Hubert Horatio Humphrey, Jr. (May 27, 1911 –
January 13, 1978) was the thirty-eighth Vice President of the United States, serving under President Lyndon Johnson. Humphrey twice served as a United States
Senator from Minnesota, and served as Democratic Majority Whip. He was a founder of the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party and Americans for Democratic Action. He also served as mayor of Minneapolis, Minnesota, 1945–1949. In 1968, Humphrey was the nominee of the Democratic Party in the United States presidential election but narrowly lost to the Republican nominee, Richard M. Nixon.
In a renowned speech, Humphrey told the 1948 Democratic National
Convention, "The time has arrived in America for the Democratic Party to get out of the shadows of states' rights and walk
forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights," winning support for a pro-civil-rights plank in the Party's platform.
Early years
Humphrey was born in Wallace, Codington County, South Dakota. He was the son of
Hubert Humphrey, Sr. and Ragnild Kristine Sannes, who was Norwegian.[1] Humphrey spent most of his youth in the small town of Doland, South Dakota on the Dakota prairie. His father was the town pharmacist and a community leader; he served as Doland's mayor and as a town council member. In the late
1920s a severe economic downturn hit Doland; both of the town's banks closed and Humphrey's father struggled to keep his
drugstore open. After his son graduated from Doland's high school, Hubert, Sr. left Doland and opened a new drugstore in the
larger town of Huron, South Dakota, where he hoped to improve his fortunes. As a
result of the family's financial struggles, Hubert had to leave the University
of Minnesota after just one year to help his father in the new drugstore. He quickly earned a pharmacist's license from
the Drew College of Pharmacy in Denver, Colorado, and spent the years from 1930 to 1937
helping his father run the family drugstore. He was a brother of Phi Delta Chi, a
professional pharmaceutical fraternity and also Alpha Phi Alpha. Over time the "Humphrey Drug Company" in Huron became a
profitable enterprise and the family was able to prosper again.
However, Hubert did not enjoy working as a pharmacist, and his dream remained to earn a doctorate in political science and become a college professor. In
1937 he returned to the University of Minnesota and earned a bachelor's degree in 1939. He also earned a master's degree from
Louisiana State University in 1940, serving as an assistant instructor of
political science there. One of his classmates was Russell B. Long, a future senator
from Louisiana. He then became an instructor and graduate student at the University of
Minnesota from 1940 to 1941 (joining the American Federation of
Teachers), and was a supervisor for the Works Progress
Administration (WPA). Humphrey would soon become active in Minneapolis
politics, and as a result he never finished his Ph.D..
Marriage and family
In 1934 Hubert began dating Muriel Buck; she was a bookkeeper and graduate of local
Huron College. They were married in 1936 and remained married until Humphrey's death
nearly 42 years later. They had four children: Hubert Humphrey III, Nancy, Robert, and
Douglas. Through most of his years as a U.S. Senator and Vice-President his home was located in a modest middle-class housing
development in Chevy Chase, Maryland, a suburb of Washington, D.C.. In the 1960s Hubert and Muriel used their savings to build a lakefront home in
Waverly, Minnesota, some forty miles west of Minneapolis.
City and state politics (1942–1948)
During World War II, Humphrey tried twice to join the armed forces, but was rejected both times due to a hernia. Instead, he
served in an administrative capacity in a variety of wartime government agencies; he also worked as a college instructor. In 1942
he was the state director of new production training and reemployment and chief of the Minnesota war service program. In 1943 he
was the assistant director of the War Manpower Commission. From 1943-1944 Humphrey was a professor in political science at
Macalester College in St. Paul and
from 1944-1945 he was a news commentator for a Minneapolis radio station.
In 1943, Humphrey made his first run for elective office, for mayor of
Minneapolis. Although he lost, his poorly-funded campaign still captured over 47%
of the vote. In 1944, Humphrey was the one of the key players in the merger of the Democratic and Farmer-Labor
parties of Minnesota to form the Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party (DFL). When in 1945 Minnesota Communists attempted to seize control of the new party, Humphrey became an engaged anti-Communist and led the successful fight to oust the Communists from the DFL.
