Bibliography
See studies by R. E. Brown (2 vol., 1966-70); J. L. Martyn (rev. ed. 1979); D. Moody-Smith (1984); J. Ashton, ed. (1986); R. Kysar (1986); R. Price, Three Gospels (1996).
Columbia Encyclopedia:
Gospel according to Saint John |
Bibliography
See studies by R. E. Brown (2 vol., 1966-70); J. L. Martyn (rev. ed. 1979); D. Moody-Smith (1984); J. Ashton, ed. (1986); R. Kysar (1986); R. Price, Three Gospels (1996).
Wikipedia:
Gospel of John |
The Gospel According to John (Κατὰ Ἰωάννην εὐαγγέλιον, τὸ εὐαγγέλιον κατὰ Ἰωάννην, kata Iōannēn euangelion, to euangelion kata Iōannēn) commonly referred to as the Gospel of John, is the last of the four canonical gospels. This non-synoptic gospel is an account of the life and ministry of Jesus of Nazareth. It details the story of Jesus from his Baptism to his Resurrection.
Early Christian tradition attributes this gospel to John the Evangelist, one of Jesus' disciples. The gospel appears to have been written with an evangelistic purpose, primarily for Greek-speaking Jews who were not believers[1] or to strengthen the faith of Christians.[2] A second purpose was probably to counter criticisms or unorthodox beliefs of Jews, John the Baptist's followers, and those who believed Jesus was only spirit and not flesh.[3]
Of the four gospels, John has traditionally been seen as presenting the highest Christology, describing Jesus as the Logos who was in the Arche (a Greek term for "the beginning" or "the ultimate source of all things"), teaching at length about his identity as savior, and declaring him to be God[4]. Only in John does Jesus talk at length about himself, including a substantial amount of material Jesus shared with the disciples only. Here Jesus' public ministry consists largely of miracles not found in the Synoptics, including raising Lazarus from the dead. In John, Jesus is the object of veneration.[3] Certain elements of the synoptics such as parables, exorcisms, and the Second Coming are not found in John.
Prominent, mainstream historians regard the Gospel of John as largely unreliable.[5][6] They dispute that the apostle John was the book's author, the anonymous "beloved disciple."[7][8]
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Contents
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| A series of articles on |
| John in the Bible |
|---|
| Johannine literature |
| Gospel of John · First Epistle of John · Second Epistle of John · Third Epistle of John · Revelation · Authorship |
| John the Apostle · John the Evangelist · John of Patmos · John the Presbyter · Disciple whom Jesus loved |
| Communities |
| Twelve Apostles · The Early Church |
| Related literature |
| Apocryphon of John · Acts of John · Logos · Signs Gospel |
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According to the Church Fathers, St. John the Apostle, was the last of the Evangelists to compose a gospel. The Bishops of Asia requested he write such a gospel, because Cerinthus, the Ebionites and other Hebrew Heretics asserted that Christ did not exist before Mary.
