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Henry George

 

(born Sept. 2, 1839, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S. — died Oct. 29, 1897, New York, N.Y.) U.S. land reformer and economist. He left school before age 14 to work as a clerk and then at sea. In 1858 George went to California, where he worked for newspapers (briefly founding his own) and took part in Democratic party politics. In 1879 he published Progress and Poverty, in which he proposed that the state fully tax all economic rent — the income from the use of the bare land, but not from improvements — and abolish all other taxes. George believed that the government's annual income from this "single tax" would be so large that there would be a surplus for expansion of public works.

For more information on Henry George, visit Britannica.com.

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Art Encyclopedia: George Henry
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(b Ayrshire, 1858; d London, 23 Dec 1943). Scottish painter. He trained at the Glasgow School of Art and painted in the early 1880s in W. Y. Macgregor's life studio and outdoors with James Guthrie, Joseph Crawhall and E. A. Walton. This resulted in his first major exhibit, Head of the Holy Loch (1882; Glasgow, A.G. & Mus.). Study in Paris at the Acad?mie Julian in 1883 and 1886 confirmed his realist style deriving from Jules Bastien-Lepage and seen, for instance, in Cottar's Garden (1885; Broughton House, Dumfries & Galloway). In his Galloway Landscape (1889; Glasgow, A.G. & Mus.), however, he abandoned this for his mature decorative style of heightened impasto colour and vigorous arabesque design. This was further developed in collaboration with E. A. HORNEL in two symbolic paintings, The Druids (1890) and Star in the East (1891; both Glasgow, A.G. & Mus.), and in mural paintings for Glasgow buildings, such as Granting the First Charter to Glasgow in the City Chambers (1899-1901). Part of the Celtic Revival, The Druids anticipates the search for primitive national origins that took Henry and Hornel to Japan in 1893-4. In his Japanese watercolours and oils, such as At Home in Japan (1894; Glasgow, A.G. & Mus.), Henry explored new features of simplified geometric design. After settling in London in the early 20th century he became popular as a portrait painter, but heavy reliance on Whistler and Vel?zquez replaced the originality of earlier work.

See the Abbreviations for further details.



Biography: Henry George
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The American economist and social reformer Henry George (1839-1897) popularized the "single-tax" reform movement.

Henry George was born in Philadelphia, Pa., on Sept. 2, 1839. He left school when he was 13 years old and spent 2 years as a clerk before becoming a seaman. After his arrival in San Francisco in 1858, he worked as a laborer, gold prospector, and printer. He married and started to raise a family and for several years experienced a desperate, grinding poverty.

In 1865 George became a journalist. In several newspapers, including the San Francisco Daily Evening Post, which he founded and edited (1871-1875), he criticized and exposed some of the major inequities of his day, such as speculation in public lands, the illegal actions of monopolies, and the exploitation of new Chinese immigrants in California. As a deeply religious and moral man, he felt that America could not condone such actions.

George studied economics and slowly systemized his thinking. In his editorials and writings he proposed various economic reforms, including public ownership of utilities and public-oriented industries such as railroads and the telegraph system. Still, he never embraced the ideology of socialism. His major work was Progress and Poverty (1879), which he infused with his strong moral passion for justice and his hatred of poverty. George claimed that private ownership of land was the root cause of poverty and also held up progress. It was morally wrong for people to become wealthy without working, but just from ownership of a natural resource that should be accessible to all people. He claimed that the rise of rents that went along with the growth of industry and progress forced wages to fall. For a "remedy" he proposed the nationalization of land or the taxing of land so highly that the economic rent would go to the community and be used for the public good.

George's simple solution, the "single tax," and his moral questioning of society's values and actions appealed to the people, though not to most economists, and made George famous. In the 1880s the single tax became the focus of a powerful reform movement. Local clubs were formed, and George propagandized for acceptance of the single tax. The idea even had a formidable impact on British radicalism in that decade.

George moved to New York in 1880, where his fame was such that he was asked to run for mayor as a reform candidate in 1886; he was narrowly defeated by Abram Hewitt but ran ahead of the Republican candidate, Theodore Roosevelt. Though in poor health, he was persuaded to run again, but he died before the election, on Oct. 29, 1897.

