. In particular, the Gaullists recruited candidates from the Parisian bureaucratic intellectual elite - men like Pompidou himself - who were "parachuted" into districts throughout the country.
Second, Prime Minister Pompidou played an important role in modernizing the French economy. President de Gaulle had come to power again in 1958 vowing to restore French "grandeur." For many, including Pompidou, that meant restructuring the French economy so that it could be competitive in the increasingly interdependent domestic and international markets. The Gaullists used the planning machinery they had helped establish during the liberation years in the mid-1940s. But even more they relied on the powerful but informal network of former bureaucrats who shared their image of a modern France and who dominated both Gaullist and business circles. For most of the 1960s and 1970s France had one of the most dynamic economies of the world, out performing even the West Germans.
From Prime Minister to President
Pompidou's years as prime minister were not trouble free. The government was almost too successful and generated hostility among those who felt they had lost out during the first decade of Gaullist rule. That hostility erupted in May 1968, when a minor student protest turned into a nationwide general strike that almost toppled the regime. No Gaullist leader came out of the "events of May" looking good, but none did better than Pompidou at maintaining order and trying to find a solution. To end the crisis de Gaulle once again dissolved the National Assembly, and the Gaullists once again won a landslide victory at the polls. Pompidou, however, was not named prime minister again. Instead, de Gaulle named the bland diplomat and former foreign minister Maurice Couve de Murville to head the new government, leaving Pompidou "on reserve for the Republic."
Pompidou did not have to wait long. In early 1969 de Gaulle called for a referendum to restructure the largely powerless Senate and local governments. When that referendum was defeated, de Gaulle did what he had threatened to do - he resigned.
Presidential elections were held in June, and Pompidou won an easy victory over the divided leftist and centrist opposition. As president, he continued the broad lines of Gaullist policy, but did so in a seemingly more pragmatic way. Economic growth, spurred by a variety of state policies, continued. The welfare state was expanded to provide more benefits for the working class and the poor. The Gaullist party strengthened its roots, especially in small towns where the old notables frequently still held sway. Only in foreign policy was there much change, as President Pompidou brought France closer to the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and ended French opposition to British entry into the Common Market.
Pompidou's presidency lacked the luster and obvious success of de Gaulle's. Moreover, his accomplishments were limited by the effects of the OPEC (Organization of Petroleum-Exporting Countries) oil embargo and its implications for all Western economies and by his own increasingly crippling illness, which finally took his life on April 2, 1974. Still, Georges Pompidou will be remembered as a chief architect of the most successful republic France had known, a man who successfully presided over the transition from a charismatic leader to one who had to rely on more normal mechanisms.
Further Reading
As is the case for most French politicians, there are no biographies of Pompidou available in English. For material on his political and economic accomplishments see Jean Charlot, The Gaullist Phenomenon (London, 1971) and John Ardagh, The New French Revolution (1967), respectively.
| French Literature Companion: Georges Pompidou |
Pompidou, Georges (1911-74). Prime minister under
| Columbia Encyclopedia: Georges Jean Raymond Pompidou |
| Quotes By: Georges Pompidou |
Quotes:
"There are three roads to ruin; women, gambling and technicians. The most pleasant is with women, the quickest is with gambling, but the surest is with technicians."
| Wikipedia: Georges Pompidou |
| Georges Pompidou | |
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| In office 20 June 1969 – 2 April 1974 |
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| Prime Minister | Jacques Chaban-Delmas Pierre Messmer |
| Preceded by | Charles de Gaulle followed by Alain Poher (interim) |
| Succeeded by | Alain Poher (interim) followed by Valéry Giscard d'Estaing |
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| In office 14 April 1962 – 10 July 1968 |
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| Preceded by | Michel Debré |
| Succeeded by | Maurice Couve de Murville |
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| In office 20 June 1969 – 2 April 1974 |
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| Preceded by | Charles de Gaulle |
| Succeeded by | Valéry Giscard d'Estaing |
| President | Charles de Gaulle |
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| Born | 5 July 1911 Montboudif |
| Died | 2 April 1974 (aged 62) île Saint-Louis, Paris |
| Political party | UDR |
| Spouse(s) | Claude Pompidou |
| Alma mater | École Normale Supérieure |
| Occupation | Educator |
| Religion | Roman Catholic |
Georges Jean Raymond Pompidou (5 July 1911 – 2 April 1974) was a French politician. He was Prime Minister of France from 1962 to 1968, holding the longest tenure in this position, and later President of the French Republic from 1969 until his death in 1974.
