
Gerontology, the study of aging, has become a major focus of attention in science and the professions. With increasing life expectancy and falling birth rates, populations are getting older. Increases in life expectancy in both developed and developing countries and increased needs for services for older persons have contributed to a growing volume of research and education on both basic and applied aspects of aging. Geriatrics, the branch of medicine that treats the clinical problems of late life, is also an area of expanding professional activity. Both gerontology and geriatrics emerged as disciplines immediately after World War II with the establishment of professional societies and specialized journals. Why it took so long, compared with other fields, for academic and professional interests in aging to emerge is an interesting question to pursue.
There have always been speculation and cultural myths about aging and the association of death with advanced chronological age. Gerald Gruman has described many myths about death and aging from ancient times to about 1800. The common interpretation in the Middle Ages was that death was either the outcome of humankind's fate as punishment for sin or an outcome of cosmic forces that were insurmountable. The growth of science in the nineteenth century was accompanied by the conviction that all phenomena of nature were governed by natural laws, and that these laws can be discovered through scientific investigation. The point of view that aging was not a supernatural phenomenon, knowable and explainable by study, was fully expressed by the Belgian mathematician, statistician, and astronomer Lambert Quetelet (1796–1874). In 1835, Quetelet wrote: "Man is born, grows up, and dies, according to certain laws which have never been properly investigated, either as a whole or in the mode of the mutual reactions" (Quetelet, 1968). Quetelet reviewed data on mortality in relation to age, sex, urban, rural, and national differences and found that the duration of human life varied according to the environments in which people lived.
An international exhibition on health in London in 1884 extended further interest in how differences in age affect human functions. The exhibition was sponsored by Francis Galton (1822–1911), a cousin of Charles Darwin. Galton had a broad background in mathematics medicine, psychology, and anthropology. At the exhibition, he took measurements of seventeen different bodily functions, including hand strength, hearing, vision, speed of movement, and vital lung capacity. Over 9,337 males and females were measured. Since Galton was exposed to a large mass of data, and given his back ground in mathematics, he was able to develop the first quantitative measure of the degree of association between two variables, such as age and strength.
Gerontology requires the support of mathematics and statistics to identify and compare the complex sources of variance that influence human aging. Quetelet and Galton were pioneers in creating a quantitative basis for gerontology and replacing older myths. Another contributor to the quantitative approach to aging was Benjamin Gompertz, a British actuary, who, in 1825, described the relationship of mortality to age as an accelerating curve described by exponential equation. The fact that mortality data could be described as an exponential equation did not itself explain why mortality is related to age. It was, however, an early step toward bringing science into discussions about aging.
Similarly, relating health, disease, and changes in function to chronological age does not reveal the causal variables. Modern gerontology recognizes that organizing data by age is but a first step toward explanation. To understand the process of aging and the changes that occur as people age, the causal variables must be understood.
The term "gerontology" was introduced in 1903 by Elie Metchnikoff, a Nobel laureate and professor at the Pasteur Institute of Paris. In America, the emergence of gerontology as a scientific movement can be traced to a small group of leaders who, in the mid-1930s, recognized that the health of the American population was undergoing a change from domination by infectious diseases to chronic diseases. The Gerontological Society of America was founded in 1945, and the International Association of Gerontology about five years later.
The Beginning of Modern Gerontology
The concerns of public health and medicine in the early years of the twentieth century were focused on the major causes of death at that time, the infectious diseases. Disease was generally regarded as a result of an invasion of the human body by a foreign organism whose influence had to be destroyed. As chronic diseases—heart disease, stroke, cancer, diabetes, and others—began to replace the infectious diseases as the major causes of death, a revision of basic explanatory paradigms had to occur, since the human host was beginning to be regarded as a major element in the cause of the chronic diseases. In the mid-1930s, the Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation, based in New York, began a series of conferences on aging. The foundation's director was Dr. Ludwig Kast, who believed that degenerative diseases were a manifestation of the process of aging. The foundation had supported studies of degenerative diseases, but Kast encouraged research on aging itself. Thus, work on heart disease was examined in relation to the physiology of aging.
The foundation encouraged E. E. Cowdry, a professor of cytology at Washington University, to organize a book that would embrace not only the biomedical aspects of aging, but include social, psychological, and environmental influences as well. Cowdry's book, Problems of Ageing, was published in 1939. The foundation continued to sponsor conferences on aging, which led to the establishment of The Club for Research on Aging, in New York. By 1940, thinking about aging was becoming more sophisticated. Reflecting the thinking of the times, the U.S. Public Health Service organized a multidisciplinary conference in 1941 on mental health aspects of aging. At the same time, the Surgeon General of the U.S. Public Health Service established the Section on Aging within the National Institutes of Health. Thus, leadership in public health helped to establish aging as an important research topic.
