Henry Kissinger
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Henry Alfred Kissinger
(born May 27, 1923, Frth, Ger.) German-born U.S. political scientist and foreign-policy adviser (196976). He immigrated with his family to the U.S. in 1938. He taught at Harvard University, where he directed the Defense Studies Program (195969). He was appointed assistant for national security affairs by Pres. Richard Nixon in 1968 and served as head of the National Security Council from 1969 to 1975; he was secretary of state from 1973 to 1977. He developed the policy of dtente toward the Soviet Union, which led to the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks agreements. He also initiated the first official U.S. contact with China. Although he at first advocated a hard-line policy on Vietnam, he later negotiated the cease-fire agreement that ended the Vietnam War, for which he shared the Nobel Prize for Peace in 1973 with Le Duc Tho (who refused it). After leaving government service, he became an international consultant, lecturer, and writer.
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Henry Kissinger
Oxford Dictionary of Political Biography:
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Henry A. Kissinger
(b. Fuerth, Germany, 27 May 1923) US; National Security Adviser 1969 – 75, Secretary of State 1973 – 7 Of German Jewish origin, Kissinger's family fled from Nazi Germany to the United States in 1938. He served in the US armed forces 1943 – 5. After the war he took a BA and Ph.D. at Harvard University and taught Government at Harvard University. As director of the Harvard International Services and director of the Special Studies Project of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund he became acquainted with prominent political as well as academic figures. His book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (1957) won him wide acclaim as a conceptual strategic thinker. He became an adviser on foreign policy to Nelson Rockefeller. After Richard Nixon's election as President in 1968, he was appointed National Security Adviser. He provided the intellectual basis for the policy options which were chosen by President Nixon on the vital issues of foreign policy such as Vietnam, China, détente with the Soviet Union, and the Middle East. Following Nixon's re-election as President in 1972, he was appointed Secretary of State, though he continued to serve also as National Security Adviser until 1975. After Nixon's resignation in 1974 and the succession of President Ford, he continued to be an extremely influential adviser to the President as Secretary of State, though Ford appointed a new National Security Adviser in 1975. After the end of his service as Secretary of State in 1977, he formed a private company, Kissinger Associates, which offered advice on international affairs and foreign investment.
He won acclaim for his intellectual acumen and the sophistication of his thinking. On the other hand, he was criticized as amoral in his approach. With regard to Vietnam, for example, his critics suggest that the extensive use of force by massive bombing of North Vietnam and the invasion of Cambodia was unjustified and futile. His defenders suggest, however, that this strategy brought success in his negotiations with his North Vietnamese counterpart, Le Duc Tho, which ended the war and won Kissinger a joint Nobel Peace Prize in 1973. His ideas on triangular US — Chinese — Soviet diplomacy and the drawing of the Soviet Union into the web of intentional affairs by means of détente similarly earned criticisms and praise. In the Middle East, where he acted as emissary between Israel and Arab countries after the Yom Kippur War in 1973, his critics suggested that he was concerned largely to protect American interests and exclude the Soviet Union, while his defenders praise his step-by-step approach in forwarding the peace process in the Middle East. He set out his views on international relations at considerable length in White House Years (1979), Years of Upheaval (1982), and Diplomacy (1994).
Oxford Companion to Military History:
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Henry Kissinger
Kissinger, Henry (b. 1923), American rags-to-riches paradigm and statesman who between 1969 and 1977 articulated US foreign policy in terms of clearly defined national interests instead of nebulous and non-binding idealism. Born Heinz Kissinger to a German-Jewish family that fled to the USA in 1938, he served in the army in WW II and during the occupation of Germany. As a specialist in defence matters at Harvard University he became a consultant to government agencies and in 1960 warned of a spurious ‘missile gap’, a significant factor in the election of Kennedy. Freely on offer in the political bazaar, his views on realpolitik found resonance with Nixon, who appointed him assistant for national security affairs in 1968, head of the National Security Council in 1969, and Secretary of State in 1973. He survived the disgrace of his patron with enhanced authority and served to the end of Ford's term. After the moralizing and ineffectual Carter interlude, he hoped for a return to power under Reagan, but the latter declined to employ a potentially over-mighty servant.
Kissinger's achievements during his years of power included negotiating a face-saving formula for extracting US forces from Vietnam, ‘shuttle’ diplomacy to bring about a territorial settlement between Egypt and Israel following the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, and the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks of 1972. The insurmountable problem his policies encountered was the American item of faith that the USA is great because she is good. Kissinger's view, shared by most foreign observers, is that she is immensely powerful and has abused that power a great deal less than she could have, which is about as ‘good’ as you can get in international relations. Under his direction, the axis of US foreign policy moved away from irksome and highly selective preachiness and legalism for the first time since the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt. It was his misfortune to be associated with one of the most personally unappealing and finally discredited presidents in US history, and to have charge of clearing up the social and political mess created by his Messianic predecessors' pursuit of unlimited objectives with limited means.
In his negotiations with the implacable North Vietnamese, for which he unwisely accepted a joint Nobel Peace Prize sensibly declined by his Vietnamese counterpart, Kissinger laboured under the constraints imposed by an impatient public and a shamelessly pandering Congress. He and Nixon were compelled to devise the ‘mad dog’ tactic of portraying him as all that stood between an unpredictable president and the total destruction of North Vietnam, which involved ‘escalating’ the war by striking at previously off-limits Hanoi and mining Haiphong harbour. As in Korea, only the credible threat of fully unleashing US military power brought an end to a stalemate that served enemy interests.
As a caste traitor in the eyes of envious ‘liberal’ intellectuals, he has been assailed in print for many years. This has greatly enhanced his millionaire income as a consultant on the inner workings of the US government.
Bibliography
- Kissinger, Henry, Diplomacy (New York, 1994)
— Hugh Bicheno
Oxford Companion to US Military History:
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Henry Kissinger
(1923–), Statesman
Kissinger's family emigrated from Fuerth, Germany, to escape Nazi persecution in 1938. After U.S. Army service during World War II and with the occupation forces in Germany, Kissinger compiled a superlative record as an undergraduate and graduate student at Harvard University. He then became a prominent academic specialist in international relations and nuclear strategy. While a professor of government at Harvard (1955–68), he wrote widely on international relations and nuclear weapons, arguing that the possession of nuclear weapons by the United States and the Soviet Union had not fundamentally altered the balance of power. States still pursued basic interests, nuclear weapons were a tool of influence, and the nuclear powers could manage to contain a destructive arms race.
Kissinger advised New York governor Nelson Rockefeller, Republican presidents, and their senior foreign policy subordinates. During the 1960s, he tried to fashion NATO's nuclear strategy in light of France's withdrawal, urging understanding of French and German pride. As the Vietnam War intensified after 1965, Kissinger was drawn deeply into efforts to end it. He undertook an important diplomatic mission for President Lyndon B. Johnson (1967), but his attempt to arrange a cease‐fire faltered when the U.S. government refused to promise an unconditional halt to bombing of all North Vietnam.
President Richard M. Nixon named him national security adviser in 1969; in September 1973, Kissinger was also confirmed as secretary of state, a position he held concurrently until November 1975, when President Gerald R. Ford appointed Brent Scowcroft national security adviser; Kissinger remained secretary of state until the end of Ford's administration.
During these eight years, Kissinger helped craft the policy of detente with the Soviet Union and to end U.S. involvement in Vietnam. Under his direction, the United States and the Soviet Union made significant progress toward arms control, with the Interim Agreement of Limitations of Strategic Armaments (SALT I, 1972), the Anti‐Ballistic Missile Treaty (1972), and the Vladivostok Agreement (1974). These efforts provoked opposition from conservatives both Democratic and Republican who incorrectly accused Kissinger of drafting agreements that gave the Soviet Union a military advantage over the United States.
Kissinger worked with Nixon to reduce U.S. involvement in Vietnam, concluding the Paris Peace Agreements establishing a cease‐fire in January 1973. The peace proved remarkably short‐lived: both North and South Vietnam repeatedly violated the cease‐fire. Kissinger argued strenuously for additional aid to South Vietnam, but by 1975 U.S. public opinion had turned sharply against any additional involvement.
Kissinger's accomplishments before 1974 won him wide public praise; he earned the Nobel Peace Prize for arranging the cease‐fire in Vietnam. After 1975, however, his reputation diminished. His diplomatic triumphs often were based on illusion and manipulation. Believing that only power mattered in international affairs, both Kissinger and Nixon often expressed contempt for the democratic processes of foreign policy. Further, Kissinger appeared arrogant and showed little desire to promote traditional U.S. standards of human rights in other countries.
[See also SALT Treaties.]
Bibliography
- Henry Kissinger, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, 1958.
- Robert D. Schulzinger, Henry Kissinger: Doctor of Diplomacy, 1989.
- Walter Isaacson, Kissinger: A Biography, 1992.
- Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, 1994
Oxford Dictionary of the US Military:
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Henry Kissinger
Kissinger, Henry (1923-) U.S. statesman, born in Fürth, Germany. Kissinger served as national security advisor (1969-75) and secretary of state (1973-77). During his tenure (the administrations of Presidents Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford), he helped to craft the policy of détente with the Soviet Union and to end U.S. involvement in Vietnam. Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for bringing about the 1973 ceasefire in Vietnam, though the cessation was short-lived. Before assuming roles of national prominence, Kissinger had become a noted academic specialist in international relations and nuclear strategy while a professor of government at Harvard University. During World War II (1939-45) he served with the army and remained in Germany with the occupation forces.
See the Introduction, Abbreviations and Pronunciation for further details.
Gale Encyclopedia of Biography:
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Henry Alfred Kissinger
Henry Alfred Kissinger (born 1923) was secretary of state during the second Nixon administration and the Ford administration, chief of the National Security Council (1969-1973), professor at Harvard University (1952-1969), and co-winner of the Nobel Peace Prize (with Le Duc Tho) in 1973.
Henry Kissinger was the chief foreign policy adviser to Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford between 1969 and 1974, a tumultuous period for the United States in its dealings in Europe, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. The use of secret negotiations (based in large part on a fundamental distrust of bureaucracies - most notably that of the State Department) led to agreements on arms limitations (SALT I), the reopening of relations with the People's Republic of China after more than 20 years of non-recognition following the assumption of power by the Communists in 1949, and "shuttle diplomacy" involving attempts to secure peace among Middle-Eastern nations. Other work involved the secret bombing of Cambodia, a secret war with Cambodia that was ultimately halted by actions of Congress, cessation of hostilities between South and North Vietnam (and ultimately the collapse of the U.S.-supported South Vietnamese government), and the sharing of the Nobel Peace Prize with Le Duc Tho, the North Vietnamese negotiator at the Paris Peace Talks. While Kissinger's memoirs contained his interpretation of the aforementioned events, his critics did not soften their conclusion that Kissinger often made critical mistakes in developing U.S. foreign policy.
Despite his detractors, Kissinger enjoyed a reputation of being an intellectual in the Nixon administration. While often criticized for some of his personal characteristics, he was also praised for his wit and charm. In addition to his distrust of bureaucracies, Kissinger distrusted the media - particularly the press - and was reputed to berate subordinates who leaked information. In his own interactions with the media he worked closely (and off the record) with foreign affairs correspondents so his viewpoint would be presented favorably.