The second reason for this work, was that the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke, only gave a history for the one year, of and following the imprisonment of John the Baptist. Therefore, the Evangelist expanded on the Synoptic gospels of which he had read and approved. [9] Johannine authorship was also evidenced by Polycarp, (who is said to have known the apostles), Irenaeus and Eusebius.[2] [10] [11] [12] [2]
This understanding of the authorship of the Fourth Gospel remained in place until the until the end of the 18th century.[13]
Starting in the 19th century, critical scholarship has questioned this view of the Church Fathers, and most scholars now regard the Gospel of John as anonymous.[14] [3]:302[15][16]
Raymond E. Brown summarizes a prevalent theory regarding the development of this gospel.[17]:363-364 He identifies three layers of text in the Fourth Gospel (a situation that is paralleled by the synoptic gospels):
Still different theories of authorship have been advanced by other notable theologians. Marvin Meyer, a Chapman University scholar of religion, contends the author of John’s Gospel was Mary Magdalene.[18]
Among scholars, Ephesus in Asia Minor is a popular suggestion for the gospel's origin.[3]
There is no certain historical evidence as to the date of its composition. Scholars most often date it to c 90–100, decades after the events it describes.[3] Bart Ehrman argues that there are differences in the composition of the Greek within the Gospel, such as breaks and inconsistencies in sequence, repetitions in the discourse, as well as passages that clearly do not belong to their context, and these suggest redaction.[19]
The so-called "Monarchian Prologue" to the Fourth Gospel (c. 200) supports A.D. 96 or one of the years immediately following as to the time of its writing.[20] Most scholars agree on a range of c. 90–100.[21] The gospel was already in existence early in the 2nd Century.[22]:p.313 John was composed in stages (probably two or three).[23]:p.43 There is credible evidence that the Gospel was written no later than the middle of the second century. Since the middle of the second century writings of Justin Martyr use language very similar to that found in the gospel of John, the Gospel is considered to have been in existence at least at that time.[24] The Rylands Library Papyrus P52, which records a fragment of this gospel, is usually dated to the first half of the second century.[25]
Conservative scholars consider internal evidences, such as the lack of the mention of the destruction of the Temple and a number of passages that they consider characteristic of an eyewitness,[26][citation needed] sufficient evidence that the gospel was composed before 100 and perhaps as early as 50–70. In the 1970s, Leon Morris and John A.T. Robinson independently suggested earlier dates for the gospel's composition.[27][28]:284,307
Some modern scholars question the mainstream view. The non-canonical Dead Sea Scrolls suggest an early Jewish origin, parallels and similarities to the Essenne Scroll, and Rule of the Community.[29] Many phrases are duplicated in the Gospel of John and the Dead Sea Scrolls. These are sufficiently numerous to challenge the theory that the Gospel of John was the last to be written among the four Gospels[30] and that it shows marked Greek influence.[31]
The Fourth Gospel, like the three Synoptic Gospels, is anonymous in that it does not bear its author's name. The title, "According to John," was attached when the four Gospels were gathered together and began to circulate as one collection.[32]
However John A. T. Robinson, a staunch defender of the apostolic authorship of the Gospel, says the Johannine tradition did not suddenly emerge about AD 100. He says there is "a real continuity, not merely in the memory of one old man, but in the life of an ongoing community, with the earliest days of Christianity."[33]
The text itself is unclear about the issue. John 21:20–25[34] contains information that could be construed as autobiographical. Conservative scholars generally assume that first person "I" in verse 25, the disciple in verse 24 and the disciple whom Jesus loved (also known as the Beloved Disciple) in verse 20 are the same person.[35] Critics point out that the abrupt shift from third person to first person in vss. 24–25 indicates that the author of the epilogue, who is supposedly a third-party editor, claims the preceding narrative is based on the Beloved Disciple's testimony, while he himself is not the Beloved Disciple.[36][37] An early document from circa 170, the Muratorian fragment, states that while John was the primary author, several people were involved; that mutual revision was part of the original intent of the authors; and that the editors included the apostle Andrew.
The Alogi, a 2nd-century sect that denied the doctrine of the Logos, ascribed this gospel, as well as the Book of Revelation, to the Gnostic Cerinthus.[38] Irenaeus, on the other hand, asserted that John wrote his gospel to refute Cerinthus.[39]
Perhaps the earliest surviving manuscript of the New Testament is Rylands Library Papyrus P52, discovered in Egypt in 1920 (now at the John Rylands Library, Manchester). Although P52 is a Greek papyrus fragment, with no more than 112 legible letters, it must come from a substantial codex book; as it is written on both sides, with John 18:31–33 [40] on one side and John 18:37–38[41] on the other. Most reference books list the probable date for this manuscript as c. 125.;[42][43] but the difficulty of estimating the date of a literary text based solely on paleographic evidence must allow potentially for a range that extends from before 100 to well into the second half of the second century. P52 is small, and although a plausible reconstruction can be attempted for most of the fourteen lines represented, nevertheless the proportion of the text of the Gospel of John for which it provides a direct witness is necessarily limited, so it is rarely cited in textual debate.[44] Other notable early manuscripts include Papyrus 66 and Papyrus 75, in consequence of which a substantially complete text of the Gospel of John exists from the beginning of the 3rd century at the latest.
