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Histadrut

 

Israeli federation of labor.

The Histadrut - full name in Hebrew, ha-Histadrut ha-Kelalit shel ha-Oevdim ha-Ivriʾim be-EretzYisrael (The General Organization of the Jewish Workers in Eretz-Yisrael) - was founded in 1920, with a membership of 5,000. In 1930 it had 28,000 members; in 1940, 112,000; in 1950, 352,000; in 1960, 689,000; in 1970, 1,038,000; and in 1980, 1,417,000. By 1992 it had approximately 1.6 million members.

The Histadrut, which has often been called a state within the state, acts as an umbrella organization for trade unions. It has also played an important role in the development of agriculture, wholesale and retail marketing of food and other products, rural settlement, industry, construction and housing, industry, banking, insurance, transportation, water, health, and social services.

Following the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, the Histadrut handed some of its educational functions as well as its employment exchanges to the government. In recent years, it has sold a number of commercial concerns to the private sector.

In the 1920s, under the British mandate, the Histadrut's role was to help develop the Jewish economy in Palestine. To this end, in 1921 it set up Bank Hapoalim (The Workers' Bank), and in 1923, Hevrat Ovdim (The Workers' Company or Cooperative Federation) was founded. This was to become a holding company for most of the Histadrut's wide range of economic enterprises.

By 1927, when the Solel Boneh construction and industrial group first went bankrupt, the importance of reinvesting profits and maintaining an independent capital base was understood. From the late 1920s onward, economic enterprises were directed toward capital accumulation so as to avoid reliance on outside sources of finance. Solel Boneh, as well as being the largest construction company in the pre-independence period, had investments in industry. Its subsidiary, Koor, owned the Phoenicia glass works, the Vulcan foundry, and other industrial companies. The policy of financial independence was successful until the 1980s, when a number of Histadrut bodies got into serious financial difficulties.

By 1930 the retail cooperative, Hamashbir; the insurance company, Hasneh; and other groups were incorporated into Hevrat Ovdim. The Histadrut had become both a large employer as well as a trade union body. The basic structure has remained unchanged since the 1920s, but attitudes toward profits and dismissing workers have become more pragmatic and less socialist since the late 1980s.

Although about three-quarters of all wage earners in Israel are members of the Histadrut, this includes many who do no more than pay dues to its health fund, Kupat Holim Kelalit, the largest fund in the country. A share of the membership fee is passed on to the Histadrut by the health fund. Members of kibbutzim and other cooperatives are also automatically enrolled, as are those working in Histadrut enterprises. Although far fewer are, therefore, voluntary members, about 85 percent of the labor force is covered by collective labor agreements negotiated by the Histadrut. About forty trade unions, representing a wide range of blue- and white-collar workers in the public and private sectors, are affiliated. While the Histadrut is highly centralized, professional workers' unions have a high degree of autonomy.

Elections are held every four years on a political party base, and the Labor Party and its allies have had a majority since the Histadrut's foundation. Each party, in proportion to its share of the votes cast, nominates delegates to a forum that elects the central committee. The latter consists of members of the ruling coalition alone. Workers' committees at plant level are elected annually or biannually.

The Histadrut and its affiliated organizations (such as the kibbutzim) in 1991 were responsible for about 16 percent of industrial output, and 14 percent of industrial investment in Israel. Exports of these industries came to US$1.4 billion.

In that year, it was also responsible for 80 percent of agricultural output and exports, about 38 percent of the assets of the banking system (through Bank Hapoalim), 9 percent of insurance companies' assets (through Hasneh), the construction of 8 percent of homes being built, as well as large shares of retailing and wholesaling through its producer cooperatives and marketing organizations. It operated most of the country's buses through two large cooperatives and, both directly and through the kibbutzim, had a range of hotels and guest houses. About 70 percent of the population were members of Kupat Holim Kelalit, which provides medical insurance and services through clinics and hospitals. The Histadrut owns the Davar daily newspaper and a publishing company and has interests in the shipping and airline industries. Finally through Bank Hapoalim, it has large shareholdings in joint ventures with private sector industry.

During the 1980s, many of the Histadrut's companies and affiliates ran into serious financial difficulties. These included Koor, the kibbutzim, Kupat Holim Kelalit, and Bank Hapoalim. In all these cases, the government provided financial assistance and forced management changes. It remains to be seen if the Histadrut can regain control of these groups by buying shares back from the government or by other means.