Kissinger's view of the world - dominated by a setting of bi-polarization - both coincided with that of President Nixon's and colored his interactions with others in the conduct of foreign affairs. His view was deemd "European" because he was born and spent his formative years in Germany and because of his attention to important European actors in history (in his senior thesis and doctoral dissertation - both completed at Harvard). It was a worldview that perceived the necessity for maintaining an equilibrium between the two world powers - the United States and the Soviet Union - and of arguing and negotiating from a position of strength. Thus it is possible to see the opening of relations with China for the first time after World War II as related to containment of the Soviet Union - particularly as this transpired when open hostilities between the U.S.S.R. and China were taking place. This was also evident when Kissinger justified secret bombings in Cambodia (on the grounds that there were sanctuaries and transportation routes being used by the North Vietnamese) in an attempt to get the North Vietnamese to negotiate a settlement.
An Expert on International Affairs
Kissinger was born May 27, 1923, in Furth, Germany, with the name Heinz Alfred. His mother, Paula Stern Kissinger, was from Fanconia in southern Germany. His father, Louis, was a teacher who lost his job and career during the Nazi reign and persecution of the Jews in Germany. The family (a younger brother, Walter Bernhard, was born a year after Henry Kissinger) left Nazi Germany in 1938, moving first to England and then several months later to the United States. The family settled in New York City where Kissinger began high school and after a year switched to night school, working days in a factory. During World War II Kissinger joined the military and served in Germany, working ultimately in Army Intelligence. Following the war Kissinger remained in Europe as a civilian instructor at the European Command Intelligence School at Oberammergau, Germany. In 1947 he returned to the United States and enrolled as an undergraduate at Harvard University. He graduated in the class of 1950 (in three years because he entered as a sophomore) summa cum laude and as a member of Phi Beta Kappa. He continued his studies as a graduate student at Harvard, earning his masters degree in 1952 and his Ph.D. in 1954.
Kissinger served in a variety of roles prior to his entrance into the Nixon administration as chief of the National Security Council. Between 1952 and 1969 he directed the Harvard International Seminar, which was held during the summer months. In this capacity, he was visited by many international figures with whom he would later deal as a foreign affairs official. As part of the Council on Foreign Relations he published Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, a book that was widely read and well accepted. For 18 months beginning in 1956 he was director of a Rockefeller Brothers Fund special studies project - a program developed to investigate potential domestic and international problems. In 1957 he became a lecturer at Harvard, ultimately being promoted to full professor in 1962. Kissinger served as a consultant to the National Security Council (until February of 1962, when he left because of policy differences), to the Arms Control Disarmament Agency (until 1967), and to the Rand Corporation (until 1968). From 1962 to 1965 he worked full time at Harvard. In 1965 he became a consultant to the State Department on Vietnam. He visited Vietnam several times between 1965 and 1967. Most of 1968 was spent working on New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller's unsuccessful bid for the Republican nomination for the presidency. In spite of Rockefeller's defeat by Richard Nixon, it was at Rockefeller's urging that Nixon considered and appointed Kissinger to head the National Security Council.
Kissinger was critical of U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviet Union developed under the preceding Kennedy and Johnson administrations. He considered their stances inconsistent and too conciliatory; it was these criticisms that had led to Kissinger's departure from McGeorge Bundy's National Security Council in the Kennedy administration. Kissinger viewed the Soviet Union as the principal opponent of the United States in international affairs. Nonetheless, Kissinger accepted as legitimate the role of the Soviet Union as one of the super powers. This approach, known as "détente," facilitated the easing of relations between the Soviet Union and the United States.
As a consequence, one of Kissinger's early successes during this period of détente was the completion of negotiations on the Strategic Arms Limitations Treaty (SALT) with the Soviet Union. The negotiations, highly technical and conducted in part by sophisticated negotiating teams and in part by Kissinger himself, lasted for nearly three years. They culminated in the signing of an agreement in Moscow by President Nixon and Soviet Communist Party Chief Brezhnev.
Kissinger also was influential in the settlement of the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin (September 3, 1971). A thorn in relations between the East and West for many years, particularly after the Berlin Wall, an agreement was sought to facilitate travel between East and West Berlin. Through regular (official) negotiations, handled by Ambassador Kenneth Rush, and secret negotiations directly involving Kissinger, an easing of relations between the United States and the former Soviet Union was facilitated by the normalization of relations between the four nations that had controlled Berlin since World War II.
China, Vietnam, Middle East
Another of Kissinger's successes (and one that caught the media by surprise) was the organization of Richard Nixon's approach to China. The United States had refused to recognize the Peoples Republic of China following the civil war that left Communists under Mao Tse-Tung in control after World War II. Early in Nixon's first term efforts were made to allow interaction between the Chinese and the United States. Capitalizing on international conditions and secretly moving through the good auspices of Pakistani President Yahya Khan, Kissinger flew to China and met with Chou En-lai, arranging for an invitation for Nixon to make an official state visit. The resultant Shanghai Communique of 1972 provided guidelines for the establishment of U.S.-China relations. During his eight years in the National Security Council and State Department, Kissinger flew to China a total of nine times.
Kissinger perhaps was criticized most and forgiven least for his conduct of the war(s) in southeast Asia. The U.S. involvement in Vietnam had driven Lyndon Johnson from office, and it had been the intention of the Nixon administration to seek "peace with honor." The Kissinger approach was characteristic: negotiate from a position of strength. Thus not only was U.S. direct involvement in Vietnam reflective of this position, but the bombing of Cambodia - the "secret war" - was an attempt to use military strength to force the hands of U.S. opponents to agree to terminate the war. All efforts, of course, were an attempt to keep Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos from becoming controlled by Communist factions. Kissinger successfully negotiated a truce with Le Duc Tho (over the strong protests of the South Vietnam government) in Paris and shared the Nobel Prize in 1973 with him. However, many considered Kissinger's policies excessive attempts to make right with might.
Following his assumption of power as secretary of state in 1973 - which he held through the completion of Gerald Ford's administration - Kissinger abandoned his policy of hands-off the Middle East (it was the one area where he had deferred to Secretary of State William Rogers while Kissinger was with the National Security Council). During the three years he was secretary of state, Kissinger conducted what became known as "shuttle diplomacy," where he served as the facilitator of negotiations to restore peace among Middle-Eastern nations. Kissinger would often fly from Egypt to Israel to Syria or elsewhere and back again as he played the middleman role in developing agreements to secure peace. In all, Kissinger made 11 "shuttle" missions, the longest lasting nearly a month.
After his departure from office following the 1976 electoral defeat of Gerald Ford at the hands of Jimmy Carter, Kissinger was self-employed as the director of a consulting firm dealing with international political assessments. In addition to advising a variety of clients on the political climate at any given moment, he produced two books of memoirs to explain the evolution of history while he was in office.
In 1997 former Secretaries of State Kissinger and Alexander Haig caused controversy through their role in facilitating U.S.-China trade. Some say the two stood to profit from contracts with the Chinese and that some of their dealings put the United States in a "vulnerable position."
Further Reading
Henry Kissinger produced two volumes of his memoirs: The White House Years (1979) and Years of Upheaval (1982). One may also read about Kissinger from Marvin and Bernard Kalb in Kissinger (1974). Seymore M. Hersh wrote The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House (1983). There are numerous other books about different aspects of Kissinger's years in office. See also: Timothy W. Maier, "Lion Dancing with Wolves," Insight on the News, vol. 13, no. 14, April 21, 1997.
Houghton Mifflin Companion to US History:
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Kissinger, Henry A.
(1923- ), foreign policy specialist, national security adviser, and secretary of state. A GermanJewish refugee from Nazi Germany, Kissinger rose to prominence as a Harvard University professor of government in the 1950s and 1960s. He then became the most celebrated and controversial U.S. diplomat since the Second World War in the administrations of Richard M. Nixon and Gerald Ford. As Nixon's national security adviser he concentrated power in the White House and rendered Secretary of State William Rogers and the professional foreign service almost irrelevant by conducting personal, secret negotiations with North Vietnam, the Soviet Union, and China. He negotiated the Paris agreements of 1973 ending direct U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, engineered a short-lived era of détente with the Soviet Union, and opened frozen relations with the People's Republic of China. As secretary of state he shuttled among the capitals of Israel, Egypt, and Syria after the 1973 Middle East war.
A gregarious but manipulative man, Kissinger, seeking power and favorable publicity, cultivated prominent officials and influential reporters. For a while he achieved more popularity than any modern American diplomat. The Gallup poll listed him as the most admired man in America in 1972 and 1973. He received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1973 for his negotiations leading to the Paris peace accords that ended U.S. military action in Vietnam. Journalists lauded him as a "genius" and the "smartest guy around" after his secret trip to Beijing in July 1971 prepared the way for Nixon's visit to China in February 1972. Egyptian politicians called him "the magician" for his disengagement agreements separating Israeli and Arab armies.
Kissinger's reputation faded after 1973. During the Watergate scandal, congressional investigators discovered that he had ordered the fbi to tap the telephones of subordinates on the staff of the National Security Council, a charge he had denied earlier. Congress also learned that he had tried to block the accession to power of Chile's President Salvador Allende Gossens in 1970 and had helped destabilize Allende's Socialist party government thereafter.
Some of Kissinger's foreign policy achievements crumbled in 1975 and 1976. The Communists' victory in Vietnam and Cambodia destroyed the Paris peace accords, and détente with the Soviet Union never fulfilled the hopes Kissinger had aroused. By 1976 the United States and the Soviet Union had not moved beyond the 1972 Interim Agreement limiting strategic arms to conclude a full-fledged Strategic Arms Limitation Talks.
Kissinger became a liability for President Ford during the 1976 presidential election. Ronald Reagan, challenging Ford for the Republican nomination, and Democrat Jimmy Carter both assailed Kissinger's policy of détente with the Soviet Union for ignoring Soviet abuses of human rights and Moscow's greater assertiveness in international relations. Reagan complained that Kissinger's program offered "the peace of the grave." Carter accused him of conducting "lone ranger diplomacy" by excluding Congress and foreign affairs professionals from foreign policy matters.
Kissinger's flair for dramatic diplomatic gestures brought him fame, and it encouraged diplomats in the Carter, Reagan, and George Bush administrations to try to emulate his accomplishments. He failed, however, to create the "structure of peace" he had promised. By 1977 he had lost control over American foreign policy, and no one after him ever dominated the process as he had from 1969 to 1974.
Bibliography:
Seymour Hersh, The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House (1983); Henry Kissinger, White House Years (1979) and Years of Upheaval (1982); Robert D. Schulzinger, Henry Kissinger: Doctor of Diplomacy (1989).
Author:
Robert D. Schulzinger
See also Détente; Elections: 1976; Middle East-U.S. Relations; Nixon, Richard M.; Strategic Arms Limitation Talks; Vietnam War.