Much current research on the textual history of the Gospel of John is being done by the International Greek New Testament Project.
Source criticism is the practice of deducing an author's or redactor's sources, especially in Biblical criticism. In 1941 Rudolf Bultmann suggested[45] that the author of John depended in part on an oral miracles tradition or manuscript account of Christ's miracles that was independent of, and not used by, the synoptic gospels. This hypothetical "Signs Gospel" is alleged to have been circulating before 70. Its traces can be seen in the remnants of a numbering system associated with some of the miracles that appear in the Gospel of John: all of the miracles that are mentioned only by John occur in the presence of John[citation needed]; the "signs" or semeia (the expression is uniquely John's) are unusually dramatic; and they are accomplished in order to call forth faith.[46] These miracles are different both from the rest of the "signs" in John, and from the miracles in the synoptic gospels, which occur as a result of faith. Bultmann's conclusion that John was reinterpreting an early Hellenistic tradition of Jesus as a wonder-worker, a "magician" within the Hellenistic world-view, was so controversial that heresy proceedings were instituted against him and his writings. (See: Images of Jesus and more detailed discussions linked below.)
The mysterious Egerton Gospel appears to represent a parallel but independent tradition to the Gospel of John. According to scholar Ronald Cameron, it was originally composed some time between the middle of the first century and early in the second century, and it was probably written shortly before the Gospel of John.[47] Robert W. Funk, et al., places the Egerton fragments in the 2nd century, perhaps as early as 125, which would make it as old as the oldest fragments of John.[48]
| Gospel of John |
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After the prologue,[Jn. 1:1–5] the narrative of the gospel begins with verse 6, and consists of two parts. The first part[1:6-12:50] relates Jesus' public ministry from John the Baptist recognizing him as the Lamb of God to the raising of Lazarus and Jesus' final public teaching. In this first part, John emphasizes seven of Jesus' miracles, always calling them "signs." The second part[13–21] presents Jesus in dialogue with his immediate followers[13–17] and gives an account of his Passion and Crucifixion and of his appearances to the disciples after his Resurrection.[18–20] In the "appendix",[21] Jesus restores Peter after his denial, predicts Peter's death, and discusses the death of the "beloved disciple".
Raymond E. Brown, a scholar of the social environment where the Gospel and Letters of John emerged, labelled the first and second parts the "Book of Signs" and the "Book of Glory", respectively.[49]
This prologue is intended to identify Jesus as the eternal Word (Logos) of God.[2] Thus John asserts Jesus' innate superiority over all divine messengers, whether angels or prophets.[3] Here John adapts the doctrine of the Logos, God's creative principle, from Philo, a 1st-century Hellenized Jew.[3]
Philo had adopted the term Logos from Greek philosophy, using it in place of the Hebrew concept of Wisdom (sophia) as the intermediary (angel) between the transcendent Creator and the material world.[3] Some scholars argue that the prologue was taken over from an existing hymn and added at a later stage in the gospel's composition.[2]
This section recounts Jesus' public ministry.[2] It consists of seven miracles or "signs," interspersed with long dialogues and discourses, including several "I am" sayings.[3] The miracles culminate with his most potent, raising Lazarus from the dead.[3] In John, it is this last miracle, and not the temple incident, that prompts the authorities to have Jesus executed.[3]
This section opens with an account of the Last Supper that differs significantly from that found in the synoptics.[3] Here, Jesus washes the disciples feet instead of ushering in a new covenant of his body and blood.[3] John then devotes almost five chapters to farewell discourses.[3] He declares his unity with the Father, promises to send the Paraclete, describes himself as the "real vine," explains that he must leave (die) before the Holy Spirit comes, and prays that his followers be one.[3] The farewell discourses resemble farewell speeches called testaments, in which a father or religious leader, often on the deathbed, leaves instructions for his children or followers.[50] Verses 14:30-31 represent a conclusion, and most modern scholars regard the next three chapters to have been inserted later.[50] Most scholars regard the discourses as having been assembled over time, representing the theology of the "Johannine circle" more than the message of the historical Jesus.[50]
John then records Jesus' arrest, trial, execution, and resurrection appearances, including "doubting Thomas."[3] Significantly, John does not have Jesus claim to be the Son of God or the Messiah before the Sanhedrin or Pilate, and he omits the traditional earthquakes, thunder, and midday darkness that were said to accompany Jesus' death.[3] John's revelation of divinity is Jesus' triumph over death, the eighth and greatest sign.[3]
Chapter 21, in which the "beloved disciple" claims authorship, is commonly assumed to be an appendix, probably added to allay concerns after the death of the beloved disciple.[3] There had been a rumor that the End would come before the beloved disciple died.[51]
The major events covered by the Gospel of John include:
The Gospel of John is easily distinguished from the three Synoptic Gospels, which share a considerable amount of text. Over 90% of the Gospel is unique to John.[52] The synoptics describe much more of Jesus' life, miracles, parables, and exorcisms. However, the materials unique to John are notable, especially in their effect on modern Christianity.