The Histadrut's position in Israel has weakened both politically and economically. It has been weakened by grassroots alienation, by the dominance of right-wing parties in the Knesset between 1977 and 1992, and by its own lack of a clear socioeconomic message. It has faced serious financial difficulties in many of its economic enterprises and has had to be bailed out by Likud and Labor governments. The Labor Party has distanced itself from the bureaucracy of the Histadrut, which it considers an electoral hindrance. This would have been inconceivable in the first half of the twentieth century.

Bibliography

Broido, Ephraim. "Jewish Palestine: The Social Fabric." In Palestine's Economic Future, edited by Joseph Burton Hobman. London: P.L. Humphries, 1946.

Preuss, Walter. The Labour Movement in Israel: Past and Present, 3d edition. Jerusalem: R. Mass, 1965.

Rivlin, Paul. The Israeli Economy. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992.

Shalev, Michael. Labour and the Political Economy in Israel. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.

Sternhell, Zeev. The Founding Myths of Israel: Nationalism, Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish State. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998.

PAUL RIVLIN

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Wikipedia: Histadrut
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Histadrut
Histadrut logo.png
General Federation of Labour in Israel
HaHistadrut HaKlalit shel HaOvdim B'Eretz Yisrael
Founded 1920
Members 650,000
Country Israel
Affiliation ITUC
Key people Ofer Einy, chairman
Office location Tel-Aviv, Israel
Website www.histadrut.org.il

The Histadrut ("Federation" [of labour]) or HaHistadrut HaKlalit shel HaOvdim B'Eretz Yisrael (Hebrew: ההסתדרות הכללית של העובדים בארץ ישראל‎, lit. "General Federation of Laborers in the Land of Israel") is the Israeli trade union congress.

It was founded in December 1920 in Haifa as a Jewish trade union which would also provide services for members such as an employment exchange, sick pay, and consumer benefits. Its initial goals were to provide a federation for all Jewish workers in the British Mandate of Palestine, promote land settlement, promote workers' rights against management and to promote Jewish employment despite the lower wages paid to Arabs. The Histadrut had approximately 4,400 members in 1920 and grew to 8,394 members in 1922 or just over half of the Jewish working class. By 1927 the body claimed 25,000 members or 75% of the Jewish workforce in Mandatory Palestine.

The Histradrut became one of the most powerful institutions in the state of Israel, a mainstay of the Labour Zionist movement and, aside from being a trade union, its state-building role made it the owner of a number of businesses and factories and, for a time, the largest employer in the country.

Through its economic arm, Hevrat HaOvdim ("Society of Workers"), the Histadrut owned and operated a number of enterprises, including the country's largest industrial conglomerates as well as the country's largest bank, Bank HaPoalim. The Histadrut also provided a comprehensive health care system (see Clalit).

Its membership in 1983 was 1,600,000 (including dependants), accounting for more than one-third of the total population of Israel and about 85 percent of all wage earners. About 170,000 Histadrut members were Arabs (who were admitted to membership starting in 1959). In 1989, the Histadrut was the employer of approximately 280,000 workers.

On September 17, 2009 the Trades Union Congress of Britain criticised Histadrut’s public backing of operation Cast Lead saying: “The TUC condemns the Histadrut statement of 13 January 2009 which backed the attacks on Gaza and showed insufficient concern for the level of civilian casualties” [1]

With the increasing liberalisation of the Israeli economy since the 1980s, the role and size of Histradrut has declined though it still remains a powerful force in Israeli society and the nation's economy.

Contents

The Histadrut during the Mandate

Until 1920 the two main labor parties of the Second Aliyah (1904–1914), Ahdut HaAvoda and Hapoel Hatzair, had been unable to set up a unified workers organisation. Ahdut HaAvoda was a "moderately socialist" labor party, while Hapoel Hatzair was a non-socialist labor party.[2] Both parties were primarily nationalist parties.[3] In 1920 Third Aliyah (1919–1923) immigrants founded the Labor Legion (Gdud HaAvoda) and demanded a unified organisation for all workers. According to Tzahor this forced the issue for the old parties, upon which the Histadrut was founded in December 1920. Despite the participation of the new immigrants the Second Aliyah leaders also became the leaders of the Histadrut.[4] According to Tzahor the Second Aliyah leaders were afraid the Third Aliyah immigrants wanted to emulate the Bolshevik revolution, while their own experience had taught them to preserve a balance between grand aspirations and realistic possibilities, and that it was better to focus on constructive action.[5]

Histadrut membership[6]
year members percent of Jewish workforce
1920 4,415 ...
1923 8,394 45
1927 22,538 68
1933 35,389 75
1939 100,000 75
1947 176,000 ...