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Henry Kissinger
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From our Archives: Today's Highlights, May 27, 2005
Columbia Encyclopedia:
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Henry Kissinger
Kissinger, Henry Alfred (kĭs'ənjər), 1923-, American political scientist and U.S. secretary of state (1973-77), b. Germany. He emigrated to the United States in 1938. A leading expert on international relations and nuclear defense policy, Kissinger taught (1957-69) at Harvard and served as a consultant to government agencies and private foundations. As President Nixon's assistant for national security affairs (1969-73) and later as secretary of state, he played a major role in formulating U.S. foreign policy. Kissinger helped initiate (1969) the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) with the Soviet Union and arranged President Nixon's 1972 visit to the People's Republic of China. He supported U.S. disengagement from Vietnam and won (1973) the Nobel Peace Prize for negotiating the cease-fire with North Vietnam. His negotiating skill also led to a cease-fire between Israel and Egypt and the disengagement of their troops after the 1973 Arab-Israeli War. Kissinger continued in office after Gerald R. Ford succeeded (1974) to the presidency. Since 1977 he has lectured and served as a consultant on international affairs. His writings include Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (1957), The Necessity for Choice (1961), The Troubled Partnership (1965), Diplomacy (1994), Does America Need a Foreign Policy? (2001), Ending the Vietnam War (2003), Crisis (2003), and On China (2011).
Bibliography
See his memoirs, The White House Years (1979), Years of Upheaval (1982), and Years of Renewal (1999); biographies by S. R. Graubard (1973) and W. Isaacson (1992); studies by B. and M. Kalb (1974), D. Caldwell, ed. (1983), S. Hersh (1983), R. D. Schulzinger (1989), G. A. Andrianopoulos (1991), L. Berman (2001), C. Hitchins (2001), J. Hanhimaki (2004), R. Dallek (2007), and M. Del Pero (2009).
Gale Encyclopedia of the Mideast & N. Africa:
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Henry Kissinger
1923 -
American diplomat.
Born in Fürth, Germany, Henry Alfred Kissinger moved with his Jewish middle-class family to the United States in 1938 trying to escape from Hitler's antisemitic regime. They settled in New York and were naturalized U.S. citizens in June 1943. Kissinger studied at City College, joining the U.S. Army in 1943, serving as an interpreter and intelligence officer in Europe. Once back in the United States in 1947, he received a bachelor of arts degree, summa cum laude, at Harvard in 1950, a master of arts degree in 1952, and a doctorate in 1954, both at Harvard, where in 1957 he became a professor of government and international affairs. As a scholar, Kissinger contributed to the realist school of international relations, which argued that foreign policy should be based on rational calculations of state interests, not on ideals of freedom and democracy.
During the administrations of presidents John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Lyndon Baines Johnson, Kissinger played the role of part-time consultant, and he was the main intellectual force in engineering Kennedy's "flexible response" strategy, which aimed at maintaining both conventional and nuclear forces to react against Communist aggression, instead of using massive nuclear retaliation. As his biographer Robert Schulzinger has pointed out, Kissinger "engineered the most significant turning point in United States foreign policy since the beginning of the cold war." Kissinger founded his foreign policy on two ideas: the raison d'état, in which the national interest justified any means to pursue a country's aim; and the balance of power, in which no country is dominant, and in its independence can choose to align or oppose other nations, always according to its national interest. During the Cold War, Kissinger criticized the U.S. view that "the Soviet
Union was an ideological rather than a geopolitical threat." Considering that the world's trend was competition instead of cooperation, it was necessary for the United States to continue to be present in two critical theatres, Europe and Asia, but in a moderate role.
From 1969 to 1975, Kissinger served as national security adviser. He completely changed the role of the secretary of state and the professional foreign service, transferring their power to the White House. This decentralization led him to personally conduct secret negotiations with North Vietnam, negotiating the Paris agreements of 1973 that ended the U.S. involvement in Vietnam; with the Soviet Union, designing the first détente; and with China, reviving their relations, first with his secret trip to Beijing in July 1971, followed by President Richard Nixon's visit in February 1972. Unfortunately, in the short run Kissinger's diplomacy, based on force and realism, did not see the results of its efforts. The Communist victory in Vietnam in 1975 and the end of détente with the Soviet Union diminished Kissinger's previous foreign policy achievements. Moreover, the role that he played in the bombing of Cambodia in 1969 and in Chile's coup d'état backed by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), which led to the death of President Salvador Allende in 1973, still overshadow his reputation as a statesman.
As secretary of state from 1973 to 1977, he was the chief architect of the so-called "shuttle diplomacy" to the Middle East. For much of Nixon's first
term, the Middle East was a marginal area; in fact Kissinger, as national security adviser, did not support Secretary of State William P. Rogers's 1969 Middle East peace plan, even after Egypt's President Gamal Abdel Nasser accepted it as a framework for negotiations. Kissinger suggested that a prolonged stalemate "would move the Arabs toward moderation and the Soviets to the fringes of Middle East diplomacy." But in 1973 the Arab - Israeli conflict moved from the periphery to center stage of American strategic interests. Kissinger, appointed secretary of state that September, was determined to use the war to start a peace process. He immediately realized that if either Israel or the Arabs achieved a decisive victory, it would be difficult to reach a compromise solution during peace negotiations. His strategy was therefore to seek a return to the prewar situation, thereby preventing either side from winning the war while creating momentum for a peace process. His gradualist approach lasted a good twenty-three months, in the course of which five agreements were concluded. Negotiations commenced immediately following the cease-fire of 22 October 1973, on 23 October at Kilometer 101 on the Cairo-Suez road. Kissinger believed it would be a mistake to seek a comprehensive settlement that could not be attained and that, by leading to frustrated expectations, would result in an enhanced role for the Soviet Union in the Middle East. Instead, he elected to pursue a step-by-step approach: achieving more modest goals that, by producing results, would create the momentum needed to tackle the bigger issues. This strategy led to the formal signing of the so-called Six-Point Agreement, signed by Egyptian and Israeli military representatives at Kilometer 101 on 11 November 1973, when the two countries exchanged prisoners of war. The second agreement was to convene a conference in Geneva under joint American-Soviet auspices with the participation of Israel and the Arab States. The conference lasted two days (21 - 22 December 1973) and was attended by the United States, the Soviet Union, Israel, Egypt, and Jordan, and the secretary-general of the United Nations, Kurt Waldheim; it turned out to be nothing more than a symbolic event. In January 1974 Kissinger began the third episode of his shuttle diplomacy: a series of flights between Aswan, Tel Aviv, and Jerusalem, during which he hammered out the terms of Sinai I, a disengagement agreement separating the armies of Israel and Egypt, signed on 18 January at Kilometer 101. In May 1974 Kissinger undertook a fourth round of shuttle diplomacy, this time between Damascus and Tel Aviv, to reach a disengagement agreement between Syria and Israel. The armistice was signed on 31 May. After negotiations between Jordan and Israel, and between Israel and Egypt, failed in March 1975, Kissinger, as President Gerald Ford's secretary of state, embarked on the fifth and last round of shuttle diplomacy; he negotiated Sinai II, signed on 1 September, which called for further withdrawal of Israel's troops into the Sinai desert.
Bibliography
Garrity, Patrick J. "How to Think about Henry Kissinger." John M. Ashbrook Center for Public Affairs, Ashland University, Ohio. Available from http://www.ashland.edu/.
Kissinger, Henry. Years of Upheaval. Boston: Little, Brown, 1982.
Schulzinger, Robert D. Henry Kissinger: Doctor of Diplomacy. New York: Columbia University Press, 1989.
Touval, Sadia. The Peace Brokers: Mediators in the Arab-IsraeliConflict, 1948 - 1979. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982.
— DAVID WALDNER
UPDATED BY PAOLA OLIMPO
Houghton Mifflin Chronology of US Literature:
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Works by Henry A. Kissinger
(b. 1923)
| 1979 | The White House Years. Kissinger wins the National Book Award for his account of his various roles in the Nixon administration. It would be followed by Years of Upheaval (1982), treating the last years of the Nixon presidency, and Years of Renewal (1994), describing the Ford administration. |
Dictionary of Cultural Literacy: History:
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Kissinger, Henry
(kis-uhn-juhr)
A scholar and government official of the twentieth century. As an adviser and later secretary of state under President Richard Nixon, Kissinger prepared for the opening of diplomatic relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China. During the Vietnam War, he helped Nixon plan and execute a secret bombing of Cambodia, and his negotiations with the government of North Vietnam helped produce a cease-fire in that war. He was cowinner of the Nobel Prize for peace in 1973.
West's Encyclopedia of American Law:
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Kissinger, Henry Alfred
As a scholar, adviser, and U.S. secretary of state, Henry Alfred Kissinger was an important figure in international affairs in the late twentieth century. The German-born Kissinger became a U.S. citizen in the 1930s, emerged as a leading theorist at Harvard in the 1950s, advised presidents in the 1960s, and defined the course of U.S. foreign policy for much of the 1970s. He won great acclaim for his pragmatic vision of foreign policy as well as his skills as a peace negotiator. In 1973 he shared the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts in securing a cease-fire in the Vietnam War. However, criticism followed public revelations about his involvement in secret U.S. military and espionage operations, and he left public office in 1976 with a controversial record.
Born May 27, 1923, in F;auurth, Germany, and given the first name Heinz, Kissinger was the son of middle-class Jewish parents who fled Nazi persecution while he was a teenager. After the family immigrated to the United States in 1938, he became a U.S. citizen in 1943. Service in the U.S. Army brought Kissinger back to Europe during World War II. Following combat and intelligence duty, he served in the post-war U.S. military government in Germany from 1945 to 1946. Decorated with honors and discharged from the service, he earned a bachelor of arts degree summa cum laude in government studies at Harvard College in 1950, then added a masters and in 1956 a doctorate.
While teaching at Harvard in the 1950s, Kissinger came to national attention with his book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (1957). The book was a bold argument against narrow cold war views of military strategy. It took aim at the reigning defense doctrine of the day, an all-or-nothing approach holding that the United States should retaliate massively with nuclear weapons against any aggressor. Kissinger proposed a different solution based on the approach of Realpolitik, the German concept of an intensely pragmatic rather than idealistic vision of international relations. The United States should deploy nuclear weapons strategically around the world as a deterrent, he argued, while relying on conventional, nonnuclear forces in the event of aggression against it. The idea took hold gradually over the next decade.
Rising to the top of his field, Kissinger became a driving force behind Harvard's efforts in the area of foreign policy. Taking increasingly higher positions in its Center for International Affairs and directing its Defense Studies Program, he became much sought after by politicians, diplomats, and government defense specialists in the 1960s. He counseled Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson on foreign policy. In 1968 he advised Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller, of New York, in Rockefeller's unsuccessful campaign for the Republican party nomination for president. After the election, the new president, Richard M. Nixon, was quick to hire away his opponent's adviser.
The two terms of Nixon's presidency elevated Kissinger's power. Named first to the position of assistant for national security affairs, a high-level post, he soon eclipsed the president's secretary of state, William P. Rogers, in visibility and influence. Indeed, by the end of Nixon's first term, Kissinger was the acknowledged architect of U.S. foreign policy. His rise to preeminence was complete in 1973 when Nixon made him secretary of state.