Further Reading

Charles Albro Barker, Henry George (1955), is a thorough study of George's life, and Edward J. Rose, Henry George (1968), is a good, shorter biography. Other studies include Henry George, Jr., The Life of Henry George (1900); Elwood P. Lawrence, Henry George in the British Isles (1957); and Steven B. Cord, Henry George: Dreamer or Realist? (1965). Robert L. Heilbroner discusses George in the context of 19th-century economic thought in The Wordly Philosophers: The Lives, Times, and Ideas of the Great Economic Thinkers (1953; 3d ed. rev. 1967).

Additional Sources

Barker, Charles A. (Charles Albro), Henry Georg, Westport, Conn., Greenwood Press 1974.

Cord, Steven B., Henry George, dreamer or realist?, New York: Robert Schalkenbach Foundation, 1984.

Geiger, George Raymond, The philosophy of Henry George, Westport, Conn.: Hyperion Press, 1975, 1933.

George and the scholars: a century of scientific research reveals the reformer was an original economist and a world-class social philosopher, New York: Robert Schalkenbach Foundation, 1991.

Jones, Peter d'Alroy, Henry George and British socialism, New York: Garland Pub., 1991.

Rather, Lois, Henry George - printer to author, Oakland Calif.: Rather Press, 1978.

Political Dictionary: Henry George
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(1839-97) American economist and social reformer best known for his Progress and Poverty (1879). George examined the reasons for the persistence of poverty in capitalist industrial societies (despite their steadily increasing levels of production) and also considered the causes of slumps and continuing economic depressions. In George's opinion, the key factor was the fluctuation of land values, which led to intense speculation in the interests of a small number of privileged landowners. His proposed remedy was a ‘single tax’ system which would levy a tax on land values, and would thus in effect create a kind of common property in land (without altering legal ownership), while at the same time other taxes on earned incomes would be abolished, thus providing strong incentives for free enterprise and productive labour. George's proposal revived the ‘impot unique’ idea associated with the physiocrats. Single tax legislation, albeit on a limited (usually local) scale, has since been implemented in many countries of the world, including the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. In Britain George's ideas influenced the economic thinking of the Fabian socialists, and the Liberal Government's 1909-10 budget included a proposal to value all land in England with a view to taxing it for the benefit of society as a whole.

— Keith Taylor

US History Companion: George, Henry
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(1839-1897), economist and social reformer. One of the last serious, nonacademic scholars, George fashioned a powerful critique of the capitalist marketplace and then fought for his ideas in the public arena where he developed a genuinely mass, even international, following. The very homespun quality of his insights and his commitment to the "single tax" as a panacea for social inequality and poverty proved both his peculiar strength and his weakness as a representative of his times.

George's struggle in the 1860s to find a place for himself in California as a typographer or writer equipped him with insights into and sympathy for the dark underside of America's Industrial Revolution. His family's evangelical bent echoed in his alternating visions of social apocalypse and millenarian redemption. Exposure to the high cost of California land and shock at the coexistence of wealth and destitution in New York City inspired his pursuit of a basic riddle: how could poverty expand and deepen amid the most prosperous civilization in the world?

George first sketched his answer in the pamphlet Our Land and Land Policy in 1871, which he expanded into his masterpiece, Progress and Poverty (1877-1879). In this book he argued his basic propositions: all men have the right to apply their labor to natural resources; economic rent is mere parasitism on labor and industry; as population increases, land values soar, creating economic monopoly; therefore, the market value of land (or economic rent) should be confiscated by public taxation; this land tax (called by others the single tax) would ensure the orderly working of the economic marketplace. This antimonopoly critique was delivered in pungent prose: "The 'tramp' comes with the locomotive, and the almshouses and prisons are as surely the makers of 'material progress' as are costly dwellings, rich warehouses, and magnificent churches." Resonating with a traditional American reverence for free land and egalitarian opportunity unhampered by bureaucratic control, George's solution challenged other contemporary remedies, including socialism, workers' trade union organization, and the populist resort to cooperatives and an inflationary currency.