The initial aim of the Histadrut was to take responsibility for all spheres of activity of the workers movement: settlement, defense, trade unions, education, housing construction, health, banking, cooperative ventures, welfare and even culture.[7] The Histadrut took over economic firms operated by the parties, which operated by subcontracting, and their Office of Information, which was expanded into a Labor Exchange. Already after a few months the Histadrut became the single largest employer in the Yishuv. The Histadrut succeeded in improving worker's rights as e.g. the right to strike was recognised, employers had to motivate dismissal and workers got a place to turn to with their complaints.

In the first year of its existence the Histadrut lacked central leadership, and many initiatives were taken at the local level. This changed after David Ben-Gurion became appointed in the General Secretariat. Ben-Gurion wanted to transform the Histadrut into a national instrument for the realisation of Zionism.[8] According to Zeev Sternhell[9] Ben-Gurion's exclusive commitment to this goal is illustrated by a December 1922 quote:

[...] Our central problem is immigration ... and not adapting our lives to this or that doctrine. [...] How can we run our Zionist movement in such a way that [... we] will be able to carry out the conquest of the land by the Jewish worker, and which will find the resources to organise the massive immigration and settlement of workers through their own capabilities? The creation of a new Zionist movement, a Zionist movement of workers, is the first prerequisite for the fulfillment of Zionism. [...] Without [such] a new Zionist movement that is entirely at our disposal, there is no future or hope for our activities

Ben-Gurion transformed the Histadrut in a few months. He set up a well-defined hierarchy and reduced the competencies of local workers' councils. He also centralised the collection of membership dues, most of which were formerly used up by local branches.[8]

Absorption of immigration was seen as a very important task of the Histadrut. Providing immigrants with work was often seen as more important than the financial soundness of its operations. The labor leaders saw failure to absorb immigrants as a moral bankruptcy that was much worse than financial bankruptcy. In 1924 the Histadrut's Office for Public Works collapsed and went bankrupt, and in 1927 the same happened to its successor, the privatised Sollel Boneh. In both cases the Zionist Executive bailed them out and recognised the deficit in the category of "expenses for immigration absorption". The Zionist Executive, sharing the goal of stimulating immigration with the Histadrut, had to do this because beside the Histadrut there was no other organisation in Palestine with the ability to absorb immigrants.[4]

By 1930 the Histadrut had become the central organisation of the Yishuv. It did what the Zionist Executive wanted, but was unable to do: absorb immigrants and organise agricultural settlement, defense and expansion into new areas of production. According to Tzahor the Histadrut had become "the executive arm of the Zionist movement - but an arm acting on its own". It had become a "state in the making".[10]

According to Tzahor, while the Histadrut focussed on constructive action, its leaders did not "abandon fundamental ideological principles".[10] However according to Ze'ev Sternhell in his book The Founding Myths of Israel, the labor leaders had already abandoned socialist principles by 1920 and only used them as "mobilizing myths".

References

  1. ^ http://www.thejc.com/news/uk-news/tuc-the-israel-statement-full
  2. ^ The Birth of Israel, 1945-1949: Ben-Gurion and His Critics, Joseph Heller, p.7
  3. ^ Z. Sternhell, 'The founding myths of Israel', 1998, ISBN 0-691-01694-1, p. 179–80
  4. ^ a b Z. Tzahor, 'The Histadrut', in 'Essential papers on Zionism', 1996, Reinharz & Shapira (eds.) ISBN0-8147-7449-0
  5. ^ Z. Tzahor, 'The Histadrut', in 'Essential papers on Zionism', 1996, Reinharz & Shapira (eds.) ISBN0-8147-7449-0, p.504
  6. ^ Z. Sternhell, 'The founding myths of Israel', 1998, p. 3-36, ISBN 0-691-01694-1, p. 179-80
  7. ^ Z. Tzahor, 'The Histadrut', in 'Essential papers on Zionism', 1996, Reinharz & Shapira (eds.) ISBN0-8147-7449-0, p. 476
  8. ^ a b Z. Tzahor, 'The Histadrut', in 'Essential papers on Zionism', 1996, Reinharz & Shapira (eds.) ISBN0-8147-7449-0, p. 486
  9. ^ Z. Sternhell, 'The founding myths of Israel', 1998, p. 3-36, ISBN 0-691-01694-1
  10. ^ a b Z. Tzahor, 'The Histadrut', in 'Essential papers on Zionism', 1996, Reinharz & Shapira (eds.) ISBN0-8147-7449-0, p. 505–506

See also

External links


 
 
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Israel: Political Parties In
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Koor Industries

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