Under Nixon, Kissinger had a string of historic successes. He arranged Nixon's breakthrough visit to China in 1972, which ended years of hostile relations between the two nations. Also in 1972, at the Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT 1), he helped broker the Anti-Ballistic-Missile Treaty, the landmark agreement to limit nuclear proliferation signed by the United States and the Soviet Union. Traveling widely in what came to be known as shuttle diplomacy, he conducted peace negotiations between the United States and Vietnam en route to the signing of a cease-fire in 1973. In recognition of his efforts, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, with the chief North Vietnamese negotiator, Le Duc Tho. Kissinger also engineered cease-fires between Arab states and Israel after their 1973 war, and persuaded Nixon to ready U.S. forces around the world in order to deter Soviet intervention.
But in 1973 Kissinger also came under harsh attack. Throughout the Vietnam War, antiwar critics had targeted him. Now public revelations about the White House's secret conduct of the war in Southeast Asia led to criticism. It was revealed that in 1969 Kissinger had won Nixon's approval to expand the war into Cambodia, a neutral country, with bombings and subsequent ground incursions by U.S. troops. Eventually critics blamed Kissinger and Nixon for the destruction of Cambodia after the country fell to Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot, whose forces systematically murdered millions of Cambodians. On the political left, some commentators branded the president and his secretary of state war criminals.
When Nixon's 1974 resignation resulted in the succession of Gerald R. Ford as president, Ford kept Kissinger as both secretary of state and national security adviser. But Kissinger faced mounting criticism in the media and Congress. More revelations came to light: Kissinger had secretly authorized Central Intelligence Agency operations to overthrow the government of Chile and to support rebels in Angola. He was also attacked for having used wiretaps of federal employees in order to stop security leaks. Whereas Congress had listened attentively to Kissinger during the Nixon administration, the allure of his Realpolitik was fading in the more cautious, less interventionist post-Vietnam era. He left office in 1976 with his influence at an all-time low.
In private life Kissinger continued to be active in international affairs. He taught, served as a consultant, and often commented in the media on foreign policy, while also writing two popular memoirs: White House Years (1980) and Years of Upheaval (1982). President Ronald Reagan briefly lured Kissinger back into public life in 1983, appointing him to head a commission to make policy recommendations on Latin America.
Quotes By:
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Henry Kissinger
Quotes:
"Each success only buys an admission ticket to a more difficult problem."
"Even a paranoid can have enemies."
"It is, after all, the responsibility of the expert to operate the familiar and that of the leader to transcend it."
"We cannot always assure the future of our friends; we have a better chance of assuring our future if we remember who our friends are."
"For other nations, utopia is a blessed past never to be recovered; for Americans it is just beyond the horizon."
"If you don't know where you are going, every road will get you nowhere."
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Henry Kissinger
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Henry Kissinger
| Henry Kissinger | |
|---|---|
 |
|
| 56th United States Secretary of State | |
| In office September 22, 1973 – January 20, 1977 |
|
| President | Richard Nixon Gerald Ford |
| Deputy | Kenneth Rush Robert S. Ingersoll Charles W. Robinson |
| Preceded by | William P. Rogers |
| Succeeded by | Cyrus Vance |
| 8th US National Security Advisor | |
| In office January 20, 1969 – November 3, 1975 |
|
| President | Richard Nixon Gerald Ford |
| Preceded by | Walt Rostow |
| Succeeded by | Brent Scowcroft |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Heinz Alfred Kissinger May 27, 1923 Fürth, Bavaria, Germany[1] |
| Political party | Republican |
| Spouse(s) | Ann Fleischer (1949-64) Nancy Maginnes (1974-present) |
| Alma mater | City College of New York Harvard University |
| Profession | Diplomat, political scientist, businessman, writer |
| Religion | Judaism |
| Signature |  |
| Military service | |
| Service/branch | US Army |
| Rank | Sergeant |
| Unit | 970th Counter Intelligence Corps |
Heinz Alfred "Henry" Kissinger (
/ˈkɪsɪndʒər/;[2] born May 27, 1923) is a German-born American writer, political scientist, diplomat, and businessman. A recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, he served as National Security Advisor and later concurrently as Secretary of State in the administrations of Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. After his term, his opinion was still sought by many subsequent presidents and many world leaders.
A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. During this period, he pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, orchestrated the opening of relations with the People's Republic of China, and negotiated the Paris Peace Accords, ending American involvement in the Vietnam War. Various American policies of that era, including the bombing of Cambodia, remain controversial to many.
Kissinger is still a controversial figure today.[3] He is the founder and chairman of Kissinger Associates, an international consulting firm.
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Early life
Kissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger in Fürth, Bavaria, Germany in 1923 during the Weimar Republic to a family of German Jews. His father, Louis Kissinger (1887–1982) was a schoolteacher. His mother, Paula Stern Kissinger (1901–1998), was a homemaker. Kissinger has a younger brother, Walter Kissinger. The surname Kissinger was adopted in 1817 by his great-great-grandfather Meyer Löb, after the Bavarian spa town of Bad Kissingen.[4] As a youth, Heinz enjoyed playing soccer, and even played for the youth side of one of the nation's best teams at the time, SpVgg Fürth.[5] In 1938, fleeing Nazi persecution, his family moved to New York.
Kissinger spent his high school years in the Washington Heights section of upper Manhattan as part of the German Jewish immigrant community there. Although Kissinger assimilated quickly into American culture, he never lost his pronounced Frankish accent, due to childhood shyness that made him hesitant to speak.[6][7] Following his first year at George Washington High School, he began attending school at night and worked in a shave brush factory during the day.[6]
Following high school, Kissinger enrolled in the City College of New York, studying accounting. He excelled academically as a part-time student, continuing to work while enrolled. His studies were interrupted in early 1943, when he was drafted into the U.S. Army.[8]
Army experience
Kissinger underwent basic training at Camp Croft in Spartanburg, South Carolina, where he was naturalized upon arrival. The Army sent him to study engineering at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, but the program was cancelled, and Kissinger was reassigned to the 84th Infantry Division. There, he made the acquaintance of Fritz Kraemer, a fellow immigrant from Germany who despite the age difference, noted Kissinger's fluency in German and his intellect, and arranged for him to be assigned to the military intelligence section of the division. Kissinger saw combat with the division, and volunteered for hazardous intelligence duties during the Battle of the Bulge.[9]
During the American advance into Germany, Kissinger, only a private, was put in charge of the administration of the city of Krefeld, owing to a lack of German speakers on the division's intelligence staff. Within eight days he had established a civilian administration.[10] Kissinger was then reassigned to the Counter Intelligence Corps, with the rank of Sergeant. He was given charge of a team in Hanover assigned to tracking down Gestapo officers and other saboteurs, for which he was awarded the Bronze Star.[11] In June 1945, Kissinger was made commandant of a CIC detachment in the Bergstrasse district of Hesse, with responsibility for de-Nazification of the district. Although he possessed absolute authority and powers of arrest, Kissinger took care to avoid abuses against the local population by his command.[12]
In 1946, Kissinger was reassigned to teach at the European Command Intelligence School at Camp King, continuing to serve in this role as a civilian employee following his separation from the Army.[13][14]
Academic career
Henry Kissinger received his A.B. degree summa cum laude in political science at Harvard College in 1950, where he lived in Adams House and studied under William Yandell Elliott.[15] He received his M.A. and Ph.D. degrees at Harvard University in 1952 and 1954, respectively. In 1952, while still at Harvard, he served as a consultant to the Director of the Psychological Strategy Board.[16] His doctoral dissertation was titled "Peace, Legitimacy, and the Equilibrium (A Study of the Statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich)."
Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government and at the Center for International Affairs. He became Associate Director of the latter in 1957. In 1955, he was a consultant to the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board.[16] During 1955 and 1956, he was also Study Director in Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. He released his book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy the following year.[17] From 1956 to 1958 he worked for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund as director of its Special Studies Project.[16] He was Director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971. He was also Director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971. Outside of academia, he served as a consultant to several government agencies, including the Operations Research Office, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and the Department of State, and the Rand Corporation, a think-tank.[16]
Keen to have a greater influence on US foreign policy, Kissinger became a supporter of, and advisor to, Nelson Rockefeller, Governor of New York, who sought the Republican nomination for President in 1960, 1964 and 1968.[18] After Richard Nixon won the presidency in 1968, he made Kissinger National Security Advisor.
Foreign policy
Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon, and continued as Secretary of State under Nixon's successor Gerald Ford.[19]
A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. In that period, he extended the policy of détente. This policy led to a significant relaxation in U.S.-Soviet tensions and played a crucial role in 1971 talks with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. The talks concluded with a rapprochement between the United States and the People's Republic of China, and the formation of a new strategic anti-Soviet Sino-American alignment. He was awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for helping to establish a ceasefire and U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. The ceasefire, however, was not durable.[20] As National Security Advisor, in 1974 Kissinger directed the much-debated National Security Study Memorandum 200.
Détente and the opening to China
As National Security Advisor under Nixon, Kissinger pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, seeking a relaxation in tensions between the two superpowers. As a part of this strategy, he negotiated the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (culminating in the SALT I treaty) and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party. Negotiations about strategic disarmament were originally supposed to start under the Johnson Administration but were postponed in protest to the invasion by Warsaw Pact troops of Czechoslovakia in August 1968.
Kissinger sought to place diplomatic pressure on the Soviet Union. He made two trips to the People's Republic of China in July and October, 1971 (the first of which was made in secret) to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai, then in charge of Chinese foreign policy. The USC U.S.-China Institute has collected documents relating to the diplomatic efforts between 1969 and 1971 that led to this successful trip.[21] According to Kissinger's book, "The White House Years", the first secret China trip was arranged through Pakistan's diplomatic and Presidential involvement that paved the way to initial vital contact with the Chinese, since the Americans were unable to communicate directly with the Chinese leaders because of earlier cold relations.
This paved the way for the groundbreaking 1972 summit between Nixon, Zhou, and Communist Party of China Chairman Mao Zedong, as well as the formalization of relations between the two countries, ending 23 years of diplomatic isolation and mutual hostility. The result was the formation of a tacit strategic anti-Soviet alliance between China and the United States.
While Kissinger's diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of Liaison Offices in the Chinese and American capitals, with serious implications for Indochinese matters, full normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China would not occur until 1979, because the Watergate scandal overshadowed the latter years of the Nixon presidency and because the United States continued to recognize the government of Taiwan.
Vietnam War
Main article: Vietnam War
Kissinger's involvement in Indochina started prior to his appointment as National Security Adviser to Nixon. While still at Harvard, he had worked as a consultant on foreign policy to both the White House and State Department. Kissinger says that "In August 1965... [Henry Cabot Lodge], an old friend serving as Ambassador to Saigon, had asked me to visit Vietnam as his consultant. I toured Vietnam first for two weeks in October and November 1965, again for about ten days in July 1966, and a third time for a few days in October 1966... Lodge gave me a free hand to look into any subject of my choice". He became convinced of the meaninglessness of military victories in Vietnam, "...unless they brought about a political reality that could survive our ultimate withdrawal".[22] In a 1967 peace initiative, he would mediate between Washington and Hanoi.