As a gospel, John is a story about the life of Jesus. The Gospel can be divided into four parts:
The Prologue[Jn. 1:1-18] is a hymn identifying Jesus as the Logos and as God. The Book of Signs [1:19-12:50] recounts Jesus' public ministry, and includes the signs worked by Jesus and some of his teachings. The Passion narrative[13-20] recounts the Last Supper (focusing on Jesus' farewell discourse), Jesus' arrest and crucifixion, his burial, and resurrection. The Epilogue[John 21] records a resurrection appearance of Jesus to the disciples in Galilee.
Following on from "the higher criticism" of the 19th century, scholars such as Adolf von Harnack[54] and Raymond E. Brown[17] have questioned the gospel of John as a reliable source of information about the historical Jesus.[55][56]
John portrays Jesus Christ as "a brief manifestation of the eternal Word, whose immortal spirit remains ever-present with the believing Christian."[3]:304 The book presents Jesus as divine and yet subordinate to the one true God.[57] The gospel gives far more focus to the relationship of the Son to the Father than the other gospels and it has often been used in the Christian development and understanding of the Trinity. John includes far more direct claims of Jesus being the only Son of God than the Synoptic Gospels. The gospel also focuses on the relation of the Redeemer to believers, the announcement of the Holy Spirit as the Comforter (Greek Paraclete), and the prominence of love as an element in the Christian character.
In the synoptics, Jesus speaks mostly about the Kingdom of God. His own divine role is obscured (see Messianic secret). In John, Jesus talks openly about his divine role. He says, for example, that he is the way, the truth, and the life. He echoes Yahweh's own statements with several "I am" declarations that also identify him with symbols of major significance:[3]:302-310
Critical scholars think that these claims represent the Christian community's faith in Jesus' divine authority but doubt that the historical Jesus actually made these sweeping claims.[3] Other scholars have argued that the "I Am" statements are in reference to YHWH, and have interpreted John 12:44 as meaning that Jesus expressly denied being God.[58]
John also promises eternal life for those who believe in Jesus.[3:16]
The opening verse of John is translated as "the Word was with God and the Word was God" in all orthodox and historical Bibles.[59] There are alternative views. The explicit statement that Jesus was himself the Arche does not come from John's gospel but from the Letter to the Colossians[60]. Historical Criticism scholars like those of the Jesus Seminar have argued that a better rendering of the original meaning of the evangelist would be "The Logos was what God was", as in the Scholar's Version[61]. On this interpretation, John presents Jesus' mission as bringing the Logos ("Word", "Wisdom", "Reason" or "Rationality") to his disciples.