After the war, he again ran for mayor of Minneapolis and won the election with 61% of the vote.
He served as mayor from 1945–1949. He was re-elected in 1947 by the largest margin in the city's history to that time. Humphrey
gained national fame during these years by becoming one of the founders of the liberal anti-communist Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) and for reforming the Minneapolis police force. Previously, the city had been declared the antisemitism
capital of the country and the small African-American population of the city
encountered numerous instances of racial discrimination. Humphrey worked hard to end these examples of racism, and his tenure as
mayor would be famous for his efforts to fight bigotry in all its forms.
The 1948 Democratic National Convention
The national Democratic Party of 1948 was split between liberals who thought the federal
government should assertively guarantee civil rights for non-whites and southern conservatives who thought the states should be
able to choose what civil rights their citizens would enjoy (the "states' rights"
position).
At the 1948 Democratic National Convention, the party platform reflected this division and contained only platitudes in favor of civil rights. Though the
incumbent President Harry S Truman had already issued a detailed 10-point Civil
Rights Program calling for aggressive federal action on the issue of civil rights, he gave his backing to the party
establishment's platform that was a replication of the 1944 Democratic
National Convention plank on civil rights.
A diverse coalition opposed this tepid platform, including anti-communist liberals like Humphrey, Paul Douglas and John Shelley, all of whom would later become known
as leading progressives in the Democratic Party. These liberals proposed adding a "minority plank" to the party platform that
would commit the Democratic Party to a more aggressive opposition to racial
segregation. The minority plank called for federal legislation against lynching, an end
to legalized school segregation in the South, and ending job discrimination based on skin color. Also strongly backing the
liberal civil rights plank were Democratic urban bosses like Ed Flynn of the Bronx, who promised the votes of northeastern delegates to Humphrey's platform, Jacob Arvey of Chicago, and David Lawrence of Pittsburgh. Although viewed as being
conservatives, these urban bosses believed that Northern Democrats could gain many black votes by supporting civil rights, and
that losses among anti-civil rights Southern Democrats would be relatively small. Though many scholars have suggested that labor
unions were leading figures in this coalition, no significant labor leaders attended the convention, with the exception of the
heads of the Congress of Industrial Organizations Political Action Committee (CIOPAC), Jack Kroll and A.F. Whitney.
Despite aggressive pressure by Truman's aides to avoid forcing the issue on the Convention floor, Humphrey chose to speak on
behalf of the minority plank. In a renowned speech, Humphrey passionately told the Convention, "To those who say, my friends, to
those who say, that we are rushing this issue of civil rights, I say to them we are 172 years too late! To those who say, this
civil rights program is an infringement on states' rights, I say this: the time has arrived in America for the Democratic Party
to get out of the shadow of states' rights and walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights!" Humphrey and his
allies succeeded; the pro-civil-rights plank was narrowly adopted.
As a result of the Convention's vote, the Mississippi and one half of the
Alabama delegation walked out of the hall. Many Southern Democrats were so enraged at this
affront to their "way of life" that they formed the Dixiecrat party and nominated their own
presidential candidate, Governor Strom Thurmond of South
Carolina. The goal of the Dixiecrats was to take several Southern states away from Truman and thus cause his defeat. The
Southern Democrats reasoned that after such a defeat the national Democratic Party would never again aggressively pursue a
pro-civil rights agenda. However, this move actually backfired. Although the strong civil rights plank adopted at the Convention
cost Truman the support of the Dixiecrats, it gained him important votes from blacks, especially in large northern cities. As a
result Truman won a stunning upset victory over his Republican
opponent, Thomas E. Dewey. Truman's victory demonstrated that the Democratic Party no
longer needed the "Solid South" to win presidential elections, and thus weakened Southern Democrats instead of strengthening
their position. Pulitzer Prize-winning historian David
McCullough has written that Humphrey probably did more to get Truman elected in 1948 than anyone other than Truman
himself.