Nixon had been elected in 1968 on the promise of achieving "peace with honor" and ending the Vietnam War. In office, and assisted by Kissinger, Nixon implemented a policy of Vietnamization that aimed to gradually withdraw US troops while expanding the combat role of the enabling South Vietnamese Army so that it would be capable of independently defending its government against the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam, a Communist guerrilla organization, and North Vietnamese army (Vietnam People's Army or PAVN). Kissinger played a key role in a secret bombing campaign in Cambodia to disrupt PAVN and Viet Cong units launching raids into South Vietnam from within Cambodia's borders and resupplying their forces by using the Ho Chi Minh trail and other routes, as well as the 1970 Cambodian Incursion and subsequent widespread bombing of Cambodia. The bombing campaign contributed to the chaos of the Cambodian Civil War, which saw the forces of dictator Lon Nol unable to retain foreign support to combat the growing Khmer Rouge insurgency that would overthrow him in 1975.[23][24] Documents uncovered from the Soviet archives after 1991 reveal that the North Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1970 was launched at the explicit request of the Khmer Rouge and negotiated by Pol Pot's then second in command, Nuon Chea.[25] The American bombing of Cambodia killed an estimated 40,000 combatants and civilians.[26] Pol Pot biographer David Chandler argues that the bombing "had the effect the Americans wanted – it broke the Communist encirclement of Phnom Penh,"[27] while Christopher Hitchens asserts that the bombing may have increased recruitment for the Khmer Rouge.
Along with North Vietnamese Politburo Member Le Duc Tho, Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10, 1973, for their work in negotiating the ceasefires contained in the Paris Peace Accords on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam," signed the January previous.[20] Tho rejected the award, telling Kissinger that peace had not been really restored in South Vietnam.[28] Kissinger wrote to the Nobel Committee that he accepted the award "with humility."[29][30] The conflict continued until an invasion of the South by the North Vietnamese Army resulted in a North Vietnamese victory in 1975 and the subsequent progression of the Pathet Lao in Laos towards figurehead status.
See also: Cambodian Civil War
1971 India-Pakistan War
Main article: Indo-Pakistan War
Under Kissinger's guidance, the United States government supported Pakistan in the Liberation War of Bangladesh in 1971. Kissinger was particularly concerned about the expansion of Soviet influence in South Asia as a result of a treaty of friendship recently signed by India and the USSR, and sought to demonstrate to the People's Republic of China (Pakistan's ally and an enemy of both India and the USSR) the value of a tacit alliance with the United States.[31]
In recent years, Kissinger has come under fire for private comments he made to Nixon during the Bangladesh-Pakistan War in which he described then-Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as a " bitch" and a "witch". He also said "The Indians are bastards," shortly before the war.[32] Kissinger has since expressed his regret over the comments.[33]
Israeli policy and Soviet Jewry
According to notes taken by H. R. Haldeman, Nixon "ordered his aides to exclude all Jewish-Americans from policy-making on Israel," including Kissinger.[34] One note quotes Nixon as saying “get K. [Kissinger] out of the play — Haig handle it."[34]
In 1973, Kissinger did not feel that pressing the Soviet Union concerning the plight of Jews being persecuted there was in the interest of US foreign policy. In conversation with Nixon shortly after a meeting with Golda Meir on March 1, 1973, Kissinger stated, “The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy, and if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern. Maybe a humanitarian concern.”[35] Kissinger argued, however:
"That emigration existed at all was due to the actions of "realists" in the White House. Jewish emigration rose from 700 a year in 1969 to near 40,000 in 1972. The total in Nixon's first term was more than 100,000. To maintain this flow by quiet diplomacy, we never used these figures for political purposes....The issue became public because of the success of our Middle East policy when Egypt evicted Soviet advisers. To restore its relations with Cairo, the Soviet Union put a tax on Jewish emigration. There was no Jackson-Vanik Amendment until there was a successful emigration effort. Sen. Henry Jackson, for whom I had, and continue to have, high regard, sought to remove the tax with his amendment. We thought the continuation of our previous approach of quiet diplomacy was the wiser course....Events proved our judgment correct. Jewish emigration fell to about a third of its previous high."[36]
1973 Yom Kippur War
Main article: Yom Kippur War
Documents show that former United States Secretary of State Henry Kissinger delayed telling President Richard Nixon about the start of the Yom Kippur War in 1973 to keep him from interfering. On October 6, 1973, the Israelis informed Kissinger about the attack at 6 a.m.. Kissinger waited about 3 and a half hours passed before he informed Nixon.[37]
In 1973, Kissinger negotiated the end to the Yom Kippur War, which had begun on October 6, 1973 when Egypt and Syria attacked Israel. Kissinger has published lengthy and dramatic telephone transcripts from this period in the 2002 book Crisis. One week later, under Nixon's direction, and against Kissinger's initial opposition,[38] the US military conducted the largest military airlift in history to aid Israel on October 12, 1973. US action contributed to the 1973 oil crisis in the United States and its Western European allies, which ended in March 1974.
Israel regained the territory it lost in the early fighting and gained new territories from Syria and Egypt, including land in Syria east of the previously captured Golan Heights, and additionally on the western bank of the Suez Canal, although they did lose some territory on the eastern side of the Suez Canal that had been in Israeli hands since the end of the Six Day War. Kissinger pressured the Israelis to cede some of the newly captured land back to its Arab neighbours, contributing to the first phases of Israeli-Egyptian non-aggression. The move saw a warming in US–Egyptian relations, bitter since the 1950s, as the country moved away from its former independent stance and into a close partnership with the United States. The peace was finalized in 1978 when U.S. President Jimmy Carter mediated the Camp David Accords, during which Israel returned the Sinai Peninsula in exchange for an Egyptian agreement to recognize the state of Israel.
Latin American policy
See also: United States-Latin American relations
The United States continued to recognize and maintain relationships with non-left-wing governments, democratic and authoritarian alike. John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress was ended in 1973. In 1974, negotiations about new settlement over Panama Canal started. They eventually led to the Torrijos-Carter Treaties and handing the Canal over to Panamanian control.
Kissinger initially supported the normalization of United States-Cuba relations, broken since 1961 (all U.S.–Cuban trade was blocked in February 1962, a few weeks after the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States because of US pressure). However, he quickly changed his mind and followed Kennedy's policy. After the involvement of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces in the liberation struggles in Angola and Mozambique, Kissinger said that unless Cuba withdrew its forces relations would not be normalized. Cuba refused.
Intervention in Chile
Main article: United States intervention in Chile
Chilean Socialist Party presidential candidate Salvador Allende was elected by a plurality in 1970, causing serious concern in Washington, D.C. due to his openly socialist and pro-Cuban politics. The Nixon administration authorized the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to encourage a military coup that would prevent Allende's inauguration, but the plan was not successful.[39] The extent of Kissinger's involvement in or support of these plans is a subject of controversy.[40]
United States-Chile relations remained frosty during Salvador Allende's tenure, following the complete nationalization of the partially U.S.-owned copper mines and the Chilean subsidiary of the U.S.-based ITT Corporation, as well as other Chilean businesses. The U.S. claimed that the Chilean government had greatly undervalued fair compensation for the nationalization by subtracting what it deemed "excess profits". Therefore, the U.S. considered (but never actually implemented)[41] economic sanctions against Chile. The CIA also provided funding for the mass anti-government strikes in 1972 and 1973.
The CIA, acting under the approval of the 40 committee (which Kissinger chaired), was involved in various covert actions in Chile during this period: It tried to buy off the Chilean Congress to prevent Allende's appointment, worked to sway public opinion against him to prevent his election, and financed protests designed to bring the country to a stand-still and make him resign. The most expeditious way to prevent Allende from assuming office was somehow to convince the Chilean congress to confirm Jorge Alessandri as the winner of the election. Once elected by the congress, Alessandri—a party to the plot through intermediaries—was prepared to resign his presidency within a matter of days so that new elections could be held. This first, nonmilitary, approach to stopping Allende was called the Track I approach.[39] The CIA's second approach, the Track II approach, was designed to encourage a military overthrow. CIA agents told senior Chilean military officials that "the United States intended to cut military assistance to Chile unless they moved against Allende."[42]
The first attempt to engineer a military overthrow of Allende occurred in 1970. The CIA had been in contact with two groups of coup plotters, one group run by retired General Roberto Viaux and a second by active-duty General Camilo Valenzuela. The CIA had attempted to stop Viaux's group from moving forward until it had joined forces with Valenzuela's group. Both groups were attempting to remove Chilean general René Schneider, due to his support for military non-intervention in politics, and thus the appointment of Allende. The Church hearings found that the CIA gave weapons to a group of men who it knew had attacked him twice before, ostensibly as a test of loyalty so that the CIA would remain privy to their information, but that the weapons provided and the group thereby armed (Valenzuela's group) were not the ones who actually killed him (Viaux's group). On June 11, 1971, Kissinger and Nixon said the following in a private conversation:
- Kissinger: —when they did try to assassinate somebody, it took three attempts—
- Nixon: Yeah.
- Kissinger: —and he lived for three weeks afterwards.[43]
There are two possible interpretations of these remarks: a) Kissinger was telling the President that a military coup could not succeed in Chile because there were no officers both willing and able to carry one out; or b) the two men were mocking the CIA's squeamishness about killing Schneider.[43]
The Senate Intelligence Committee, in its investigation of the matter, concluded that since the machine guns supplied to Valenzuela had not actually been employed in the killing, and since General Viaux had been officially discouraged by the CIA a few days before the murder, there was therefore "no evidence of a plan to kill Schneider or that United States officials specifically anticipated that Schneider would be shot during the abduction." This view has been disputed by writer Christopher Hitchens.[44]
A Chilean Supreme Court investigation accused Allende of support of armed groups, torture, illegal arrests, muzzling the press, confiscating private property, and not allowing people to leave the country.[45]
On September 11, 1973, Allende died during a military coup launched by Army Commander-in-Chief Augusto Pinochet, who became President.[46] A document released by the CIA in 2000 titled "CIA Activities in Chile" revealed that the CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende and that it made many of Pinochet's officers into paid contacts of the CIA or US military, even though many were known to be involved in notorious human rights abuses,[47] until Democratic challenger Jimmy Carter defeated President Gerald Ford in 1976.
On September 16, 1973, five days after Pinochet had assumed power, the following exchange about the coup took place between Kissinger and President Nixon:
- Nixon: Nothing new of any importance or is there?
- Kissinger: Nothing of very great consequence. The Chilean thing is getting consolidated and of course the newspapers are bleeding because a pro-Communist government has been overthrown.
- Nixon: Isn't that something. Isn't that something.
- Kissinger: I mean instead of celebrating – in the Eisenhower period we would be heroes.
- Nixon: Well we didn't – as you know – our hand doesn't show on this one though.
- Kissinger: We didn't do it. I mean we helped them. [garbled] created the conditions as great as possible.