Aging and Evolution
The nineteenth-century interest in the biological evolution of species, expressed by Charles Darwin (1809–1882), and Alfred Russel Wallace (1823–1913), was also accompanied by an interest of a small number of biologists in fitting aging into an evolutionary paradigm. It is not a simple step to account for the natural selection of late-life features, since they appear past the age of reproduction, and therefore out of direct reach of the pressures of natural selection. In 1957, Peter Medawar (1915–1987) reasoned that selective pressures for survival features were maximum at the time of reproduction and then declined. He described this as a result of selective pressures to create a "precession" of positively selected characteristics toward the age of maximum reproduction and a "recession" after the age of reproduction. Natural selection is therefore presumed not to affect late-life characteristics, and a series of unrelated characteristics may appear (e.g., Alzheimer's disease, Parkinson's disease, and other life-limiting conditions). Such diseases are presumably out of reach of selective pressures. This point of view is associated with the idea that life after reproduction is subject to random degradation of the well-functioning organism.
However, this reasoning need not exclude the possibility of indirect selection in which a late-life trait like intact memory and reasoning could operate to meet threats to tribal survival in preliterate societies. That is, tribes that had long-lived elders with intact memories of meeting the problems of families, floods, and warfare could have greater chances of survival. This has been described as a "counterpart theory," in which late-life characteristics of older persons influence the selective survival of the young and those of reproductive age who are dependent upon them for survival (Birren, 1964).
An impressive amount of data has been gathered on the life spans of a wide variety of different species. The comparative biology of aging suggests that most have relatively fixed upper limits of the lengths of life. Particularly, the lengths of life of vertebrates are relatively fixed in relation to each other (e.g., mice, rats, cats, dogs, horses, and primates). Evidence on the comparative longevity of primates suggests that if the environments are controlled to minimize the influence of predators and other influences, the average length of life, and the maximum length of life of members of a species, can be increased. Thus, while many primates may have life-limiting genetic traits, the expression of inherited traits is modulated by the environments in which they are expressed.
An issue facing the translation of the comparative biology of aging into principles about human mortality and morbidity is why different species have characteristic lengths of life. The quest is to identify common or shared interspecies genetic determinants that may have evolved. In contrast, examining individual differences in longevity within a species (intraspecies variability) can involve different traits, or the interaction of traits with the characteristics of a particular environment. Within a species there appear to be simultaneous positive and negative factors contributing to length of life.
Advances in Life Expectancy
Dramatic advances in life expectancy took place in the twentieth century. Life expectancy at birth for the U.S. population rose from 47 years in 1900 to 77 years in 2000. Clearly, genetic selection could not have operated so quickly, and nongenetic factors had to be the cause of this startling increase in life expectancy. A different pattern of the major causes of death emerged during the century. In 1900 the five major causes of death were: (1) pneumonia and flu, (2) tuberculosis, (3) diarrhea and intestinal disease, (4) heart disease, and (5) stroke and brain lesions. By 2000, the five major causes were: (1) heart disease, (2) cancer, (3) stroke and brain lesions, (4) lung disease, and (5) accidents. Presumably, a cleaner environment, in terms of improved water supplies and improved sewage disposal, together with the discovery and use of vaccines and antibiotics, contributed to the spectacular fall of infectious diseases as causes of death. Also, improvements in the transport of fruits, vegetables, and other foods led to the elimination of seasonal dietary deficiencies. General improvements in diets also contributed to the improvement in life expectancy. But the rise in lung disease and cancer as causes of death suggests there may have been simultaneous environmental deficits occurring parallel to these improvements. At any particular time in history there may be simultaneous positive and negative influences on aging, life expectancy, the incidence of particular diseases, and the quality of life.
One of the largest correlates of life expectancy is food intake. In 1935, MacCay, Crowell, and Maynard reported that dietary restriction promotes longer life in mice. Since that time, the effects of restricted dietary intake have been reported in many studies. Little early attention was given to the fact that in addition to the life extension effects of dietary restriction in small animals, many diseases to which the animals are disposed were delayed in their onset. There being no available explanation or mechanism to explain this delay of appearance of diseases, it received little attention. However, in 1954, Denham Harman proposed that free radicals can contribute to the aging of organisms. Free radicals refer to molecules that have one or more electrons in their outer orbits that can interact with DNA, proteins, and unsaturated lipids in cell membranes. They appear to be very reactive at all levels in an organism. In recent years, the identification of oxidant damage from free radicals has led to acceptance of the view that oxidant damage can modulate the expression of the genetic traits of animals, including humans.
Contemporary Gerontology
Undoubtedly there have been many contributing factors to the relatively slow emergence of gerontology as a subject of study. The implications of aging as a natural phenomenon were to some extent threatening to some religious or philosophical convictions. The large number of children born early in the twentieth century gave rise to the professional specialties of pediatrics, child psychology, and child psychiatry. K. F. Riegel (1977) did a quantitative study of publications in the psychology of aging and found that such publications increased exponentially after 1950, fifty years after child psychology became an established academic field of study.
Children's susceptibility to infectious diseases contributed to a health focus on early life, and little attention was given to phenomena of aging and later-life morbidity. Also, the dominant views of medicine in the early twentieth century were focused on single variable explanations of disease and on external causes. When the focus shifted, in the late 1930s, to include the chronic diseases typical of late life, aging tended to be attributed to single causes (e.g., "you are as old as your arteries"). Specific organ failures were examined in detail, and interactive physiological influences were overlooked. In particular, the nervous system was largely neglected in thinking about aging, although it is a basic regulator of bodily functions.