George was first championed by the American partisans of the Irish Land League, who facilitated his immensely successful tour of the British Isles in 1881-1882. His following grew in consonance with the broad-gauged reform agitation surrounding the Knights of Labor, which George joined in 1883. As industrial unrest crested in the 1880s, workers adopted George as a tribune of the people--as much for his general sympathies and power of expression as for his theories. He ran for mayor of New York City on a United Labor party ticket in 1886, but narrowly lost to Democratic candidate Abram S. Hewitt while soundly defeating Republican Theodore Roosevelt.

Amid factional discord in labor's ranks and his insistence on the single-tax nostrum, George's influence fell off dramatically after 1886. His ideas met with near-universal rejection from academic economists. Still, he remained a powerful symbol of egalitarian and republican principles in a corporate age, with devoted apostles including antimonopoly Cleveland mayor, Tom Johnson. When he died in 1897, some 100,000 Americans filed past his casket in Grand Central Palace.

Bibliography:

Edward J. Rose, Henry George (1968); John L. Thomas, Alternative America: Henry George, Edward Bellamy, Henry Demarest Lloyd and the Adversary Tradition (1983).

Author:

Leon Fink

See also Labor; Radicalism.


 
Columbia Encyclopedia: Henry George
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George, Henry, 1839-97, American economist, founder of the single tax movement, b. Philadelphia. Of a poor family, his formal education was cut short at 14, and in 1857 he emigrated to California; there he worked at various occupations before turning to newspaper writing in San Francisco. George's experience in a number of trades, his desperate poverty while supporting a family, and the examples of financial rapacity that came to his attention as wage earner and newspaperman gave impetus to his reformist tendencies. George believed that an increase in poverty accompanied and even surpassed the increase in national wealth. He believed that the answer to this seeming paradox lay in the fact that the rental of land and the unearned increase in land values profited a few individuals rather than the community whose existence made the land valuable. He believed that a single tax on land would meet all the costs of government and even leave a surplus, besides unburdening labor and capital of taxes on their output. He first outlined the doctrine in the pamphlet Our Land and Land Policy (1871) and set himself to write a more elaborate treatise, which appeared under the title Progress and Poverty (1879); it sold millions of copies all over the world. In 1880 George moved to New York City and spent the remainder of his life writing and lecturing. He supported the Irish Land League and various economic and political reforms. In 1886 he ran for mayor of New York on a reform platform, and the incumbent Tammany machine was forced to go outside its ranks to find in Abram S. Hewitt a man strong enough to oppose him. Hewitt won, but George, without a party organization, polled a heavy vote, running ahead of the Republican candidate Theodore Roosevelt. In 1897 George ran again but died just before the election. Clear presentation and moral fervor rather than originality make George's ideas outstanding. His theories have influenced tax legislation in Australia, in parts of Canada, in the United States, and in certain nations of Western Europe.

Bibliography

See biography by Henry George, Jr. (1900); studies by A. A. G. DeMille (1950, repr. 1972), S. B. Cord (1965), E. J. Cord (1965), and J. Oser (1973).

Works: Works by Henry George
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(1839-1897)

1871Our Land and Land Policy. After publishing his first articles in 1868 in the Overland Monthly on the negative impact of railroads, the economist George explicates his concept of a single tax on land in this pamphlet. He would further develop this idea in his masterwork, Progress and Poverty (1879).
1879Progress and Poverty. In his groundbreaking economic analysis, George asserts his theory that poverty increases with prosperity in the United States because of methods of taxation. He proposes a "single tax" on land to replace other taxes, improving conditions for capital and labor. Considered one of the most influential economic treatises ever published, it would be translated into several languages and would shape tax policies throughout the world.
1883Social Problems. George proposes solutions to a variety of social ills, based on the taxation theories he had outlined in Progress and Poverty (1879). He would later apply his theories to the topic of tariff laws in Practices of Free Trade (1886).

Quotes By: Henry George
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Quotes:

"Let no man imagine that he has no influence. Whoever he may be, and where ever he may be placed, the man who thinks becomes a light and a power."