He was born in the commune of Montboudif, in the department of Cantal in central France.[1] After his khâgne at Lycée Louis-le-Grand, where he befriended Senegalese poet and statesman Léopold Sedar Senghor, he graduated from the École Normale Supérieure with a degree of Agrégation in literature.
He first taught literature at a lycée until hired in 1953 by Guy de Rothschild to work at de Rothschild Frères. In 1956, he was appointed the bank's general manager, a position he held until 1962. Later, he was hired by Charles de Gaulle to manage the Anne de Gaulle Foundation for Down's Syndrome (de Gaulle's daughter Anne had Down's Syndrome).
He served as prime minister under de Gaulle after Michel Debré resigned, from 16 April 1962 to 21 July 1968, and to this day is the longest serving French prime minister under the Fifth Republic. His nomination was controversial because he was not a member of the National Assembly. In October 1962, he was defeated by a vote of non-confidence, but de Gaulle dissolved the National Assembly. The Gaullists won the legislative election and Pompidou was reappointed as Prime Minister. In 1964, he was faced with a miners' strike. He led the 1967 legislative campaign of the Union of Democrats for the Fifth Republic to a narrow victory. Pompidou was widely regarded as being responsible for the peaceful resolution of the student uprising of May 1968. His strategy was to break the coalition of students and workers by negotiating with the trade-unions and employers (Grenelle conference). Until this crisis, he was the Prime Minister of a quiet and prosperous France.
However, during the events of May 1968, disagreements arose between Pompidou and de Gaulle. Pompidou did not understand why the President did not inform him of his departure to Baden-Baden on 29 May. Their relationship, until then very good, would be strained from then on. Pompidou led and won the 1968 legislative campaign, then resigned. Nevertheless, in part due to his actions during the May 1968 crisis, he appeared as the natural successor to de Gaulle. Pompidou announced his candidature for the Presidency in January 1969. Some weeks later, his wife's name was mentioned in the Markovic scandal, thus appearing to confirm her husband's status as a cuckold. Pompidou was certain that de Gaulle's inner circle was responsible for this smear.
After the failure of the 1969 referendum, de Gaulle resigned and Pompidou was elected president of France,[2] defeating in the second round by a wide margin the Centrist President of the Senate and Acting President Alain Poher. Though a Gaullist, Pompidou was more pragmatic than de Gaulle, notably allowing the United Kingdom to join the European Community in 1973. He embarked on an industrialisation plan and initiated the Arianespace project. He was sceptical about the "New Society" programme of his prime minister, Jacques Chaban-Delmas. In 1972, Chaban-Delmas was replaced by Pierre Messmer, a more conservative Gaullist.
While the left-wing opposition got organised in proposing a Common Programme before the 1973 legislative election, he widened out his "presidential majority" by including the Centrist pro-European parties.
While still in office, Pompidou unexpectedly died on 2 April 1974, 9 PM,[3] from Waldenström macroglobulinemia in 1974.
Pompidou's wife Claude Pompidou lived more than 30 years longer than Pompidou.
Pompidou had one foster son, Alain Pompidou, former president of the European Patent Office.
Pompidou's time in office was marked by a constant effort to modernise France's capital city. This can be seen through his construction of a modern art museum, the Centre Beaubourg (renamed Centre Pompidou after his death), on the edge of the Marais area of Paris. Other attempts at modernisation included tearing down the open air markets at Les Halles and replacing it with a metro/RER station, building the Montparnasse Tower, and constructing an expressway on the right bank of the Seine.
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| Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Georges Pompidou |
| Political offices | ||
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| Preceded by Michel Debré |
Prime Minister of France 1962–1968 |
Succeeded by Maurice Couve de Murville |
| Preceded by Alain Poher (Interim President) |
President of France 1969–1974 |
Succeeded by Alain Poher (Interim President) |
| Party political offices | ||
| Preceded by Charles de Gaulle |
Gaullist party Presidential candidate 1969 (won) |
Succeeded by Jacques Chaban-Delmas |
| Regnal titles | ||
| Preceded by Charles de Gaulle and Ramon Iglesias i Navarri |
Co-Prince of Andorra 1969-1974 with Ramón Malla Call (1969-1971) and Joan Martí Alanis (1971-1974) |
Succeeded by Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and Joan Martí Alanis |
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