Economic factors undoubtedly played a role in the slow emergence of gerontology as an area of study. In the early twentieth century, few institutions, private or nonprofit, were devoted to the care and treatment of the aged. Pensions, social security, disability insurance, retirement communities, assisted living facilities, adult education programs, and many other programs emerged later, increasing the need for knowledge about the characteristics of the older population. As the institutional lag in serving older persons began to ebb, research on aging began to grow.
The elevation of the Section on Aging to the National Institute on Aging in 1975 by the U.S. Public Health Service within the National Institutes of Health was a landmark in the growing support of research on aging. Gerontology was coming of age. Handbooks on the biological, psychological, and social science aspects of aging made their appearance in 1977, providing further evidence of the significant growth of the study of aging after 1950.
The complexity of aging as a set of interacting phenomena presented early life scientists with questions that could not easily be answered with the methodology of the time. In the past it was much easier to study single organs and their functions in isolation than to study them in an aging human organism. Important shifts in the major causes of death over the last hundred years indicate that aging is a highly dynamic phenomenon. Early studies of heart disease, however, did not recognize the contribution of the social environment and the behavioral dispositions of individuals as contributing factors to disease. For example, bereavement was found to have an effect on the mortality of the surviving spouse, increasing the awareness of the complex interactions in aging.
Aging As an Ecological Phenomenon
In the early twentieth century, the realization began to grow that aging is also an ecological phenomenon. Longitudinal studies of human populations in the latter part of the twentieth century have provided considerable evidence of the range and plasticity of human variability in the way aging is manifest. Since experimental studies of human longevity and aging are not morally possible, longitudinal studies have been important in providing evidence of the relative effects of environment and heredity on mortality, morbidity, and functional characteristics. Further advances in our understanding of human aging have been provided by longitudinal studies of identical twins reared together or apart over their life spans. No longer are simple assumptions acceptable about the contributions of "nature" and "nurture" to human aging. Contemporary questions focus on the relative magnitudes of different influences. The lifespan identical twin studies of the Karolinska Institute in Stockholm, Sweden, have provided evidence that both genetic and environmental factors influence individual variability in the expression of late-life characteristics. Such findings make it impossible to explain human aging solely in terms of genetic inheritance or environmental influences.
A strong force in attributing human aging to genetic inheritance is the fact that the various species have characteristic lengths of life relative to one another. Even if one increases the length of life of rats by 100 percent, they still do not live as long as cats or dogs. Thus there is a hierarchy of life spans, which presumably has evolved by natural selection of animals exposed to different environmental pressures such as availability of food, extreme temperatures, and predation.
To answer questions raised by gerontology about how long people live—and how well they live—it is clear that some answers will come from the bottom up; from the study of elemental subcellular and cellular biological processes. Other answers will come from the top down; from the organization of our behavior through experience and the interaction of "software and hardware" in the nervous system. For example, smoking and high alcohol consumption have been found to shorten life and predispose people to diseases of the heart, lungs, and liver. Behavior and lifestyle also have an effect on health. The concept of "selfregulation" has been introduced to express the higher level of control exercised by the nervous system as a result of learning.
People with higher levels of education appear to have a greater capacity for self-regulation, and they live longer, on average. Being aware of different sources of information, they tend to seek medical assistance sooner and have more medical diagnoses than the less educated, and they spend fewer days in hospitals. Those with less education tend to initiate interventions only when there are health crises accompanied by a higher risk to survival. In contrast, the highly educated seek early interventions, when desired outcomes are more likely.
The "software" of the nervous system can also acquire different tendencies to self-destruction through suicide in different societies. Suicide is about the ninth leading cause of death in America, but is more common in Hungary and Finland. In the history of Japan, ritual suicide (hara kiri) was a justified accompaniment of loss of face or disgrace. The tendency to violence and homicides also varies among different cultures, which again illustrates the interaction of the environment and length of life. While the major causes of death are chronic diseases, culture modulates our disposition to such illnesses, as well as to suicide and homicide.
In the past, religions have placed a high emphasis on individual fates being determined by a higher power. Prayer has therefore been assumed to have great intervention potential. In recent years there has been more exchange between the cultures of religion and of science. The result has been research showing that participation in religious activities does indeed have beneficial effect on aging. Some of the benefits may result from selection of the subjects studied—better adjusted and more socialized adults may be more likely to belong to a religious community. Also, a belief in a higher power by itself may reduce stress and promote health. Regardless of the preferred interpretations of causality in the relationships of longevity, health, lifestyle, culture, spirituality, and religion, the fact that information is being gathered and exchanged is likely to be of use in improving human well-being in later life.