"The march of invention has clothed mankind with powers of which a century ago the boldest imagination could not have dreamt."

"Compare society to a boat. Her progress through the water will not depend upon the exertion of her crew, but upon the exertion devoted to propelling her. This will be lessened by any expenditure of force in fighting among themselves, or in pulling in different directions."

"Capital is a result of labor, and is used by labor to assist it in further production. Labor is the active and initial force, and labor is therefore the employer of capital."

"The methods by which a trade union can alone act, are necessarily destructive; its organization is necessarily tyrannical."

"How vainly shall we endeavor to repress crime by our barbarous punishment of the poorer class of criminals so long as children are reared in the brutalizing influences of poverty, so long as the bite of want drives men to crime."

See more famous quotes by Henry George

Wikipedia: Henry George
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Henry George
Classical economics
Henry George.jpg
Henry George
Birth September 21, 1839(1839-09-21)
Death October 29, 1897 (aged 58)
Nationality American
Contributions Georgism; studied land as a factor in economic inequality and business cycles; proposed land value tax

Henry George (September 2, 1839 – October 29, 1897) was an American writer, politician and political economist, who was the most influential proponent of the land value tax, also known as the "Single Tax" on land. He inspired the philosophy and economic ideology known as Georgism, which is that everyone owns what they create, but that everything found in nature, most importantly land, belongs equally to all humanity. His most famous work is Progress and Poverty written during 1879; it is a treatise on inequality, the cyclic nature of industrial economies and possible remedies.

Contents

Biography

George was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania to a lower-middle class family, the second of ten children of Richard S. H. George and Catharine Pratt (Vallance) George. His formal education ended at age 14 and he went to sea as a foremast boy at age 15 in April 1855 on the Hindoo, bound for Melbourne and Calcutta. He returned to Philadelphia after 14 months at sea to become an apprentice typesetter before settling in California. After a failed attempt at gold mining he began work with the newspaper industry during 1865, starting as a printer, continuing as a journalist, and ending as an editor and proprietor. He worked for several papers, including four years (1871-1875) as editor of his own newspaper San Francisco Daily Evening Post.

In California, George became enamored of Annie Corsina Fox, an eighteen-year-old Australian girl who had been orphaned and was living with an uncle. The uncle, a prosperous, strong-minded man, was opposed to his niece's impoverished suitor. But the couple, defying him, eloped and married during late 1861, with Henry dressed in a borrowed suit and Annie bringing only a packet of books. The marriage was a happy one and four children were born to them. Fox's mother was Irish Catholic, and while George remained an Evangelical Protestant, the children were raised Catholic. On November 3, 1862 Annie gave birth to future United States Representative from New York, Henry George, Jr. (1862 - 1916). Early on, with two sons born by 1865, the family was near starvation, but George's increasing reputation and involvement in the newspaper industry lifted them from poverty.

George began as a Lincoln Republican, but then became a Democrat, once losing an election to the California State Assembly. He was a strong critic of railroad and mining interests, corrupt politicians, land speculators, and labor contractors.

One day during 1871 George went for a horseback ride and stopped to rest while overlooking San Francisco Bay. He later wrote of the revelation that he had:

I asked a passing teamster, for want of something better to say, what land was worth there. He pointed to some cows grazing so far off that they looked like mice, and said, 'I don't know exactly, but there is a man over there who will sell some land for a thousand dollars an acre.' Like a flash it came over me that there was the reason of advancing poverty with advancing wealth. With the growth of population, land grows in value, and the men who work it must pay more for the privilege.[1]

Furthermore, on a visit to New York City, he was struck by the apparent paradox that the poor in that long-established city were much worse off than the poor in less developed California. These observations supplied the theme and title for his 1879 book Progress and Poverty, which was a great success, selling over 3 million copies. In it George made the argument that a sizeable portion of the wealth created by social and technological advances in a free market economy is possessed by land owners and monopolists via economic rents, and that this concentration of unearned wealth is the main cause of poverty. George considered it a great injustice that private profit was being earned from restricting access to natural resources while productive activity was burdened with heavy taxes, and indicated that such a system was equivalent to slavery - a concept somewhat similar to wage slavery.