- Nixon: That is right. And that is the way it is going to be played.[48]
In 1976, Kissinger cancelled a letter that was to be sent to Chile warning them against carrying out any political assassinations. Orlando Letelier was then assassinated in Washington, D.C. with a car bomb on September 21, 1976, the day the letter was to be sent.[49] In an Aug. 30, 1976 memo, Shlaudeman discussed the possibility that the U.S. ambassador in Uruguay might be endangered by delivering a warning against assassination. The U.S. ambassador to Chile, David H. Popper, said that Pinochet might take as an insult any inference that he was connected with assassination plots.[50]
Kissinger has evaded legal summons by investigators in France, Spain, Chile and Argentina seeking to question him regarding his role in the disappearances of numerous citizens of the US and other nations, in regard to his involvement to Operation Condor.[51] These included requests in 2001 by Chilean High Court judge Juan Guzmán, and Argentine judge Rodolfo Canicoba, which were both ignored by Kissinger.[52][53] On May 28, 2001, police visited Kissinger at the Ritz Hotel, Paris and handed him a warrant, issued by Judge Roger LeLoire, requesting his testimony in the matter of 5 French citizens who had disappeared in Pinochet's Chile. Kissinger refused, referred the matter to the State Department, and left for Italy the next day, however the summons still stands.[54]
In addition to these summons, two cases against Kissinger were filed and dismissed. On September 10, 2001, the family of General Schneider initiated a civil action in federal court in Washington, DC, by claiming that Kissinger gave the agreement to murder Schneider because he had refused to endorse plans for a military coup against Allende. As part of the suit Schneider's two sons attempted to sue Kissinger and then-CIA director Richard Helms for $3 million. The United States District Court for the District of Columbia and the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit dismissed the case based on sovereign and diplomatic immunity, as well as the political question doctrine.[55] On November 13, 2002, 11 individuals who suffered grave human rights violations following the bloody coup that placed Pinochet in power brought suit against Henry Kissinger, the United States government, and Michael Vernon Townley for crimes against humanity, forced disappearance, torture, arbitrary detention, and wrongful death. The suit alleged that Henry Kissinger knowingly provided practical assistance and encouragement to the Chilean repressive regime before, during, and after the coup, with reckless disregard for the lives and well-being of the victims and their families. The United States District Court for the District of Columbia and the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit dismissed the case based on the same grounds as Schneider vs. Kissinger.[56]
Intervention in Argentina
Kissinger took a similar line as he had toward Chile when the Argentinian military, led by Jorge Videla, toppled the democratic government of Isabel Perón in 1976 with a process named as "National Reorganization Process" by the military, with which they consolidated power, launching brutal reprisals and "disappearances" against political opponents. During a meeting with Argentinian foreign minister César Augusto Guzzetti, Kissinger assured him that the United States was an ally, but urged him to "get back to normal procedures" quickly before the U.S. Congress reconvened and had a chance to consider sanctions.[57]
See also: National Reorganization Process
Africa
In 1974 a leftist military coup overthrew the Caetano government in Portugal in the Carnation Revolution. The National Salvation Junta, the new government, quickly granted Portugal's colonies independence. Cuban troops in Angola supported the left-wing Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in its fight against right-wing UNITA and FNLA rebels during the Angolan Civil War (1975–2002). Kissinger supported FNLA, led by Holden Roberto, and UNITA, led by Jonas Savimbi, the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) insurgencies, as well as the CIA-supported[citation needed] invasion of Angola by South African troops. The FNLA was defeated and UNITA was forced to take its fight into the bush. Only under Reagan's presidency would U.S. support for UNITA return.
In September 1976 Kissinger was actively involved in negotiations regarding the Rhodesian Bush War. Kissinger, along with South Africa's Prime Minister John Vorster, pressured Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith to hasten the transition to black majority rule in Rhodesia. With FRELIMO in control of Mozambique and even South Africa withdrawing its support, Rhodesia's isolation was nearly complete. According to Smith's autobiography, Kissinger told Smith of Mrs. Kissinger's admiration for him, but Smith stated that he thought Kissinger was asking him to sign Rhodesia's "death certificate". Kissinger, bringing the weight of the United States, and corralling other relevant parties to put pressure on Rhodesia, hastened the end of minority-rule.[citation needed]
East Timor
Main article: Indonesian occupation of East Timor
The Portuguese decolonization process brought US attention to the former Portuguese colony of East Timor, which lies within the Indonesian archipelago and declared its independence in 1975. Indonesian president Suharto was a strong US ally in Southeast Asia and began to mobilize the Indonesian army, preparing to annex the nascent state, which had become increasingly dominated by the popular leftist FRETILIN party. In December 1975, the day before the invasion, Suharto discussed the invasion plans during a meeting with Kissinger and President Ford in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta. Both Ford and Kissinger made clear that US relations with Indonesia would remain strong and that it would not object to the proposed annexation. US arms sales to Indonesia continued, and Suharto went ahead with the annexation plan.
Later roles
Shortly after Kissinger left office in 1977, he was offered an endowed chair at Columbia University. There was significant student opposition to the appointment, which eventually became a subject of significant media commentary. [58][59] Columbia cancelled the appointment as a result.
Kissinger was then appointed to Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies.[60] Kissinger published a dialogue with the Japanese religious leader, Daisaku Ikeda, On Peace, Life and Philosophy.[61] He taught at Georgetown's Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service for several years in the late 1970s. In 1982, with the help of a loan from the international banking firm of E.M. Warburg, Pincus and Company,[18] Kissinger founded a consulting firm, Kissinger Associates, and is a partner in affiliate Kissinger McLarty Associates with Mack McLarty, former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton.[62] He also serves on board of directors of Hollinger International, a Chicago-based newspaper group,[63] and as of March 1999, he also serves on board of directors of Gulfstream Aerospace.[64]
In 1978, Kissinger was named chairman of the North American Soccer League board of directors.[65] From 1995 to 2001, he served on the board of directors for Freeport-McMoRan, a multinational copper and gold producer with significant mining and milling operations in Papua, Indonesia.[66] In February 2000, then-president of Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid appointed Kissinger as a political advisor. He also serves as an honorary advisor to the United States-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce.
From 2000 - 2006, Kissinger served as chairman of the board of trustees of Eisenhower Fellowships. In 2006, upon his departure from Eisenhower Fellowships, he received the Dwight D. Eisenhower Medal for Leadership and Service.[67]
Role in U.S. foreign policy
Kissinger left office when a Democrat, former Governor of Georgia Jimmy Carter, defeated Republican Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential elections. Kissinger continued to participate in policy groups, such as the Trilateral Commission, and to maintain political consulting, speaking, and writing engagements. Along with David Rockefeller, he was instrumental in convincing President Carter to allow the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi into the United States to receive medical treatment, "a decision that led directly to the Iranian hostage crisis."[18]
In 2002, President George W. Bush appointed Kissinger to chair a committee to investigate the September 11 attacks.[citation needed] Kissinger stepped down as chairman on December 13, 2002 rather than reveal his client list, when queried about potential conflicts of interest.
The Balkans
In several articles of his and interviews that he gave during the Yugoslav wars, he criticized the United States' policies in the Balkans, among other things for the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign state, which he described as a foolish act.[68] Most importantly he dismissed the notion of Serbs, and Croats for that part, being aggressors or separatist, saying that "they can't be separating from something that has never existed".[69] In addition, he repeatedly warned the West of inserting itself into a conflict that has its roots at least hundreds of years back in time, and said that the West would do better if it allowed the Serbs and Croats to join their respective countries.[69]
This Kissinger position and statements provoked a large number of articles and was subjected to criticism in numerous books and studies by prominent authors such as Christopher Hitchens, Andras Riedlmayer, Michael A. Sells, Noel Malcolm, Norman Cigar, Rabia Ali, Lawrence Lifschultz.
Nonetheless, Kissinger shared similarly critical views on Western involvement in Kosovo. In particular, he held a disparaging view of the Rambouillet Agreement:
The Rambouillet text, which called on Serbia to admit NATO troops throughout Yugoslavia, was a provocation, an excuse to start bombing. Rambouillet is not a document that any Serb could have accepted. It was a terrible diplomatic document that should never have been presented in that form.—Henry Kissinger, Daily Telegraph, June 28, 1999
However, as the Serbs did not accept the Rambouillet text and NATO bombings started, he opted for a continuation of the bombing as NATO's credibility was now at stake, but dismissed the usage of ground forces, claiming that it was not worth it.[70]
Iraq
In 2006, it was reported in the book State of Denial by Bob Woodward that Kissinger was meeting regularly with President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney to offer advice on the Iraq War.[71] Kissinger confirmed in recorded interviews with Woodward[72] that the advice was the same as he had given in an August 12, 2005 column in The Washington Post: "Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy."[73]
In a November 19, 2006 interview at BBC Sunday AM, Kissinger said, when asked whether there is any hope left for a clear military victory in Iraq, "If you mean by 'military victory' an Iraqi Government that can be established and whose writ runs across the whole country, that gets the civil war under control and sectarian violence under control in a time period that the political processes of the democracies will support, I don't believe that is possible... I think we have to redefine the course. But I don't believe that the alternative is between military victory as it had been defined previously, or total withdrawal."[74]
In an April 3, 2008 interview by Peter Robinson of the Hoover Institution, Kissinger re-iterated that even though he supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq he thought that the Bush administration rested too much of the case for war on Saddam's supposed weapons of mass destruction. Robinson noted that Kissinger had criticized the administration for invading with too few troops, for disbanding the Iraqi Army, and for mishandling relations with certain allies.[75]
India
Kissinger said in April 2008 that "India has parallel objectives to the United States" and he called it an ally of the U.S.[75]
China
Kissinger was present at the opening ceremony of the Beijing Summer Olympics. He was also in the Chinese capital to attend the inauguration of the new US Embassy complex.[citation needed]
In 2011, Kissinger published On China, chronicling the evolution of Sino-American relations and laying out the challenges to a partnership of 'genuine strategic trust' between the U.S. and China.[76]
Iran
Kissinger's position on this issue of U.S.-Iran talks was reported by the Tehran Times to be that "Any direct talks between the U.S. and Iran on issues such as the nuclear dispute would be most likely to succeed if they first involved only diplomatic staff and progressed to the level of secretary of state before the heads of state meet."[77]
Public perception
At the height of Kissinger's prominence, many commented on his wit. In one instance, at the Washington Press Club annual congressional dinner, “Kissinger mocked his reputation as a secret swinger.”[78] He was quoted as saying “Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac.”[79]
Kissinger has shied away from mainstream media and cable talk shows. Recently, he granted a rare interview to the producers of a documentary examining the underpinnings of the 1979 peace treaty between Israel and Egypt entitled Back Door Channels: The Price of Peace.[80] In the film, a candid Kissinger reveals how close he felt the world was to nuclear war during the 1973 Yom Kippur War launched by Egypt and Syria against Israel.
A feature length documentary titled Kissinger, by British historian Niall Ferguson and produced by Chimerica Media, was released in 2011 on the National Geographic Channel.