Another divergent view is that of religious groups like the Jehovah's Witnesses. They accept that the Logos refers to Jesus, but deny the accuracy of the historical translation, "The Word was God", arguing that John meant "a god". Their analysis notes that the optional Greek article "hos" is present on "theos" in the phrase usually translated "The Word was God"[62] and then is missing from the subsequent "theos".[51]
John's account of the Baptist is different from that of the synoptic gospels. John is not called "the Baptist",[2] though stress is laid on his being sent to baptize with water.[citation needed] John's ministry overlaps with Jesus', his baptism of Jesus is not explicitly mentioned, but his witness to Jesus is unambiguous.[2] The evangelist almost certainly knew the story of John's baptism of Jesus and he makes a vital theological use of it.[63] He subordinates John to Jesus, perhaps in response to members of the Baptist's sect who denied Jesus' superiority.[3]
In John, Jesus and his disciples go to Judea early in Jesus' ministry when John has not yet been imprisoned and executed by Herod. He leads a ministry of baptism larger than John's own. The Jesus Seminar rated this account as black, containing no historically accurate information.[64] Historically, John likely had a larger presence in the public mind than Jesus.[65]
John's treatment of the Jews has been the subject of controversy. In the light of 20th century history, no reflection on John's Gospel can fail to deal with the Jewish motif. By tending to merge the various groups of Jewish opponents to Jesus into one group, "The Jews," and by making them symbols of unbelief and aggressive hostility to Jesus, John's Gospel, more than any other, has unintentionally fueled antisemitism. "Unintentionally" is an accurate assessment of John's perspective. There are two main reasons for this. The first one is theological while the second is historical.
John's theology tends to be "dualistic," and it casts its portrayal of Jesus and the response to it in absolute terms. Jesus represents good, therefore his opponents must be evil. The Gospel’s treatment of the role of the Jewish authorities in the Crucifixion and the use of the title "the Jews" when discussing the opponents of Jesus, put the Jews in a very bad light which over the years has not been lost on the reader.
The second is historical. The author most likely considered himself Jewish, did not deny that Jesus and his disciples were all Jewish, and was probably speaking to a largely Jewish community. This would probably negate intent. [66]
Christian Gnosticism did not fully develop until sometime around the mid-second century. As Roger Olson noted, “second-century Christian leaders and thinkers expended tremendous energies examining and refuting it.”[67] To say John’s Gospel contained elements of Gnosticism is to assume that Gnosticism had developed to a level that required the author respond to it. Nevertheless, it should be noted that comparisons to Gnosticism are based, fairly or unfairly, not in what the author says, but in the language s/he uses to say it; notably, use of the concepts of Logos and Light.
However, to say the author was Proto-Gnostic, or even Docetic, would be a misinterpretation of the prologue contained in the first eighteen verses of the text. As noted by Gordon Fee, the proper exegete of any text begins with a survey of the historical context of entire document.[68]:34 Therefore, we must ask who was the author’s intended audience? Raymond E. Brown noted, "John is most often characterized as a Hellenistic Gospel."[17]:371 This is to say the author of John’s Gospel addressed people familiar with Greek thought and philosophy. When the author identified Christ as the Logos (Gk. word), Greek-speaking Jews and Gentiles heard a philosophically charged word that evoked images of Platonic dualism. However, as the author noted, the “Logos” became “Sarks” (Gk. flesh) and was the true light which illuminates every person and overcomes all darkness. Theologically, this is inconsistent with classical Greek dualism and a repudiation of any form of Gnosticism and Docetism as well which held that Christ was not flesh but spirit.
Though not commonly understood as Gnostic, John has elements in common with Gnosticism.[3] Gnostics must have read John because it is found with Gnostic texts.[citation needed] The root of Gnosticism is that salvation comes from gnosis, secret knowledge. The nearly five chapters of the "farewell discourses" (John 13, 18) Jesus shares only with the Twelve Apostles. Jesus pre-exists birth as the Word (Logos). This origin and action resemble a gnostic aeon (emanation from God) being sent from the pleroma (region of light) to give humans the knowledge they need to ascend to the pleroma themselves.[citation needed] John's denigration of the flesh, as opposed to the spirit, is a classic Gnostic theme.
Raymond Brown contends that "The Johannine picture of a savior who came from an alien world above, who said that neither he nor those who accepted him were of this world (17:14), and who promised to return to take them to a heavenly dwelling (14:2-3) could be fitted into the gnostic world picture (even if God's love for the world in 3:16 could not)."[17]:375
It has been suggested that similarities between John's Gospel and Gnosticism may spring from common roots in Jewish Apocalyptic literature.Kovacs, Judith L. (1995).[69]
In John, the apostle Thomas appears at one point as brave,[70] at another as "doubting Thomas".[71] He doubts that Jesus has risen physically from the grave, and Jesus proves that he has. While the tradition of John was popular in Asia Minor, the tradition of Thomas was popular in neighboring Syria. To him was attributed a version of Jesus' teachings with Gnostic elements, which appears in the Gospel of Thomas. In John, the author uses Thomas himself to demonstrate that Jesus rose in the flesh.