George was in a position to discover this pattern, having experienced poverty himself, knowing many different societies from his travels, and living in California at a time of rapid growth. In particular he had noticed that the construction of railroads in California was increasing land values and rents as fast or faster than wages were rising.

Policy proposals

Henry george old.gif

Monopolies

George advocated taxation, regulation or state ownership of natural monopolies. He supported a state-run telegraph service and municipal control of water supplies. On railroads he was more flexible, sometimes suggesting that rolling stock could be operated privately so long as the tracks were owned by the state. He was very critical of state-sanctioned monopolies and advocated they be dismantled if possible, for example, by replacing patents with government-supported incentives for invention and scientific investigation.

Chinese immigration

Some of George's earliest articles to gain him fame were on his opinion that Chinese immigration should be restricted.[2] Although he thought that there might be some situations in which immigration restriction would no longer be necessary and admitted his first analysis of the issue of immigration was "crude", he defended many of these statements for the rest of his life.[3] In particular he argued that immigrants accepting lower wages had the undesirable effect of forcing down wages generally. He acknowledged, however, that wages could only be driven down as low as whatever alternative for self-employment was available.

The Single Tax on Land

Henry George is best known for his argument that the economic rent of land should be shared by society rather than being owned privately. The clearest statement of this view is found in Progress and Poverty: "We must make land common property."[4] Although this could be done by nationalizing land and then leasing it to private parties, George preferred taxing unimproved land value, in part because this would be less disruptive and controversial in a land where titles have already been granted to individuals. With this "single tax" the state could avoid having to tax any other types of wealth or transaction[citation needed]. Introducing a large land value tax causes the value of land titles to decrease correspondingly, but George did not believe landowners should be compensated, and described the issue as being analogous to compensation of former slave owners.

Modern economists like the 1976 Nobel Memorial Prize winner Milton Friedman agree[citation needed] that Henry George's land tax is potentially beneficial because unlike other taxes, land taxes do not impose an excess burden on the economy[citation needed], and thus stimulate more rapid economic growth. Modern-day environmentalists have agreed with the idea of the earth as the common property of humanity – and some have endorsed the idea of ecological tax reform, including substantial taxes or fees on pollution as a replacement for "command and control" regulation.

Free Trade

George was opposed to tariffs, which were at the time both the major method of protectionist trade policy and an important source of federal revenue (the federal income tax having not yet been introduced). Later in his life, free trade became a major issue in federal politics and his book Protection or Free Trade was read into the Congressional Record by five Democratic congressmen.

Secret Ballots

George was one of the earliest, strongest and most prominent advocates for adoption of the Australian Ballot in the U.S.A. [5]

Political career

The grave of Henry George, Green-Wood Cemetery, Brooklyn, New York.

During 1880, now a popular writer and speaker[6], George moved to New York City, becoming closely allied with the Irish nationalist community despite being of English ancestry. From there he made several speaking journeys abroad to places such as Ireland and Scotland where access to land was (and still is) a major political issue. During 1886 George campaigned for mayor of New York City as the candidate of the United Labor Party, the short-lived political society of the Central Labor Union. He polled second, more than the Republican candidate Theodore Roosevelt. The election was won by Tammany Hall candidate Abram Stevens Hewitt by what many of George's supporters believed was fraud. In the 1887 New York state elections George came in a distant third in the election for Secretary of State of New York. The United Labor Party was soon weakened by internal divisions: the management was essentially Georgist, but as a party of organised labor it also included some Marxist members who did not want to distinguish between land and capital, many Catholic members who were discouraged by the excommunication of Father Edward McGlynn, and many who disagreed with George's free trade policy. Against the advice of his doctors, George campaigned for mayor again during 1897, this time as an Independent Democrat. He died of a stroke four days before the election. An estimated 100,000 people attended his funeral.