Since he left office, some efforts have been made to hold Kissinger responsible for the perceived injustices of American foreign policy during his tenure in government. These charges have at times inconvenienced his travels.[81] Christopher Hitchens, the late British-American journalist and author, was highly critical of Kissinger, authoring The Trial of Henry Kissinger, in which Hitchens called for the prosecution of Kissinger “for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture.”[82][83][84][85]
Personal life
Kissinger first married Ann Fleischer, with whom he had two children, Elizabeth and David. They divorced in 1964. Ten years later, he married Nancy Maginnes.[86] They now live in Kent, Connecticut and New York City. David was an executive with NBC Universal before becoming head of Conaco, Conan O'Brien's production company.[87] Kissinger described Diplomacy as his favorite game in an interview published in a games magazine.[88]
Since his childhood, Kissinger has been a fan of his hometown's football club SpVgg Greuther Fürth. Even during his time in office, he always asked to be informed about the team's results every Monday morning. He is an honorary member of the club.[89]
Awards, honors and associations
In 1973, Kissinger and Le Duc Tho were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for the Paris Peace Accords of 1973, "intended to bring about a cease-fire in the Vietnam war and a withdrawal of the American forces," while serving as the United States Secretary of State. Unlike Tho, who refused it because Vietnam was still at war, Kissinger accepted it.
In 1976, Henry Kissinger was officially named to be the first honorary member of the Harlem Globetrotters.
On January 13, 1977, Kissinger was presented with the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Gerald Ford.
In 1980, Kissinger won the National Book Award in History[a] for the first volume of his memoirs, The White House Years.[90]
In 1995, he was appointed an honorary Knight Commander of the Order of the British Empire.[91]
In 1998, Kissinger became an honorary citizen of Fürth, Germany, his hometown. He has been a life-long supporter of the Spielvereinigung Greuther Fürth football club and is now an honorary member and has lifetime season tickets [3]. He served as Chancellor of the College of William and Mary from February 10, 2001 to the summer of 2005.
In 2000, Kissinger was awarded the Sylvanus Thayer Award at the United States Military Academy, West Point, NY.
In 2005, Kissinger was awarded a Gold Medal at the annual Queen Sofia Spanish Institute Gold Medal Gala.
In April 2006, Kissinger received the Woodrow Wilson Award for Public Service from the Woodrow Wilson Center of the Smithsonian Institution.
In June 2007, Kissinger received the Hopkins-Nanjing Award for his contributions to reestablishing Sino–American relations. This award was presented by the presidents of Nanjing University, Chen Jun, and of Johns Hopkins University, William Brody, during the 20th anniversary celebration of the Johns Hopkins University—Nanjing University Center for Chinese and American Studies also known as the Hopkins–Nanjing Center.
In September 2007, Kissinger was honored as Grand Marshal of the German-American Steuben Parade in New York City. He was celebrated by tens of thousands of spectators on Fifth Avenue. Former German Chancellor Helmut Kohl was supposed to be a co-Grand Marshal, but had to cancel due to health problems. Kohl was represented by Klaus Scharioth, German Ambassador in Washington, who led the Steuben Parade with Kissinger.
He was honored as the first recipient of the Ewald von Kleist Award of the Munich Conference on Security Policy.
In June 2011, Kissinger was honored by the American Council on Germany with a McCloy Lifetime Achievement Award for his contribution to transatlantic relations.
The 1st of March of 2012 he was awarded the President's Medal (Israel) the highest award of the State of Israel.
Kissinger is known to be a member of the following groups:
Writings: Major Books
Memoirs
- 1979. The White House Years. ISBN 0-316-49661-8 (National Book Award, History Hardcover)[90][a]
- 1982. Years of Upheaval. ISBN 0-316-28591-9
- 1999. Years of Renewal. ISBN 0-684-85571-2
Public policy
- 1957. Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy. ISBN 0-86531-745-3 (1984 edition)
- 1961. The Necessity for Choice: Prospects of American Foreign Policy. ISBN 0-06-012410-5
- 1965. The Troubled Partnership: A Re-Appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance. ISBN 0-07-034895-2
- 1969. American Foreign Policy: Three essays. ISBN 0-297-17933-0
- 1973. A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812-22. ISBN 0-395-17229-2
- 1981. For the Record: Selected Statements 1977-1980. ISBN 0-316-49663-4
- 1985 Observations: Selected Speeches and Essays 1982-1984. ISBN 0-316-49664-2
- 1994. Diplomacy. ISBN 0-671-65991-X
- 1999. Kissinger Transcripts: The Top Secret Talks With Beijing and Moscow (Henry Kissinger, William Burr). ISBN 1-56584-480-7
- 2001. Does America Need a Foreign Policy?: Toward a Diplomacy for the 21st Century. ISBN 0-684-85567-4
- 2002. Vietnam: A Personal History of America's Involvement in and Extrication from the Vietnam War. ISBN 0-7432-1916-3
- 2003. Crisis: The Anatomy of Two Major Foreign Policy Crises: Based on the Record of Henry Kissinger's Hitherto Secret Telephone Conversations. ISBN 0-7432-4910-0
- 2011. On China (New York: Penguin Press, 2011). ISBN 978-1-59420-271-1.
Notes
- ^ a b This was the 1980 award for hardcover History.
From 1980 to 1983 in National Book Award history there were dual hardcover and paperback awards in most categories, and multiple nonfiction subcategories. Most of the paperback award-winners were reprints, including the 1980 History.
References
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- ^ A press release issued by the 45th Munich Conference on Security Policy on February 8, 2009 declared "[H]is voice continues to bear weight and authority throughout the globe." see [1] Munich Security Conference - February 6, 2009 Press Release
- ^ "Die Kissingers in Bad Kissingen" (in German). Bayerischer Rundfunk. June 2, 2005. Archived from the original on 2007-09-29. http://web.archive.org/web/20070929145809/http://www.br-online.de/land-und-leute/artikel/0506/02-kissinger/index.xml?theme=print. Retrieved 2007-02-03.
- ^ Uli Hesse (17 February 2012). "Go Furth and conquer". ESPN Soccernet. http://soccernet.espn.go.com/columns/story/_/id/1022970/uli-hesse:-go-furth-and-conquer?cc=5901. Retrieved 3 May 2012.
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- ^ Dmitry Mosyakov, “The Khmer Rouge and the Vietnamese Communists: A History of Their Relations as Told in the Soviet Archives,” in Susan E. Cook, ed., Genocide in Cambodia and Rwanda (Yale Genocide Studies Program Monograph Series No. 1, 2004), p54ff. Available online at: http://128.36.236.77/workpaper/pdfs/GS20.pdf "In April–May 1970, many North Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in response to the call for help addressed to Vietnam not by Pol Pot, but by his deputy Nuon Chea. Nguyen Co Thach recalls: “Nuon Chea has asked for help and we have liberated five provinces of Cambodia in ten days.”"
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- ^ Lundestad, Geir (March 15, 2001). "The Nobel Peace Prize 1901-2000". Nobel Foundation. http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/articles/lundestad-review/index.html. Retrieved 2006-12-31.
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- ^ "150. Conversation Among President Nixon, the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger), and the President’s Chief of Staff (Haldeman), Washington, November 5, 1971, 8:15–9:00 a.m.". Foreign Relations, 1969–1976 (U.S. Department of State) E-7 (19). 2005. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e7/48529.htm. Retrieved December 30, 2006.
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- ^ a b Chait, Jonathan (2010-12-10) Nixon Disallowed Jewish Advisors From Discussing Israel Policy, The New Republic
- ^ Nagourney, Adam (10 December 2010). "In Tapes, Nixon Rails About Jews and Blacks". New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/11/us/politics/11nixon.html.
- ^ Kissinger, Henry. "Putting The Nixon Tape In Context." The Washington Post. Decemner 26, 2010. http://www.henryakissinger.com/articles/wp122610.html
- ^ http://www.haaretz.com/news/book-says-kissinger-delayed-telling-nixon-about-yom-kippur-war-1.217323
- ^ Siniver, Asaf (2008). Nixon, Kissinger, and U.S. Foreign Policy Making; The Machinery of Crisis. New York: Cambridge. p. 188. ISBN 978-0-521-89762-4 Hardback.
- ^ a b "Church Report". U.S. Department of State. December 18, 1975. http://foia.state.gov/Reports/ChurchReport.asp. Retrieved 2006-11-20.
- ^ Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders (1975), Church Committee, pages 246–247 and 250–254.
- ^ Falcoff, Mark, Kissinger and Chile, Commentary, 2003
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- ^ a b "Nixon and Kissinger joked over Chile assassination". The Washington Post. http://blog.washingtonpost.com/spy-talk/2010/07/nixon_tape_reveals_oval_office.html.
- ^ Hitchens, Christopher (2001-02-24). "Why has he got away with it? (Continued)". The Guardian (London). http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2001/feb/24/features.weekend.
- ^ "Declaration on the Breakdown of Chile's Democracy," Resolution of the Chamber of Deputies, Chile, August 22, 1973. See also The Wall Street Journal's "What Really Happened in Chile": http://www.lyd.com/noticias/violencia/what_really.html
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- ^ The Kissinger Telcons: Kissinger Telcons on Chile, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 123, edited by Peter Kornbluh, posted May 26, 2004. This particular dialogue can be found at TELCON: September 16, 1973, 11:50 a.m. Kissinger Talking to Nixon. Retrieved November 26, 2006.
- ^ "Cable Ties Kissinger to Chile Scandal". Associated Press in the New York Times. April 10, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2010/04/10/us/AP-US-Kissinger-Chile.html?_r=1&hp. Retrieved 2010-04-10. "As secretary of state, Henry Kissinger cancelled a U.S. warning against carrying out international political assassinations that was to have gone to Chile and two neighboring nations just days before a former ambassador was killed by Chilean agents on Washington's Embassy Row in 1976, a newly released State Department cable shows. Letelier was critical of Chilean government."[dead link]
- ^ Yost, Pete (April 10, 2010). "Cable ties Kissinger to Chile controversy". The Boston Globe. http://www.boston.com/news/nation/washington/articles/2010/04/10/cable_ties_kissinger_to_chile_controversy/.
- ^ icai - International Campaign against Impunity. Icai-online.org. Retrieved on 2011-11-25.
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- ^ "Kissinger accused over Chile plot". BBC News. September 11, 2001. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/1536547.stm. Retrieved 2011-08-14.
- ^ "Kissinger Watch #13 - 1". International Campaign Against Impunity. http://www.icai-online.org/69453,46136.html. Retrieved 2011-08-14.
- ^ KISSINGER TO THE ARGENTINE GENERALS IN 1976: "IF THERE ARE THINGS THAT HAVE TO BE DONE, YOU SHOULD DO THEM QUICKLY". Gwu.edu. Retrieved on 2011-11-25.
- ^ "400 sign petition against offering Kissinger faculty post". Columbia Spectator. 1977-03-03.
- ^ "Anthony Lewis of the Times also blasts former Secretary". Columbia Spectator. 1977-03-03.
- ^ "CSIS". CSIS. 2007. http://www.csis.org/about/history/#1960. Retrieved 2007-01-20.
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- ^ "Council of the Americas Member". Council of the Americas. Archived from the original on 2007-02-23. http://web.archive.org/web/20070223065840/http://www.americas-society.org/coa/membersnetwork/Kissinger.html. Retrieved 2007-01-05.