This complex picture defines the subject of gerontology. The study of the biology of aging exists at many levels, from cell parts to whole organisms. In the case of humans, the various critical organs, such as the heart, liver, kidneys, immune system, and the nervous system, have often been studied in isolation. There are both interactions and factors, however, that effect all organs. One of the general factors coming into prominence is the energy-producing component of cells, the mitochondria. Energy is needed by the whole organism for the development, maintenance, and repair of organs, tissues, and cells. Aging of the mitochondria can have widespread consequences throughout an organism. Clearly, new knowledge about aging must be sought at all levels—biological, psychological, social, and cultural. Risk factors are being identified that provide insights into the causes of late-life disabilities and provide clues about ways to ameliorate or control their consequences.
New theories of aging are being advanced as our data and our understanding of the human organism improves. One of the earliest theories was that of Raymond Pearl (1879–1940), who, in 1928, held that the metabolic rate of different species underlay the difference in their length of life. Longevity, he proposed, is inversely proportional to the metabolic rate per unit of body mass. Presumably animals are born with a capacity for a fixed amount of irreplaceable energy. Pearl viewed rate of energy expenditure as predictive of the length of life of a species.
Energy is needed at all levels of an organism, and it ultimately depends upon the functioning of the mitochondria. Thus, aging of the mitochondria can have widespread consequences throughout an organism. The fact that the mitochondria has its own DNA that lies outside of the DNA on the chromosomes, is important. The mitochondrial DNA is transmitted to the fertilized ovum solely from the mother. Is has a structure different from the chromosomal DNA, but it too is susceptible to the effects of damage from oxidants. One general consequence of the metabolism of large amounts of food is the production of oxidants that can interfere with the process of energy release in the cells of the body's critical organs and reduce their level of functioning. In a sense, this is a general environmental interference with genetic expression in the cells of vital organs of the body.
The oxidative damage done by free radicals may also interfere with the signaling or communication between biological systems, which may include immune system in older persons, and its failure to recognize the necessary proteins of a body and attack them. Recent work suggests that the body's inappropriate production of oxidants and the capacity of the body to control oxidative stress is a key feature of aging and the length of life (Finkel and Holbrook, 2000). Also, there is the question of the extent to which the life-limiting effect of oxidant damage results from the oxidant level itself, or from a change in the capacity of the organism to manage it. In either case the result may be individual organ failure or a life-limiting disease.
Trends
Gerontology continues to be an expanding field of study and a rising area of public interest. Academic positions are increasing, and even more increases are seen in private-sector employment in service areas such as retirement housing, assisted living, exercise programs, health care, adult education, travel, and entertainment. Also expanding are training activities related to aging in the professions; and new academic and professional journals are appearing. One consequence of this rapid growth is a rise in research on specialized aspects of aging. The rapid growth in published literature has been accompanied by a lag in integrating data from different disciplines. There is a need for integration of information within and across academic disciplines. One might expect to see more emphasis on meta-analysis of many studies, not only on narrow topics, but on broader issues related to genetic, environmental, and behavioral factors.
Many of the factors influencing aging have lower and upper limits that have yet to be defined and measured. The benefits of exercise, for example, conceivably have a ceiling beyond which further activity can have negative outcomes. Such a ceiling is in contrast to the "floor" of low physical activity, which leads to disuse atrophies in the organism and can contribute to episodic risk factors such as falling. In a similar manner, cognitive activity and the use of memory have both optimum upper limits of use for maintenance of function and floor effects leading to regression of function.
As a species, humans have undoubtedly been selected for rapid and sustained physical activity to avoid predators and seek food sources. The capacity of the human nervous system for strategic control of the environment has led to a drop in the need for physical activity and for high food availability. Individuals tend to lower their physical activity when it is not needed, and to overconsume food in relation to metabolic needs. Cultural controls have to be cultivated in these areas to maximize potentials for long and useful lives, along with better health promotion and disease prevention efforts.
With the rising interest in promoting the well being of aging populations, new metaphors are being introduced to motivate people to undertake lifestyle changes. Such metaphors appear to be designed to cast a motivating optimistic aura about aging. Terms like "successful aging," "productive aging," and "vital aging" do not in themselves identify the important variables in human aging. Rather, they reflect a rising interest on the part of the research community to attract public interest to areas of research thought to be useful in an aging population. The proliferation of terms used in gerontology and in reference to aging led to the development of a Thesaurus of Aging Terminology by AARP.
The understanding of aging and the analysis of its complexity requires the consideration of many contributing variables and their interactions. It is inherently a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary field of research. There appears to be little doubt that the twentieth century will introduce new concepts and theories about aging, and that the sciences concerned with gerontology will advance our understanding of aging and lead to further increases in life expectancy and improved quality of life.
(SEE ALSO: AARP; Aging of Population; Cohort Life Tables; Cohort Study; Dementia; Epidemiologic Transition; Geriatrics; Life Expectancy and Life Tables; National Institute on Aging; Physical Activity; Rates: Age-Adjusted; Rates: Age-Specific; Widowhood)
Bibliography
American Association of Retired Persons (1997). Thesaurus of Aging Terminology, 6th edition. Washington, DC: Author.
Bengtson, V. L., and Schair, K. W. (1999). Handbook of Theories of Aging. New York: Springer Publishing.