The teachings of Jesus in John are very different from those found in the synoptic gospels. Thus, since the 1800s some scholars have believed that only one of the two traditions could be authentic. Today, prominent, mainstream historians largely discount the historical value of John. J. D. G. Dunn comments: "few scholars would regard John as a source for information regarding Jesus' life and ministry in any degree comparable to the Synoptics".[72] E.P. Sanders agrees that the synoptics are to be preferred as the basic source of the teachings of the historical Jesus.[73] He and other critical scholars conclude that the Gospel of John contains an "advanced theological development" in which intent considerations of the person and work of Jesus are presented in the first person as if Jesus were saying them.[74] The scholars of the Jesus Seminar assert that there is little historical value in John and consider nearly every Johannine saying of Jesus to be nonhistorical.[75]
Some scholars today believe that parts of John represent an independent historical tradition from the synoptics, while other parts represent later traditions.[76] The Gospel was probably shaped in part by increasing tensions between synagogue and church, or between those who believed Jesus was the Messiah and those who did not.[77]
Nevertheless, John is not entirely without historical value. Sanders is quick to point out that in no way does this imply that the discourses attributed to Jesus are untrue, only that the synoptic writers revised traditional material less thoroughly than did John.[74] The gospel does contain some independent, historically plausible elements.[78] Henry Wansbrough says: "Gone are the days when it was scholarly orthodoxy to maintain that John was the least reliable of the gospels historically." It has become generally accepted that certain sayings in John are as old or older than their synoptic counterparts, that John's knowledge of things around Jerusalem is often superior to the synoptics, and that his presentation of Jesus' agony in the garden and the prior meeting held by the Jewish authorities are possibly more historically accurate than their synoptic parallels.[79] And Marianne Meye Thompson writes: "There are items only in John that are likely to be historical and ought to be given due weight. Jesus' first disciples may once have been followers of the Baptist (cf. Jn. 1:35-42). There is no a priori reason to reject the report of Jesus and his disciples' conducting a ministry of baptism for a time.[3:22-26] That Jesus regularly visited Jerusalem, rather than merely at the time of his death, is often accepted as more realistic for a pious, first-century Jewish male (and is hinted at in the other Gospels as well: Mark 11:2; Luke 13:34; 22:8-13,53) ... Even John's placement of the Last Supper before Passover has struck some as likely."[80]
| It has been suggested that Omissions in the Gospel of John be merged into this article or section. (Discuss) |
John is significantly different from the Synoptic Gospels in many ways. Some of the differences are:
John was written somewhere near the end of the first century, probably in Ephesus, in Anatolia. The tradition of John the Apostle was strong in Anatolia, and Polycarp of Smyrna reportedly knew him. Like the previous gospels, it circulated separately until Irenaeus proclaimed all four gospels to be scripture.[83]
In the early church, John's reference to Jesus as the eternal Logos was a popular definition of Jesus, defeating the rival view that Jesus had been born a man but had been adopted as God's Son. The gospel's description of Jesus' divinity was fundamental to the developing doctrine of the Trinity.
In the second century, Montanus of Phrygia launched a movement in which he claimed to be the Paraclete promised in John.
Jerome translated John into its official Latin form, replacing various older translations.
Although very much in line with many accounts in the Synoptic Gospels and probably primitive (the Didascalia Apostolorum definitely refers to it and it was probably known to Papias), the Pericope Adulterae is not part of the original text of the Gospel of John.[84] The evidence for this view does not convince all scholars.[85]
When Bible criticism developed in the 19th century, John came under increasing criticism as less historically reliable than the synoptics. Historians have since concluded that a few unique details in John are likely to be authentic (see #Historical reliability of John, above).
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