- ^ "Sun-Times Media Group Inc · 10-K/A". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. May 1, 2006. http://www.secinfo.com/$/SEC/Filing.asp?T=svrh.vs8_ffv. Retrieved 2006-12-29.
- ^ "Gulfstream Aerospace Corp, Form 10-K". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. March 29, 1999. http://www.secinfo.com/dRaBu.64v.htm#1bum. Retrieved 2006-12-29.
- ^ "Kissinger takes post as NASL chairman". the Victoria Advocate. October 5, 1978. http://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=861&dat=19781005&id=A0IOAAAAIBAJ&sjid=T38DAAAAIBAJ&pg=5631,1106083. Retrieved 2010-03-21.[dead link]
- ^ "Freeport McMoran Inc · 10-K". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. March 31, 1994. http://www.secinfo.com/dsVQx.b1sw.htm#1nhw. Retrieved 2006-12-29.
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- ^ a b "Charlie Rose - An interview with Henry Kissinger". www.charlierose.com. 1995-09-14. http://www.charlierose.com/view/interview/6651. Retrieved 2009-10-16.
- ^ "Charlie Rose - An hour with former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger". www.charlierose.com. 1999-04-12. http://www.charlierose.com/view/interview/4347. Retrieved 2009-10-16.
- ^ "Bob Woodward: Bush Misleads On Iraq". CBS News. October 1, 2006. Archived from the original on 2006-12-03. http://web.archive.org/web/20061203004011/http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2006/09/28/60minutes/printable2047607.shtml. Retrieved 2006-12-29.
- ^ Woodward, Bob (October 1, 2006). "Secret Reports Dispute White House Optimism". The Washington Post. pp. A01. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/09/30/AR2006093000293_pf.html. Retrieved 2006-12-29.
- ^ Kissinger, Henry A. (August 12, 2005). "Lessons for an Exit Strategy". The Washington Post. pp. A19. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/08/11/AR2005081101756_pf.html. Retrieved 2006-12-29.
- ^ Marr, Andrew (November 19, 2006). "US Policy on Iraq". BBC. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/sunday_am/6163050.stm. Retrieved 2006-12-29. (Transcript of a BBC Sunday AM interview.)
- ^ a b Kissinger on War & More. Uncommon Knowledge. Filmed on April 3, 2008. Retrieved August 10, 2009.
- ^ Friedberg, Aaron. "The Unrealistic Realist". The New Republic. http://www.tnr.com/article/books/magazine/91893/henry-kissinger-on-china?page=0,0. Retrieved 22 July 2011.
- ^ "Kissinger backs direct U.S. negotiations with Iran". The Tehran Times. September 27, 2008. http://www.tehrantimes.com/index_View.asp?code=165193. Retrieved 2008-09-27. (Transcript of a Bloomberg reportinterview.)
- ^ "Henry Kissinger Off Duty." Time, February 7, 1972.
- ^ "Henry A. Kissinger Quotes". Brainy Quote. http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/h/henryakis101648.html. Retrieved 2006-12-29.
- ^ "TV Festival 2009 : Opening Film". Tvfestival.net. http://www.tvfestival.net/content/Opening-Film/openUK.php. Retrieved 2010-03-10.
- ^ Why the law wants a word with Kissinger, Fairfax Digital, April 30, 2002 (English)
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- ^ The Case Against Henry Kissinger Part One by Christopher Hitchens. Thirdworldtraveler.com. Retrieved on 2011-11-25.
- ^ Show us the papers, Hitchens. Henry Kissinger has finally met his match in Christopher Hitchens. But do they deserve each other? Frances Stonor Saunders goes into battle with two mighty egos. New Statesman. Retrieved on 2011-11-25.
- ^ Christopher Hitchens: Latest Nixon tape buries Kissinger’s reputation | Full Comment | National Post. Fullcomment.nationalpost.com. Retrieved on 2011-11-25.
- ^ "Somebody to Come Home To". Time Magazine. April 8, 1974. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,908532,00.html.
- ^ "NBC Universal Television Studio Co-President David Kissinger Joins Conaco Productions as New President" (Press release). NBC Universal Television Studio. 2005-05-25. http://www.thefutoncritic.com/news.aspx?id=20050525nuts02.
- ^ Games & Puzzles magazine, May 1973.
- ^ Der berühmteste Fan - Henry A. Kissinger (German) kleeblatt-chronik.de, accessed: 25 February 2012
- ^ a b "National Book Awards – 1980". National Book Foundation. Retrieved 2012-03-16.
- ^ Kissinger, Henry Alfred in Who's Who in the Twentieth Century, Oxford University Press, 1999
- ^ "Lifetime Trustees". The Aspen Institute. www.aspeninstitute.org. http://www.aspeninstitute.org/about/leadership-board/lifetime-trustees. Retrieved 2009-10-16.
- ^ "Western Issues Aired". The Washington Post. April 24, 1978. "The three-day 26th Bilderberg Meeting concluded at a secluded cluster of shingled buildings in what was once a farmer's field. Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Carter's national security adviser, Swedish Prime Minister Thorbjorrn Falldin, former secretary of state Henry Kissinger and NATO Commander Alexander M. Haig Jr. were among 104 North American and European leaders at the conference."
- ^ "Bilderberg 2011 list of participants". BilderbergMeetings.org. http://www.bilderbergmeetings.org/participants_2011.html. Retrieved August 24, 2011.
- ^ "A Guide to the Bohemian Grove". Vanity Fair. April 1, 2009. http://www.vanityfair.com/style/features/2009/05/bohemian-grove-guide200905?currentPage=2. Retrieved 2009-04-18.
- ^ "History of CFR - Council on Foreign Relations". www.cfr.org. http://www.cfr.org/about/history/cfr/appendix.html. Retrieved 2009-10-16.
Further reading
Biographies
- 1973. Graubard, Stephen Richards, Kissinger: Portrait of a Mind. ISBN 0-393-05481-0
- 1974. Kalb, Marvin L. and Kalb, Bernard, Kissinger, ISBN 0-316-48221-8
- 1974. Schlafly, Phyllis, Kissinger on the Couch. Arlington House Publishers. ISBN 0-87000-216-3
- 1983. Hersh, Seymour, The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House, Summit Books. ISBN 0-671-50688-9. (Awards: National Book Critics Circle, General Non-Fiction Award. Best Book of the Year: New York Times Book Review; Newsweek; San Francisco Chronicle)
- 1992. Isaacson, Walter. Kissinger: A Biography. New York. Simon & Schuster (updated, 2005). ISBN 0-671-66323-2
- 2004. Hanhimäki, Jussi. The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy. ISBN 0-19-517221-3
- 2007. Kurz, Evi. Die Kissinger-Saga. ISBN 978-3-940405-70-8
- 2009. Kurz, Evi. The Kissinger-Saga - Walter and Henry Kissinger. Two Brothers from Fuerth, Germany. London. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-297-85675-7.
Other
- Avner, Yehuda, The Prime Ministers: An Intimate Narrative of Israeli Leadership, 2010. ISBN 978-1-59264-278-6
- Benedetti, Amedeo, Lezioni di politica di Henry Kissinger. Linguaggio, pensiero ed aforismi del più abile politico di fine Novecento, Genova, Erga, 2005, ISBN 88-8163-391-4
- Berman, Larry, No peace, no honor. Nixon, Kissinger, and Betrayal in Vietnam, New York, NY u.a.: Free Press, 2001. ISBN 0-684-84968-2.
- Dallek, Robert, Nixon and Kissinger: Partners in Power. HarperCollins, 2007. ISBN 0-06-072230-4
- Graebner, Norman A. "Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy: A Contemporary Appraisal." Conspectus of History 1.2 (1975).
- Hanhimäki, Jussi M., 'Dr. Kissinger' or 'Mr. Henry'? Kissingerology, Thirty Years and Counting', in: Diplomatic History, Vol. 27, Issue 5, pp. 637–76.
- Hitchens, Christopher, The Trial of Henry Kissinger, 2002. ISBN 1-85984-631-9
- Klitzing, Holger, The Nemesis of Stability. Henry A. Kissinger's Ambivalent Relationship with Germany. Trier: WVT 2007, ISBN 3-88476-942-1
- Shannon E. Mohan. "Memorandum for Mr. Bundy": Henry Kissinger as Consultant to the Kennedy National Security Council," Historian, 71,2 (2009), 234-257.
- Morris, Roger, Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy. Harper and Row, ISBN 0-06-013097-0
- Schmidt, Helmut, On Men and Power: A Political Memoir.1990. ISBN 0-224-02715-8
- Schulzinger, Robert D. Henry Kissinger. Doctor of Diplomacy. New York: Columbia University Press, 1989. ISBN 0-231-06952-9
- Shawcross, William, Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon, and the Destruction of Cambodia (Revised edition October 2002) ISBN 0-8154-1224-X.
- Suri, Jeremi, Henry Kissinger and the American Century (Harvard, Belknap Press, 2007), ISBN 978-0-674-02579-0.
- Thornton, Richard C., The Nixon-Kissinger Years: Reshaping of America's Foreign Policy. 1989. ISBN 0-88702-051-8
- Tucker, Nancy Bernkopf, Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China, 2005. ISBN 978-0-231-13565-8
External links
 |
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Henry Kissinger |
 |
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Henry Kissinger |
- Annotated Bibliography for Henry Kissinger from the Alsos Digital Library for Nuclear Issues
- Official Website of Henry A. Kissinger
- Henry Kissinger at the Internet Movie Database
- "Charlie Rose" A conversation with Henry Kissinger, December 16, 2008
- Henry Kissinger speaks at the Asia Society, NYC, February, 2007
- Kissinger's political donations
- NPR: Kissinger Speech at National Press Club. Towards the end [55:55], he responds to Hitchens.
- The Kissinger Saga. Henry and Walter: Two Brothers from Fuerth/Germany. Documentary, 90 min. (unabridged version), first time aired: Bayerischer Rundfunk (Bavarian Broadcasting Network), January 21, 2007. Summary
- Producer of 'The Kissinger-Saga, Walter and Henry Kissinger - Two Brothers from Fuerth/Germany'
- СССР TV: "In the wake of Kissinger's visit (1976)" (in Russian)
- Linkage and Arms Control. Interview conducted on November 26, 1986 for the War and Peace in the Nuclear Age series.
- Henry Kissinger interviewed by Mike Wallace on The Mike Wallace Interview July 13, 1958
- Uncommon Knowledge: Henry Kissinger
- Interview with CNN's Fareed Zakaria
- Kissinger talks about Vladimir Putin
- "Kissinger Speaks Out On Foreign Policy"
- Henry Kissinger interviewed by Peter Krogh on American Interests, 1981
- "Kissinger interviewed with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton by Charlie Rose as inaugural episode of Rose's 'Conversations on Diplomacy' series"
| Legal offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by Walt Rostow |
United States National Security Advisor 1969-1974 |
Succeeded by Brent Scowcroft |
| Political offices | ||
| Preceded by William P. Rogers |
United States Secretary of State Served under: Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford 1973-1977 |
Succeeded by Cyrus Vance |
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