Binstock, R. H., and George, L. K. (2001). Handbook of Aging and the Social Sciences. San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Birren, J. E. (1964). The Psychology of Aging. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
—— (1996). "History of Gerontology." In Encyclopedia of Gerontology, Vol. 1. San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Birren, J. E., and Schair, K. W. (2001). Handbook of the Psychology of Aging. San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Cowdry, E. V. (1939). Problems of Ageing. Baltimore, MD: Williams & Wilkins.
Evans, R. G.; Barer, M. L.; and Marmor, T. R., eds. Why Are Some People Healthy and Others Not: The Determinants of Health of Populations. New York: Aldine De Gruyter.
Finkel, T., and Holbrook, N. J. (2000). "Oxidants, Oxidative Stress and Biology of Aging." Nature 408:239–247.
Gruman, G. J. (1996). A History of Ideas about the Prolongation of Life: The Evolution of Prolongevity Hypotheses to 1800. Philadelphia, PA: American Philosophical Society.
Gurralnik, J. M.; Fried, L. P.; Simonsick, E. M.; Kaster, J. D.; Lafferty, M. E.; eds. (1995). The Women's Health and Aging Study: Health and Social Characteristics of Older Women with Disability. Bethesda, MD: National Institute on Aging.
Hakeem, A.; Sandoval, G. D. R.; Jones, M.; and Allman, J. (1996). "Brain and Life Span in Primates." In Handbook of the Psychology of Aging, eds. J. E. Birren &K. W. Schaie. San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Kimble, M. A.; McFadden, S. H.; Ellor, J. W.; and Seeber, J. J. (1995). Aging, Spirituality, and Religion: A Handbook. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.
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— JAMES E. BIRREN
The study of ageing and of elderly people. Some gerontological studies, such as adaptation to retirement, have had particular application to sports sociology. See also ageism, ageing process.
A medical specialty that focuses on the care and treatment of the elderly.
The comprehensive (physical, psychological, and social) study of aging.

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Gerontology (from the Greek γέρων, geron, "old man" and -λογία, -logy, "study of"; coined by Ilya Ilyich Mechnikov in 1903) is the study of the social, psychological and biological aspects of aging. It is distinguished from geriatrics, which is the branch of medicine that studies the diseases of older adults. Gerontologists includes researchers and practitioners in the fields of biology, medicine, nursing, dentistry, social work, physical and occupational therapy, psychology, psychiatry, sociology, economics, political science, architecture, pharmacy, public health, housing and anthropology.[1]
Gerontology encompasses the following:
The multidisciplinary nature of gerontology means that there are a number of sub-fields, as well as associated fields such as psychology and sociology that overlap with gerontology. Gerontologists view aging in terms of four distinct processes, chronological aging, biological aging, psychological aging, and social aging.[1] Chronological aging is the definition of aging based on a person's years lived from birth.[1] Biological aging refers to the physical changes that reduce the efficiency of organ systems.[1] Psychological aging includes the changes that occur in sensory and perceptual processes, cognitive abilities, adaptive capacity, and personality.[1] Social aging refers to an individual's changing roles and relationships with family, friends, and other informal supports, productive roles and within organizations.[1]
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Rapid aging populations are expected worldwide. In 1900, there were 3.1 million people aged 65 years and older living in the United States. However, this population continued to grow throughout the twentieth century and reached 31.2, 35, and 40.3 million people in 1990, 2000, and 2010, respectively. Notably, in the United States, the "baby boomer" generation began to turn 65 in 2011. Recently, the population aged 65 years and older has grown at a faster rate than the total population in the United States. The total population increased by 9.7%, from 281.4 million to 308.7 million, between 2000 and 2010. However, the population aged 65 years and older increased by 15.1% during the same period.[2] It has been estimated that 25% of the population in the United States and Canada will be aged 65 years and older by 2025. Moreover, by 2050, it is predicted that, for the first time in United States history, the number of individuals aged 60 years and older will be greater than the number of children aged 0 to 14 years.[3] Those aged 85 years and older (oldest-old) are projected to increase from 5.3 million to 21 million by 2050.[4] Adults aged 85-89 years constituted the greatest segment of the oldest-old in 1990, 2000, and 2010. However, the largest percentage point increase among the oldest-old occurred in the 90-94 year old age group, which increased from 25.0% in 1990 to 26.4% in 2010.[5] With the rapid growth of the aging population, social work education and training specialized in older adults and practitioners interested in working with older adults are increasingly in demand[6][7] In the last decade, geriatric social work education, practice, and research have received substantial support from foundations such as the John. A Hartford Foundation, Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and Atlantic Philanthropies.[8]
There has been a considerable disparity between the number of men and women in the older population in the United States. In both 2000 and 2010, women outnumbered men in the older population at every single year of age (e.g., 65 to 100 years and over). The sex ratio, which is a measure used to indicate the balance of males to females in a population, is calculated by taking the number of males divided by the number of females, and multiplying by 100. Therefore, the sex ratio is the number of males per 100 females. In 2010, there were 90.5 males per 100 females in the 65 year old population. However, this represented an increase from 1990 when there were 82.7 males per 100 females, and from 2000 when the sex ratio was 88.1. Although the gender-gap between men and women has narrowed, women continue to have a greater life expectancy and lower mortality rates at older ages relative to men. For example, the Census 2010 reported that there were approximately twice as many women as men living in the United States at 89 years of age (361,309 versus 176,689, respectively).[9]