The Happy Warrior (1948–1964)
Minnesota elected Humphrey to the United States Senate in 1948 on the DFL
ticket, and he took office on January 3, 1949. Humphrey's father
died that year, and Humphrey stopped using the "Jr." suffix on his name. He was re-elected in 1954 and 1960. His
colleagues selected him as majority whip in 1961, a
position he held until he left the Senate on December
29, 1964 to assume the vice presidency. During this period, he served in the
81st, 82nd,
83rd, 84th,
85th, 86th,
87th, and a portion of the 88th Congress.
Initially, Humphrey's support of civil rights led to him being ostracized by Southern Democrats, who dominated most of the
Senate leadership positions and who wanted to punish Humphrey for proposing the successful civil rights platform at the 1948
Convention. However, Humphrey refused to be intimidated and stood his ground; his passion and eloquence eventually earned him the
respect of even most of the Southerners. Humphrey became known for his advocacy of liberal
causes (such as civil rights, arms control, a
nuclear test ban, food stamps, and
humanitarian foreign aid), and for his long and witty speeches. During the period of
McCarthyism (1950–1954), Humphrey was accused of being "soft on Communism," despite having been one of the founders of the anti-communist liberal organization
Americans for Democratic Action, having been a staunch supporter of the
Truman Administration's efforts to combat the growth of the Soviet Union, and having fought
Communist political activities in Minnesota and elsewhere. In 1954 Humphrey proposed to make mere membership in the
Communist Party a felony — a proposal that failed. He was chairman of the
Select Committee on Disarmament (84th and 85th Congresses). As
Democratic whip in the Senate in 1964, Humphrey was instrumental in the passage of the
Civil Rights Act of that year. Humphrey's consistently cheerful and upbeat
demeanor, and his forceful advocacy of liberal causes, led him to be nicknamed "The Happy Warrior" by many of his Senate
colleagues and political journalists.
Presidential and Vice-Presidential ambitions (1952–1964)
As one of the most respected members of the U.S. Senate, Humphrey ran for the Democratic presidential
nomination twice before his election to the Vice Presidency in 1964. The first time was as Minnesota's "favorite son" in 1952,
where he received only 26 votes on the first ballot; the second time was in 1960. In between these two presidential bids, Senator
Humphrey was part of the free-for-all for the vice-presidential nomination at the 1956 Democratic National Convention, where he received 134 votes on the first ballot
and 74 on the second.
In 1960, Humphrey ran again for the Democratic presidential nomination against fellow Senator John F. Kennedy in the primaries. Their first meeting was in the Wisconsin primary, where Kennedy's well-organized and well-funded campaign defeated Humphrey's energetic but
poorly-funded effort. Kennedy's attractive brothers, sisters, and wife combed the state looking for votes, at one point Humphrey
memorably complained that he "felt like an independent merchant running against a chain store." Kennedy won the Wisconsin
primary, but by a smaller margin than anticipated; some commentators argued that Kennedy's victory margin had come almost
entirely from areas that were heavily Roman Catholic, and that Protestants actually supported Humphrey. As a result, Humphrey refused to quit the race and decided to run
against Kennedy again in the West Virginia primary. Humphrey calculated that his
midwestern populist roots and Protestant religion (he was a Congregationalist)
would appeal to the state's disenfranchised voters more than the Ivy League and Catholic
millionaire's son, Kennedy. But Kennedy led comfortably until the issue turned to religion. When asked why he was quickly losing
ground in polls, one adviser explained to Kennedy, "no one knew you were a Catholic then."
Kennedy chose to engage the religion issue head-on. In radio broadcasts, he carefully repositioned the issue from one of
Catholic versus Protestant to tolerance versus intolerance. Kennedy appealed to West
Virginia's long-held revulsion for prejudice and placed Humphrey, who had championed tolerance his entire career, on the
defensive; Kennedy attacked him with a vengeance. Franklin D. Roosevelt,
Jr., the son of the former President, stumped for Kennedy in West Virginia and raised the issue of Humphrey's failure to
serve in the armed forces in World War II (Humphrey had tried to serve but had been rejected for medical reasons). Humphrey, who
was short on funds, could not match the well-financed Kennedy operation; Humphrey traveled around the state in a cold, rented bus
while Kennedy and his staff flew around West Virginia in a large, modern, family-owned airplane. There were also accusations
(both by Humphrey and numerous historians) that the Kennedys "bought" the West Virginia primary by paying bribes to county
sheriffs and other local officials to give Kennedy the vote, however these accusations have never been conclusively proven.