Subsequent influence

In the United Kingdom during 1909, the Liberal Government of the day attempted to implement his ideas as part of the People's Budget. This caused a crisis which resulted indirectly in reform of the House of Lords. George's ideas were also adopted to some degree in Australia, Hong Kong, Singapore, South Africa, South Korea, and Taiwan. In these countries, governments still levy some type of land value tax, albeit with exemptions.

Hong Kong is perhaps the best example of the successful implementation of a high land value tax. The Hong Kong government generates more than 35% of its revenue from land taxes, and keeps its other tax rates low.[7]

Although both advocated worker's rights, Henry George and Karl Marx were antagonists. Marx saw the Single Tax platform as a step backwards from the transition to communism.[8] On his part, Henry George predicted that if Marx's ideas were tried the likely result would be a dictatorship.[9]

Henry George's popularity decreased gradually during the 20th century, and he is little known today. However, there are still many Georgist organizations in existence. Many people who still remain famous were influenced by him. For example, George Bernard Shaw [2], Leo Tolstoy [3] [4] , Sun Yat Sen [5], Herbert Simon [6], and David Lloyd George. A follower of George, Lizzie Magie, created a board game called The Landlord's Game in 1904 to demonstrate his theories. After further development this game led to the modern board game Monopoly. [7]

J. Frank Colbert, a newspaperman, a member of the Louisiana House of Representatives and later the mayor of Minden, joined the Georgist movement during 1927. During 1932, Colbert addressed the Henry George Congress at Memphis, Tennessee.

Also notable is Silvio Gesell's Freiwirtschaft [8], in which Gesell combined Henry George's ideas about land ownership and rents with his own theory about the money system and interest rates and his successive development of Freigeld.

In his last book, Where do we go from here: Chaos or Community?, Martin Luther King, Jr referenced Henry George in support of a guaranteed minimum income.[9] George's influence has ranged widely across the political spectrum. Noted progressives such as consumer rights advocate (and U.S. Presidential candidate) Ralph Nader [10] and Congressman Dennis Kucinich [11] have spoken positively about George in campaign platforms and speeches. His ideas have also received praise from conservative journalists William F. Buckley, Jr. [12] and Frank Chodorov [13], as well as free-market economists such as Milton Friedman [14], Fred E. Foldvary [15] and Stephen Moore [16]. The libertarian political and social commentator Albert Jay Nock [17] was also an avowed admirer, and wrote extensively on the Georgist economic and social philosophy.

Mason Gaffney, an American economist and a major Georgist critic of neoclassical economics, argued that neoclassical economics was designed and promoted by landowners and their hired economists to divert attention from George's extremely popular philosophy that since land and resources are provided by nature, and their value is given by society, they - rather than labor or capital - should provide the tax base to fund government and its expenditures.[10]

The Robert Schalkenbach Foundation [18], an incorporated "operating foundation," also publishes copies of George's work on economic reform and sponsors academic research into his policy proposals[19].

Economic contributions

George developed what he saw as a crucial feature of his own theory of economics in a critique of an illustration used by Frédéric Bastiat in order to explain the nature of interest and profit. Bastiat had asked his readers to consider James and William, both carpenters. James has built himself a plane, and has lent it to William for a year. Would James be satisfied with the return of an equally good plane a year later? Surely not! He'd expect a board along with it, as interest. The basic idea of a theory of interest is to understand why. Bastiat said that James had given William over that year "the power, inherent in the instrument, to increase the productivity of his labor," and wants compensation for that increased productivity.

George did not accept this explanation. He wrote, "I am inclined to think that if all wealth consisted of such things as planes, and all production was such as that of carpenters -- that is to say, if wealth consisted but of the inert matter of the universe, and production of working up this inert matter into different shapes, that interest would be but the robbery of industry, and could not long exist." But some wealth is inherently fruitful, like a pair of breeding cattle, or a vat of grape juice soon to ferment into wine. Planes and other sorts of inert matter (and the most lent item of all—- money itself) earn interest indirectly, by being part of the same "circle of exchange" with fruitful forms of wealth such as those, so that tying up these forms of wealth over time incurs an opportunity cost.