The number and percentage of older adults living in the United States vary across the four different regions (Northeast, Midwest, West, and South) defined by the United States census. In 2010, the South contained the greatest number of people aged 65 years and older and 85 years and older. However, proportionately, the Northeast contains the largest percentage of adults aged 65 years and older (14.1%), followed by the Midwest (13.5%), the South (13.0%), and the West (11.9%). Relative to the Census 2000, all geographic regions demonstrated positive growth in the population of adults aged 65 years and older and 85 years and older. The most rapid growth in the population of adults aged 65 years and older was evident in the West (23.5%), which showed an increase from 6.9 million in 2000 to 8.5 million in 2010. Likewise, in the population aged 85 years and older, the West (42.8%) also showed the fastest growth and increased from 806,000 in 2000 to 1.2 million in 2010. It is worth highlighting that Rhode Island was the only state that experienced a reduction in the number of people aged 65 years and older, and declined from 152,402 in 2000 to 151,881 in 2010. Conversely, all states exhibited an increase in the population of adults aged 85 years and older from 2000 to 2010.[10]
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In the medieval Islamic world, several physicians wrote on issues related to Gerontology. Avicenna's The Canon of Medicine (1025) offered instruction for the care of the aged, including diet and remedies for issues including constipation.[11] Arabic physician Ibn Al-Jazzar Al-Qayrawani (Algizar, c. 898-980) wrote on the medicine and health of the elderly.[12] His scholarly work covers sleep disorders, forgetfulness, how to strengthen memory[13][14][15] and causes of mortality[16] Ishaq ibn Hunayn (died 910) also wrote on treatments for forgetfulness.[17]
While the number of aged humans, and the maximum life span, tended to increase in every century since the 14th, society tended to consider caring for an elderly relative as a family issue. It was not until the coming of the Industrial Revolution that ideas shifted in favor of a societal care-system. Care homes for the aged emerged in the 19th century.
Some early pioneers, such as Michel Eugène Chevreul, who himself lived to be 102, believed that aging itself should be a science to be studied. The word "gerontology" was coined circa 1903[18] by Elie Metchnikoff.
It was not until the 1940s, however, that pioneers like James Birren began organizing gerontology into its own field. Recognizing that there were experts in many fields all dealing with the older population, it became apparent that a group like the Gerontological Society of America (founded in 1945) was needed. Two decades later, James Birren was appointed as the founding director of the first academic research center devoted exclusively to the study of aging, the Ethel Percy Andrus Gerontology Center at the University of Southern California.[19][20] The Baltimore Longitudinal Studies of Aging began in 1958 in order to study physiological changes in healthy middle-aged and older men living in the community by testing them every two years on numerous physiological parameters.[1] In 1967, the University of South Florida and the University of North Texas (formerly North Texas State University) received Older Americans Act training grants from the U.S. Administration on Aging to launch the nation's first degree programs in gerontology, at the master's level. In 1975, the University of Southern California's Leonard Davis School of Gerontology, with Birren as its founding dean, became the country's first school of gerontology within a university and, later, offered the first PhD in Gerontology degree. Since that time, a number of other universities have formed departments or schools of gerontology or aging studies.
More generally, gerontological education has flourished in the United States since 1967 and degrees at all academic levels are now offered by a number of colleges and universities.[21] Several university-based centers on aging have been founded such as the Duke University Center on Aging, the University of Georgia Institute of Gerontology, the Center of Aging at the University of Chicago, and the Stanford Center on Longevity.[1] Relatively few universities offer a PhD in gerontology. Currently, PhD programs in gerontology are available at the University of Kansas, University of Kentucky, University of Maryland, University of Massachusetts Boston, and the University of Southern California. The substantial increase in the aging population in post-industrial Western nations has led to this becoming one of the most rapidly growing fields.
From the 1950s to the 1970s, the field was mainly social and concerned with issues such as nursing homes and health care. However, research by Leonard Hayflick in the 1960s (showing that a cell line culture will only divide about 50 times) helped lead to a separate branch, biogerontology. It became apparent that simply treating aging was not enough. Developing an understanding of the aging process, and what could be done about it, became an issue.
Biogerontology was also bolstered when research by Cynthia Kenyon and others demonstrated that life extension was possible in lower life forms such as fruit flies, worms, and yeast. So far, however, nothing more than incremental (marginal) increases in life span have been seen in any mammalian species.
Biogerontology is the sub-field of gerontology concerned with the biological processes of aging. It involves interdisciplinary research on biological aging's causes, effects, and mechanisms. Conservative biogerontologists such as Leonard Hayflick have predicted that the human life expectancy will peak at about 85 (88 for females, 82 for males), although the consensus now is that the numbers will continue to rise.
Biogerontologists usually work at research universities or laboratories. The majority of biogerontologists have a PhD, sometimes a MD.