Kennedy defeated Humphrey soundly, winning 60.8% of the vote in that state. That evening, Humphrey announced that he was no
longer a candidate for the presidency. By winning the West Virginia primary, Kennedy was able to overcome the belief that
Protestant voters would not elect a Catholic candidate to the Presidency and thus sewed up the Democratic nomination for
President.[2]
Humphrey did win the South Dakota and District of Columbia primaries, which JFK did not enter. At the 1960 Democratic
Convention he received 41 votes even though he was no longer an active presidential candidate.
At the 1964 Democratic National Convention, Lyndon Johnson kept the three likely vice presidential candidates, Connecticut Senator
Thomas Dodd, fellow Minnesota Senator Eugene
McCarthy, and Humphrey, as well as the rest of the nation in suspense before announcing Humphrey as his running-mate with
much fan-fare, praising Humphrey's qualifications for a considerable amount of time before announcing his name.
The following day Humphrey's acceptance speech overshadowed Johnson's own acceptance address:
Hubert warmed up with a long tribute to the President, then hit his stride as he began a rhythmic jabbing and chopping at
Barry Goldwater. "Most Democrats and Republicans in the Senate voted for an $11.5 billion tax cut for American citizens and
American business," he cried, "but not Senator Goldwater. Most Democrats and Republicans in the Senate—in fact four-fifths of the
members of his own party —voted for the Civil Rights Act, but not Senator Goldwater." Time after time, he capped his indictments
with the drumbeat cry: "But not Senator Goldwater!" The delegates caught the cadence and took up the chant. A quizzical smile
spread across Humphrey's face, then turned to a laugh of triumph. Hubert was in fine form. He knew it. The delegates knew it. And
no one could deny that Hubert Humphrey would be a formidable political antagonist in the weeks ahead.[3]
In 1964, the Johnson/Humphrey ticket won overwhelmingly,
garnering 486 electoral votes out of 538. Minnesota voted for the Democratic ticket; only five Southern states and Goldwater's
home state of Arizona supported the Republican ticket.
The Vice Presidency
Vice President Humphrey bust
Humphrey took office on January 20, 1965. As Vice President,
Humphrey was controversial for his complete and vocal loyalty to Johnson and the policies of the Johnson Administration, even as
many of Humphrey's liberal admirers opposed Johnson with increasing fervor with respect to Johnson's policies during the
war in Vietnam. Many of Humphrey's liberal friends and allies over the years abandoned him
because of his refusal to publicly criticize Johnson's Vietnam War policies. Humphrey's critics later learned that Johnson had
threatened Humphrey — Johnson told Humphrey that if he publicly opposed his Administration's Vietnam War policy, he would destroy
Humphrey's chances to become President by opposing his nomination at the next Democratic Convention. However, Humphrey's critics
were vocal and persistent - even his nickname, the Happy Warrior, was used against him. The nickname referred not to his military
hawkishness but rather to his crusading for social welfare and civil rights programs.
In Germany, Humphrey indirectly earned fame during an April 1967 visit when some
hippies, armed with what looked like a bomb, planned to cause trouble at the place Humphrey was
to speak. However, the "bomb" contained nothing but pudding, and the plan was foiled by the police. The would-be vandals were
dubbed "assassins" and "ten little Oswalds" in some
widely-read right-leaning German newspapers; this characterization sparked riots by left-wing student activists. The well-known left-wing journalist
Ulrike Meinhof wrote in the Konkret at the time; "It is
thought rude to throw custard pies at politicians, but not to welcome politicians who have villages wiped out and cities
bombed...napalm yes, custard, no." This "pudding assassination" thus became an early defining
moment of the German part of the May 1968 movement, many of whose leaders moved into national politics later.