George's theory had its share of critiques. Austrian school economist Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, for example, expressed a negative judgment of George's discussion of the carpenter's plane. On page 339 of his treatise, Capital and Interest, he wrote:

In the first place, it is impossible to support his distinction of the branches of production into two classes, in one of which the vital forces of nature are supposed to constitute a special element which functions side by side with labour, and in the other of which this is not true. [...] The natural sciences have long since proved to us that the cooperation of nature is universal. [...] The muscular movements of the person using the plane would be of little use, if they did not have the assistance of the natural forces and properties of the plane iron.

Later, George argued that the role of time in production is pervasive. In "The Science of Political Economy", he writes:[11]

[I]f I go to a builder and say to him, "In what time and at what price will you build me such and such a house?" he would, after thinking, name a time, and a price based on it. This specification of time would be essential.... This I would soon find if, not quarreling with the price, I ask him largely to lessen the time.... I might get the builder somewhat to lessen the time... ; but only by greatly increasing the price, until finally a point would be reached where he would not consent to build the house in less time no matter at what price. He would say [that the house just could not be built any faster]....

The importance ... of this principle that all production of wealth requires time as well as labor we shall see later on; but the principle that time is a necessary element in all production we must take into account from the very first.

According to Oscar B. Johannsen, "Since the very basis of the Austrian concept of value is subjective, it is apparent that George's understanding of value paralleled theirs. However, he either did not understand or did not appreciate the importance of marginal utility."[12]

Another spirited response came from British biologist T.H. Huxley in his article "Capital - the Mother of Labour," published in 1890 in the journal The Nineteenth Century. Huxley used the principles of energy science to undermine George's theory, arguing that, energetically speaking, labor is unproductive.

George's early emphasis on the "productive forces of nature" is now dismissed even by otherwise Georgist authors.

Notes

  1. ^ Quoted in Nock, Albert Jay. "Henry George: Unorthodox American, Part I".
  2. ^ "Chinese immigration". Library of Economics and Liberty.
  3. ^ ."Second Period:Formulation of the Philosophy", www.henrygeorge.org
  4. ^ George, Henry (1879). "2". Progress and Poverty: An Inquiry into the Cause of Industrial Depressions and of Increase of Want with Increase of Wealth. VI. http://www.econlib.org/library/YPDBooks/George/grgPP26.html. Retrieved 2008-05-12. 
  5. ^ 'Jill Lepore' (2008-10-13). "'Rock, Paper, Scissors: How we used to vote'". New Yorker. New Yorker. http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2008/10/13/081013fa_fact_lepore. 
  6. ^ According to his granddaughter Agnes de Mille, Progress and Poverty and its successors made Henry George the third most famous man in the USA, behind only Mark Twain and Thomas Edison. [1]
  7. ^ "'Land Tax' and high land prices in Hong Kong". Policy Papers. Hong Kong Democratic Foundation. http://www.hkdf.org/pr.asp?func=show&pr=24. Retrieved 2008-05-12. 
  8. ^ Karl Marx - Letter to Friedrich Adolph Sorge in Hoboken
  9. ^ Henry George's Thought [1878822810] - $49.95 : Zen Cart!, The Art of E-commerce
  10. ^ Gaffney, Mason and Harrison, Fred. The Corruption of Economics. (London: Shepheard-Walwyn (Publishers) Ltd., 1994) ISBN 085638162X (hardback), ISBN 0856381530 (paperback).
  11. ^ Cited in Yeager, Leland B. Henry George and Austrian economics - History of Thought. The American journal of economics and sociology (Am. j. econ. sociol.) ISSN 0002-9246.
  12. ^ Johannsen, Oscar B. Henry George and the Austrian economists. The American journal of economics and sociology (Am. j. econ. sociol.) ISSN 0002-9246. Abstract.

See also

References

"Henry George" by Charles Albro Barker, Oxford University Press 1955 and Greenwood Press 1974. ISBN 0-8371-7775-8

  • George, Henry. (1881). Progress and Poverty: An Inquiry into the Cause of Industrial Depressions and of Increase of Want with Increase of Wealth; The Remedy. Kegan Paul (reissued by Cambridge University Press, 2009; ISBN 9781108003612)

Bibliography

External links


 
 

 

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