The multidisciplinary focus of gerontology and biogerontology means that there are a number of sub-fields, ... (Biogerontology Net, retrieved by Dr.Robelyn Garcia, 2010)
Biomedical gerontology, also known as experimental gerontology and life extension, is a sub-discipline of biogerontology that endeavors to slow, prevent, and even reverse aging in both humans and animals. Approaches include curing age-related diseases and slowing down the underlying processes of aging. Most "life extensionists" believe the human life span can be increased within the next century, if not sooner. Optimists such as Aubrey de Grey are of the opinion that the first person to live a thousand years has already been born. Some biogerontologists take an intermediate position, emphasizing the study of the aging process as a means of mitigating aging-associated diseases, while either claiming that maximum life span can not be altered or that it is undesirable to try.
As with biogerontology, geriatrics studies the biological causes and effects of aging. Both fields are considered by many scientists to be the most important frontiers in aging research.
Theories of aging are numerous and no one theory has been accepted. There is a wide spectrum of the types of theories for the causes of aging with programmed theories on one extreme and error theories on the other. Regardless of the theory, a commonality is that as humans age, functions of the body decline.[3]
Wear and tear theories of aging suggest that as an individual ages, body parts such as cells and organs wear out from continued use. Wearing of the body can be attributable to internal or external causes that eventually lead to an accumulation of insluts which surpasses the capacity for repair. Due to these internal and external insults, cells lose their ability to regenerate, which ultimately leads to mechanical and chemical exhaustion. Some insults include chemicals in the air, food, or smoke. Other insults may be things such as viruses, trauma, free radicals, cross-linking, and high body temperature.[3]
Genetic theories of aging propose that aging is programmed within each individual's genes. According to this theory, genes dictate cellular longevity. Programmed cell death, or apoptosis is determined by a "biological clock" via genetic information in the nucleus of the cell. Over the course of normal development, these genes are expressed or repressed. Environmental factors and genetic mutations can influence gene expression and accelerate aging.[3]
General Imbalance theories of aging suggest that body systems, such as the endocrine, nervous, and immune systems, gradually decline and ultimately fail to function. The rate of failure varies system by system.[3]
Accumulation theories of aging suggest that aging is bodily decline that results from an accumulation of elements. Elements can be foreign and introduced to the body from the environment. Other elements can be the natural result of cell metabolism.[3] An example of an accumulation theory is the Free Radical Theory of Aging. According to this theory, byproducts of regular cell metabolism called free radicals interact with cellular components such as the cell membrane and DNA and cause irreversible damage.[22]
Social gerontology is a multi-disciplinary sub-field that specializes in studying or working with older adults.
Social gerontologists may have degrees or training in social work, nursing, psychology, sociology, demography, gerontology, or other social science disciplines. Social gerontologists are responsible for educating, researching, and advancing the broader causes of older people.
Because issues of life span and life extension need numbers to quantify them, there is an overlap with demography. Those who study the demography of the human life span differ from those who study the social demographics of aging.
Social work with older adults, known as geriatric social work practice, is considered to be both a macro and micro practice with individuals over the age of 60 or 65, their families and communities, aging related policy, and aging research. Geriatric social workers typically provide counseling, direct services, care coordination, community planning, and advocacy in an array of agencies and organizations including private practice, in home, neighborhoods, hospitals, senior congregate living, hospice/end of life care, senior centers, oncology centers and residential long term care facilities such as nursing facilities. At the macro level, geriatric social workers work within state departments of health, adult protective services, and at universities and colleges, as well as Administration on Aging offices on a federal level in the United States.
According to Dannefer, aging is an interactive process where the individual is affected by the environment while also influencing the environment in which he/she ages. Several theories of aging are developed to observed the aging process of older adults in society as well as how these processes are interpreted by men and women as they age.[23]
Activity theory was developed and elaborated by Cavan, Havinghurst, and Albrecht. According to this theory, older adults' self-concept depends on social interactions. In order for older adults to maintain morale in old age, substitutions must be made for lost roles. Examples of lost roles include retirement from a job or loss of a spouse.[23]
Activity is preferable to inactivity because it facilitates well-being on multiple levels. Because of improved general health and prosperity in the older population, remaining active is more feasible now than when this theory was first proposed by Havighurst nearly six decades ago. The activity theory is applicable for a stable, post-industrial society, which offers its older members many opportunities for meaningful participation. Weakness: Some aging persons cannot maintain a middle-aged lifestyle, due to functional limitations, lack of income, or lack of a desire to do so. Many older adults lack the resources to maintain active roles in society. On the flip side, some elders may insist on continuing activities in late life that pose a danger to themselves and others, such as driving at night with low visual acuity or doing maintenance work to the house while climbing with severely arthritic knees. In doing so, they are denying their limitations and engaging in unsafe behaviors.[24]