The 1968 Presidential election
As 1968 began it looked as if President Johnson, despite the rapidly-increasing unpopularity of his Vietnam War policies,
would easily win the Democratic nomination for a second time. Humphrey indicated to Johnson that he would like to be his running
mate again. However, in the New Hampshire primary Johnson was nearly defeated by Senator
Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota; McCarthy had challenged
Johnson on an anti-war platform. A few days later Senator Robert Kennedy of
New York also entered the race on an anti-war platform. On March
31, 1968, a week before the Wisconsin primary, where the polls predicted a loss to McCarthy, President Lyndon B. Johnson stunned the nation by withdrawing from his race for a second term. Humphrey
immediately re-evaluated his position, and then announced his presidential candidacy in late April 1968. Many people saw Humphrey
as Johnson's stand-in; he won major backing from the nation's labor unions and other
Democratic groups that were troubled by young antiwar protestors and the social unrest around the nation. Humphrey avoided the
primaries and concentrated on winning delegates in non-primary states; by June he was seen as the clear front-runner for the
nomination. However, following his victory over McCarthy in the California
primary, it appeared that if Kennedy could unite the forces opposed to the Vietnam War that he could possibly beat Humphrey for
the nomination. However, the night of the California primary, Senator Kennedy was assassinated. With the support of Mayor
Richard J. Daley, Humphrey and his running mate,
Ed Muskie went on to easily win the Democratic nomination at the party convention in Chicago,
Illinois. Unfortunately for Humphrey's presidential chances, outside the convention hall there
were riots and protests by thousands of antiwar demonstrators, some of
whom favored Eugene McCarthy, George McGovern,
or other "anti-war" candidates. These antiwar protestors - most of whom were young college students - were attacked and beaten on
live television by Chicago police. Humphrey's inaction during the riots, and the turmoil within the Democratic Party, created
divisions that Humphrey was never able to overcome in the general election, despite a vigorous and forceful campaign. Humphrey
was also hurt by the third-party campaign of former Alabama Governor George Wallace, a Southern Democrat whose veiled racism and militant
opposition to antiwar protestors attracted millions of Northern and Midwestern blue-collar votes that would otherwise have probably gone to Humphrey.
Humphrey lost the 1968 election to Richard M. Nixon. His campaign was hurt in part because Humphrey had secured the presidential nomination
without entering a single primary. In later years, changes to the party rules made such an outcome virtually impossible. During
his underdog campaign, Humphrey grew on voters, who saw a kind of transparent decency as well as a mind that quickly grasped
complicated issues. Starting out substantially behind Nixon in the polls, he had almost closed the gap by election day. Humphrey
lost the election by 0.7 % of the popular vote: 43.4% (31,783,783 votes) for Nixon to 42.7% (31,271,839 votes) for Humphrey, with
13.5% (9,901,118 votes) for George Wallace of Alabama.
In the electoral college Humphrey carried 13 states with 191 electoral votes, to Nixon's 32 states and 301 electoral votes, and
Wallace's 5 states and 46 electoral votes (270 were needed to win).
While he was Vice President, Hubert Humphrey was the subject of a satirical song by songwriter/musician Tom Lehrer entitled "Whatever Became of Hubert?" ("I wonder how many people here tonight remember Hubert
Humphrey. He used to be a senator..."). The song addressed how some liberals
and progressives felt let down by Humphrey, who had become a much more mute figure as Vice
President than he had been as a senator. The song goes "Whatever became of Hubert? Has anyone heard a thing? Once he shone on
his own, now he sits home alone and waits for the phone to ring. Once a fiery liberal spirit, ah, but now when he speaks he must
clear it. ..."
Immensely admired by associates and members of his staff, Humphrey could not break loose from the domination of Lyndon
Johnson. The combination of the unpopularity of Johnson, the Chicago riots, and the discouragement of liberals and
African-Americans when both Robert F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. were assassinated during the election year caused him to lose to a
candidate many thought less qualified to be president.The war that Humphrey was saddled with in the Johnson Administration
continued until the mid-1970s.