Disengagement theory was developed by Cumming and Henry. According to this theory, older adults and society engage in a mutual separation from each other. An example of mutual separation is retirement from the workforce. A key assumption of this theory is that older adults lose "ego-energy" and become increasingly self absorbed. Additionally, disengagement leads to higher morale maintenance than if older adults try to maintain social involvement. This theory is heavily criticized for having an escape clause. namely, that older adults who remain engaged in society are unsuccessful adjusters to old age.[23]
Gradual withdrawal from society and relationships preserves social equilibrium and promotes self-reflection for elders who are freed from societal roles. It furnishes an orderly means for the transfer of knowledge, capital, and power from the older generation to the young. It makes it possible for society to continue functioning after valuable older members die. Weakness: There is no base of evidence or research to support this theory. Additionally, many older people desire to remain occupied and involved with society. Imposed withdrawal from society may be harmful to elders and society alike. This theory has been largely discounted by gerontologists.[25]
Continuity Theory is an illusive concept. On the one hand, to exhibit continuity can mean to remain the same, to be uniform, homogeneous, unchanging, even humdrum. This static view of continuity is not very applicable to human aging. On the other hand, a dynamic view of continuity starts with the idea of a basic structure which persists over time, but it allows for a variety of changes to occur within the context provided by the basic structure. The basic structure is coherent: It has an orderly or logical relation of parts that is recognizably unique and that allows us to differentiate that structure from others. With the introduction of the concept of time, ideas such as direction, sequence, character development, and story line enter into the concept of continuity as it is applied to the evolution of a human being. In this paper, a dynamic concept of continuity is developed and applied to the issue of adaptation to normal aging.[26]
A central premise of Continuity Theory is that, in making adaptive choices, middle-aged and older adults attempt to preserve and maintain existing internal and external structures and that they prefer to accomplish this objective by using continuity (i.e., applying familiar strategies in familiar arenas of life). In middle and later life, adults are drawn by the weight of past experience to use continuity as a primary adaptive strategy for dealing with changes associated with normal aging. To the extent that change builds upon, and has links to, the person's past, change is a part of continuity. As a result of both their own perceptions and pressures from the social environment, individuals who are adapting to normal aging are both predisposed and motivated toward inner psychological continuity as well as outward continuity of social behavior and circumstances.[27]
Continuity Theory views both internal and external continuity as robust adaptive strategies that are supported by both individual preference and social sanctions. Continuity Theory consists of general adaptive principles that people who are normally •Miami University, Oxford, Ohio 45056. aging could be expected to follow, explanations of how these principles work, and a specification of general areas of life in which these principles could be expected to apply. Accordingly, Continuity Theory has enormous potential as a general theory of adaptation to individual aging.[28]
According to this theory, older adults born during different time periods form cohorts that define "age strata". There are two differences among strata: Chronological age and Historical experience. This theory makes two arguments. 1. Age is a mechanism for regulating behavior and as a result determines access to positions of power. 2. Birth cohorts play an influential role in the process of social change.[23]
According to this theory, which stems from the Life Course Perspective (Bengston and Allen, 1993),[29] aging occurs from birth to death. Aging involves social, psychological, and biological processes. Additionally, aging experiences are shaped by cohort historical factors.[23]
Also reflecting the life course focus, consider the implications for how societies might function when age-based norms vanish—a consequence of the deinstitutionalization of the life course— and suggest that these implications pose new challenges for theorizing aging and the life course in postindustrial societies. Dramatic reductions in mortality, morbidity, and fertility over the past several decades have so shaken up the organization of the life course and the nature of educational, work, family, and leisure experiences that it is now possible for individuals to become old in new ways. The configurations and content of other life stages are being altered as well, especially for women. In consequence, theories of age and aging will need to be reconceptualized.[30]
According to this theory, which was developed beginning in the 1960s by Derek Price and Robert Merton and elaborated on by several researchers such as Dale Dannefer,[31] inequalities have a tendency to become more pronounced throughout the aging process. A paradigm of this theory can be expressed in the adage "the rich get richer and the poor get poorer". Advantages and disadvantages in early life stages have a profound effect throughout the life span. However, advantages and disadvantages in middle adulthood have a direct influence on economic and health status in later life.[23]
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17. Macieira-Coelho A., (2003) Biology of Aging, Progress in Molecular and Subcellular Biology, vol. 30, Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg New York, ISSN 0079-6484, ISBN 3-540-43827-0.
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Dansk (Danish)
n. - gerontologi, alderdomsforskning
Nederlands (Dutch)
gerontologie
Français (French)
n. - gérontologie
Deutsch (German)
n. - Gerontologie, Altersforschung, Lehre von den Alterskrankheiten
Ελληνική (Greek)
n. - (ιατρ.) γεροντολογία
Italiano (Italian)
gerontologia
Português (Portuguese)
n. - gerontologia (f)
Русский (Russian)
геронтология
Español (Spanish)
n. - gerontología
Svenska (Swedish)
n. - åldersforskning (med.)
中文(简体)(Chinese (Simplified))
老人医学
中文(繁體)(Chinese (Traditional))
n. - 老人醫學
日本語 (Japanese)
n. - 老人学, 老人病学, 長寿学
العربيه (Arabic)
(الاسم) علم مشكلات الشيخوخه
עברית (Hebrew)
n. - מדע הזקנה, גרונטולוגיה
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