Post-Vice Presidency (1969–1978)
Teaching and return to the Senate
After leaving the Vice-Presidency, Humphrey utilized his talents by teaching at Macalester College and the University of
Minnesota, and by serving as chairman of board of consultants at the Encyclopædia Britannica Educational Corporation.
Initially he had not planned to return to political life, but an unexpected opportunity changed his mind. Eugene McCarthy, a DFL U.S. Senator from Minnesota who was up for
re-election in 1970, realized that he had only a slim chance of
winning even re-nomination (he had angered his party by opposing Johnson and Humphrey for the 1968 presidential nomination), and
declined to run. Humphrey won the DFL nomination and the election, and returned to the U.S. Senate on January 3, 1971. He was re-elected in 1976, and remained in office until his death. In a rarity in politics Humphrey
served as a Senator by holding both seats in his state (Class I and Class II). This time he served in the 92nd, 93rd, 94th, and a portion of the 95th
Congress.
- See also: US
Congressional Delegations from Minnesota
In 1972, Humphrey once again ran for the Democratic nomination for president. He was defeated by Senator George McGovern in several primaries, and was trailing in delegates at the 1972 Democratic National Convention in Miami
Beach, Florida. His hopes rested on challenges to the credentials of some of the McGovern delegates. For example, the
Humphrey forces argued that the winner-take-all rule for the California
primary violated procedural reforms intended to produce a better reflection of the popular vote, the reason that the
Illinois delegation was bounced. The effort failed, as several votes on delegate credentials
went McGovern's way, guaranteeing his victory.
Humphrey also briefly considered mounting a campaign for the Democratic nomination from the Convention once again in
1976, when the primaries seemed likely to result in a deadlock, but
ultimately decided against it. At the conclusion of the Democratic primary process that year, even with Jimmy Carter having requisite number of delegates needed to secure his nomination, many still wanted
Humphrey to announce his availability for a "draft" movement. However, he did not do so, and Carter easily secured the nomination
on the first round of balloting. What wasn't known to the general public was that Humphrey already knew he had terminal
cancer.
Deputy President pro tempore of the Senate (1976–1978)
In 1974, along with Rep. Augustus Hawkins of California, Humphrey authored Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act, the first attempt at full employment
legislation. The original bill proposed to guarantee full employment to all citizens over 16 and set up a permanent system of
public jobs to meet that goal. A watered-down version called the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act passed the House
and Senate in 1978. It set the goal of 4 percent unemployment and 3 percent inflation and instructed the Federal Reserve Board to try to produce those goals when making policy decisions.
Humphrey ran for Majority Leader after the 1976 election
but lost to Robert Byrd of West Virginia. The Senate
honored Humphrey by creating the post of Deputy President pro
tempore of the Senate for him. On August 16, 1977,
Humphrey revealed his terminal cancer to the public. On October 25, 1977, he addressed the Senate, and on November 3, 1977, Humphrey became the first person other than a member or the president to address the House of Representatives in session. President
Carter honored him by giving him command of Air Force One for his final trip
to Washington on October 23. One of Humphrey's speeches contained the lines "It was once said
that the moral test of Government is how that Government treats those who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in
the twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in the shadows of life, the sick, the needy and the handicapped," which is
sometimes described as the "liberals' mantra."
Humphrey spent his last weeks calling old political acquaintances on a special long-distance telephone his family had given
him. He also placed a call to his former foe in the 1968 presidential election, Richard Nixon, only to learn the depressed state
of the Nixons. Disturbed by this, he called back to Nixon to invite the former president to his upcoming funeral, which Nixon
accepted. After his death at home in Waverly, Minnesota, he lay in state in the
rotunda of both the U.S. Capitol and of the Minnesota State Capitol. His body was interred in Lakewood
Cemetery, Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Humphrey's wife, Muriel Humphrey, was appointed by the state governor to finish her
husband's term in office.
Honors